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CHINESE-JAPANESE LIBRARY
HARVARD-YENCHING
INSTITUTE
HYL(W)
DS
19
.HSe
(pt.2
div.2)
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
HISTORY ./^MONGOLS
FROM THE 9fA TO THE i9th CENTURY.
Part II.
THE SO-CALLED TARTABS OF RUSSIA
AND CENTRAL ASIA.
Division II.
■Y
Henry H. Howorth, f.s.a.
LONDON :
Longmans, Green, and Co.
i88a
mff^^j^f-
CHMEK • JAP/kNESE USaAtT 0>
HMNAM . VeNCHim INCTITUTt
AT MIWM umwniTY
DK 20 1938
DS 19 .H69 1970X « ^
Howorth, Henry H. 1842-1923.
History of the Mongols
CONTENTS.
Chapter Vlll. Tlie White Horde end the Kirghiz Kazak*. - 627— fi8!^
Girai Khan and Janibeg Khan. •- •"•••- - — .•«. — —'627
1^ 3 ^t ID pW i\r) T1 •■ — *——••■—•*•*—••••••*•*••«■ •••••-•«•••••«•«•« ••••■••••••^•«««« •••«•• •••••■•••«•••••••• •*••• ••«•»«••*•• ^^0€a
&^iimash or Biba.sh Khan. " — - -631
jlacir or lahir K.np.'n,——-"- ••—■•••• ..« ...»«-.~...^..~...«— ..«^ « "•"•■681"
Uziak Ahmccl K.h3.n- ** *• -«...~— ..- ..~~ -...„~^.^^..« » "632
tt^ wr 1^1 r^ ^f) Y* iV. i)f^Y\ •■■••■«*••• •••■*'•»♦•**••*•••—»■> «■—■■•■ I —■>•»•— aw^^* ■••«••••»«*• ■■■■■*•— ♦♦■•••^ '***^******^^^^?
^% "il /^?i 1 IV n?l T\ a ^>— *■••**•« ••■■■■ ••«*■ •••*«■ •••«•• •«w*»*»i**»*« •••••■« •••*•«••••■ ••»•«• ••••• *«•«•»*•««•••■•••■ • ■■••* ••••• Cs_"C*i
I ^^\' K ^^ I iV. kTS TT ••«•••••••••>••«•••••••«• ••»«•«•••••• *••••*••«••• «•••«>•••••••••••••««••••••••••••**«•••••••*«•• • ****** *****'tI^'vI'%
I Sl\i fn wv f^A T^ •*•••••—»•**—•» •-•«••-•••••« ■•■••' »■-•••- ■—•»»■ — ■*»»»■» •«•*•■ »•■■*• •••••••••«•'*«••••«••••«•■••■••••••• •••••<AK ^it
i i?i V ic 3^ iv xi ^ n. •■■■■•■■■> ai*! ■»<•»•■■■•■■■■■*■ p«« >■■■■»■>■ I »•«. ■^^ »•>•»«»»»•■»»••«»— « ••••«• •«••«••••«•>••»«•* ••••• fl .lo
'i he Middle Horde. • • ^12
Bulat Khan or Shemiaka. — 642
Abul Ma.khinet Kh^.n. 643
V P,ji jvn&ii« •^^-*— ..•«...*..«..-«-.-«..^.-— ^ ..^....••.**.-*.^^.*^.^.^.^ ^. — •*'650
Nurali Khan. - - -601
£»rali Khan. ••*" — — — - •*" — '-— — — -609
/VicnuvaX JkJnan. .-..*.«.— .^....^.....»..~....... ~>..„^...».m_.^ 670
Jantiura Khan* - - — 671
Shirgazy Khan.-- - 672
o
The Great Horde. <573
Notes. - — - -679
Chapter IX. The Uzbegs m Maveia Un Nehr, Balkh,
and Khokand. G8G -875
The Abulkhairids. 68(>
Abiilkhair Khan.-- GSG
Muhamraed Abulfath Sheibani Khan. C91
Kuchkunji Khan. 713
Abusaid Khan. - 719
UbeiduHa Khan. 720
AbduUa Khan I. 72:^
Abdul Latif Khan. — ~ - 723
Nauruz Ahmed Khan. - - •• 726
Pir Muh:^.mmed Khan. -. 7£9
Izkander Khan. 730
AbduUa Khan II.- 733
Abdul Mumin Khan. 738
Pir Muhammed Khan IT. ■ 739
The Janids or Astrakhanids. 743
Baki Muhammed Khan. 743
Vali Muhammed Khan. - 74G
Seyid Imaum KuU Behadur Khan. - 747
Seyid Nadir Muhammed Behidur Khan. 751
Seyid Abdul Azis Khan. — 752
Seyid Subkan KuU Khan. ^ - 755
Seyid Ubeidulla Khan. - 7G0
Se}'id Abulfaiz Muhammed Khrn. 7G2
Seyid Abdul Mumin Muhammed Khrn. - 7G5
Ubeidulla Khan 111. - - 7GG
Muhammed Rahim Behadvtr Khrn. - 7GG
Seyid Abulghazi Khan. •- 7G7
The Haidarids or Manguts. - - 780
Seyid Amir Haidar. 780
Mir Hussein. •* - - - 7S7
Mir Omar. — - — - - 788
Mir Nasrul la. •- - - - 790
Mir Muzaffar Ud Din. - - S09
Khokand and Tashkend. 8IG
Narbuteh Bi. - 817
5
Alina Khrn. - - - 819
Muhajnmed Ali or Madali Khan. — - • - - — 823
Murad Bek Khan. 829
Khudayar Khan. - - — * 829
Malla Khan. ~ ~ 832
Shah Murad Khan. - a36
Khudayar Khan (Restored). — - 8;^
Seyid Sultan Khan. — - •• 836
Khudayar Klmn (Third Reign). - 838
Nasruddin Klian. - — -^ -842
Uratippa and Jizakh. - - •- — 8i5
Urgut and Kohistan. — - - 850
Hissar, Kulab, &c. - - •• -852
Balkh, Khulra, and Kunduz. - - 853
Badakshan. -^ 865
Meitneneh. 867
Andkhud or Andkhoi. - 868
Sliabirgh?.n. - " - 868
Sivpul. •- 869
Oha.pter X. Khuarezm or Khiv^. 876—977
Origin of the Khannte. - 876
Ilbars Khan. — - 879
Su]ta.n Haji Khan. - aso
Hassan Kuli Kli?.n. - - —•• 880
Sofian Khan. SSI
Bujugha Khan. SS2
Avanek Khan. - - aS2
Kal Khan. 8S\
Akatai Kh?n. - -- 88i
Dost Kha.n. - - 885
Hajim or Haji Muha.mmed Khan. - aS6
Arab Muhammed Khan. — 891
Izfendiar Khan. S91
Abulghazi Beliadur Khan. 900
Anusha Muliammed Bahadur Khan. 903
Miihammed Erenk Khan. •- " --•^4
Shah Niaz Khan. — -^ — " •••^" " "* ** ^^
Arab Muharamed Klian.- "•^
Haji Muhammed Behadur Khan. " 9^
Yadigar Khan. - ~ - ** '"•^
Shirgha^i Khan. — ^ ' --906
Ubars Klian. - - ^1^
Tagir Khan. ..««.«-...^ - - -^ "i^l-^
Abul Muhammed Khan. - - ^^^
Abulghazi Khan II."-"- -•"• '*- • - ""^ W5
. Kaip Khan. • ^^^
Abulghaii Klian III. - — - »16
lltp.iar Khan. '•«••••""••♦"••"•«'•»• ' '••- " 9iS
Muhammed Fxahim Khan. - — »20
Allah Kuli Khan. -™ -♦ «0
Rahim Kuli Khan. ^' «ll
Muhammed Amin Khan. - " Wl
Abdulla Khan."- — »^
Kutlugh Murad Khan. •* ■ " "^^
Seyid Muhammed Kh; n. 0^4
Seyid Muhammed Rr.lim Khi'n. 91®
Notes ' -•- ^'^
Cliapter XI. The Sheibanids of 'luran. 978-1010
Murtaza Khan. — ** 982
Kuchum Khar.. •- " 982
AH Khan. — •' ^ 1002
hhim Kh?n. - - 1004
Ablaigirim. 1004
Devlet Glial. - -1000
Notes. - 1008
Cliapter XII. The Nogais, Karakalpaks, and Siberian
Tartars. 1011-^1068
The Great Nogais. 1028
The Little Nogais. •• • - - lOiO
Tie Karakalpaks. — * lOofJ
The Siberian Tartars. - " 1001
Notes. - lOGG
Notes, Corrections, and Additions. *— — — 1069 -1087
CHAPTER VIII,
THE WHITE HORDE AND THE KIRGHIZ KAZAKS.
BORRAK KHAN.
WE have now Urated oot the various Itnei of princes who ruled
at Astrakhan, Kazan, Kanmo^ and fai the Krim until thdr
final overthrow and abscnption by Russia, and we must turn
once moie to the White Horde, which held sway in the eastern parts of
the Kipchak.
We traced its history down to the death of Bormk Khan in tiie year
S31 («>., 1427-S). He was, as I have shown,* a constant rsndidate for
the throne of Serai, and not only had a considerd>le stn^^le for it with
Ulogh Mnhammed, but he also strove to disposses the Timurids of
Sighnak,the ancient capital of his horde^ and which Tfanur had annexed.
On his death in 831 his children were apparently very young, and
Abulkhair Khan, ci the house of Shdban, acquired supreme authority
in the country east of the Yeroba.t
GIRAI KHAN AND JANIBEG KHAN.
Bonak Khan, it would seem, left two sons called Girai and Jantb^
who appafeatly shared their fisher's throne. Of these Girai was probably
the elder, since his son succeeded Janib^. Girai is not mentioned by
Abutgfaazi, who calk his brother Jantb^, ^ Abosaid sumaaed Janlb^
Khan.*^ They are both mentioned in the Taiildii Rashidi of Haidar and
intheSheibanehNameh. The latter work expressly calls Janib^teaott
of Borrak, the brother of GiraLi We do not hear of them uacQ te year
i4Si» when we axe told by Haidar that Abulkhair, the repieseatative of
the house of Sheiban| had gained great anthimty in the Kipchak, and
that Janib^ and Girai fled from him, and sou|^t icfiige in MoBgnfistaa
(&/., the country of Issikul and Kashgar) with Issanbq|^ who was Khan
there. By the latter they were wdl received and given die district of Chn
(i>^of the river Chu), Bashi Kuri (?), which lies on the western limit of
MiM)goIistan« There, we are told, they enjoyed themselves in quiet until
Abulldiair%death,which took place in 1469. Many dien repaired to Girai
and Janib^,so that their number increased to 200^000 perMnSf and they
got the name of Uzb^ JCasaks. This name of Kasiks they got ao
*^ffl#«c]uptarv. t S«f Bcxt cbapur.
I Op. cH., iSt. f Vtl. Zero., j6^ B S«t aezt elupur.
628 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
doubt, as I have shown in the introduction, from their being fugitives
par ixcilUnce* This was the beginning then of the history of the
KasakSy who are called improperly IQrgfaiz Kazaks by most writers.
The sons of Abulkhair carried on the strife with Girai and Janibeg
Khan, and when Mahmud Khan of Mongolistan in 893 hej. (U,^ 1488)
granted Turkestan to Shdbaai, the grandson of Abulkhair, we are told he
incurred the enmity of Girai and Janibeg. '' Sheibani was their enemy,**
they said, '' and why was he sent to be in collision with them ?^ In
consequence of this two battles took place between Mahmud Khan and
the brothers, and the former, who had made himself unpopular among
the amirs by his arbitrary ways, was defeated. Ahmed Khan, the brother
of Mahmud, subsequently repaired this misfortune, and defeated the
Kazaks three times.! We do not again read of either Girai or Janibeg,
nor do we know when either of them died. M. Veliaminof Zemoft has
shown how Von Hammer was led astray in regard to the genealogy of
Janib^, and what confusion has been created by the author of the
Golden Horde identifying him with Seyid Ahmed, who died at Kovno
m Lithuania, and whose history has ahready occupied us.|
BERENDUK KHAK.
Haidar tells us that both Girai and Janibeg left many sons. Girai, it
would seem, was succeeded by his son Berenduk^ who became the over-
chief of the Kazaks, and we are told that the famous Kastm Khan, son
of Janibeg, was in all respects submissive to him, as his father before
him had been.) During his rdgn the Kazaks and Sheibanids or Uzbegs
continned their former strife. We are told by Khuandemir that when at
Sij^hnidc on one occasion an envoy went to Sheibani, the great chief of
the Uzbegs, from Musa, the leader of the Nogais, offering him the
throne of Desht Kipchak if he would go there. Sheibani accordingly
went, and was well received by Musa. Meanwhile Berenduk Khan, who
was the real ruler of the country, set out with a large army against him.
Sheibani won the victory and Berenduk fled, but Musa refused to
fulfil his promise on the ground that his amirs were not agreeable.^
Khuandemir also reports that about the year 1494 Sheibani and his
brotker Mahmud, having subdued all Turkestan, Berenduk Khan
i^ipeared at Sabran, and at the request of the anur Muhammed Terkhan
ttie people of the town seized Mahmud and handed him over to
KasiOL The ktter sent him with an escort to Suzak, but he escaped on
die way, and joined his brother at Otrar. Berenduk was not long in
bekaguring that town» and had several fioxe fights with its garrison, but
at le^^ agreed to a peace and returned home. Presently the Kazaks
allied themselves with the Khan of Mongolistan, and again made a demon-
*Tiir. RMb. t//. :U.a63-i66. Mnfr.a92,&c.
J Tar. RmIu ^ V«l. Ztrn., ti, Ufi.
KASIM KHAH. 6l9
stradon against Otrar, from which they once more retired. Shahibeg
then marched against the Kazaks, whose chief camp was in the Ala tagh
mountains (probably Ala Tau near Vcmoe). Peace was again made
between them, and Berenduk made Sheibani's son Muhammed Timur
Solun his brother-in-law.
In the winter of 912 (/./., 1507) we again find the Kazaks molettfaig
Mavera im ndir,* and Sheibani marching against tbenut Two years
later, namdy, in 1509, he ^^ain went against them. We are told that
at this time, although Berenduk Khan was the di Jure ruler of Kipchak,
that all the authority was vurtually in the hands of Kaiiii^ and that tte
Kazaks could muster a force of two hundr ed thousand oiMu SheUumi
took up his winter quarters at Kuruk, whence he fiat s lifce into tli«
enemy's country, but on hearing a report that Kasim Kktm waa coming,
this division retired, and created quite a paftie is Shelbani's army,
and he beat the drum for retreat ** Nothing was attended to," says
Haidar. The army, broken and scattered, leached Samarkand in the
end of the winter, whence Sheibani withdrew to Khcnasan, As I have
said, nothing was left to Berenduk but the semblance of authority, and
this was now to end, for we read in the Tarikhi Radiidi diat he wna at
length expelled and retired to Samarkand, where he died in esile.t
KASIM KHAN.
The throne of the Kazaks now passed to the Qmify of Jaajb^jg Khan*
The latter, according to Abulghazi, had nine soof, IiaecU or Iraiji,
Mahmudi Kasim, Itik or Aitek (perhaps rightly Aibck)r jMtmkf Kanbar,
Tanish (called Benish by Haidar), Uziak, and Jsmk, Yadik, or Jadik.f
Iranchi is called Iranji Khan on one occisiwi hf Kh«atidemir, who
*names him as the rukr of Sabran, where he ptwiit hod Shdhani,! but it
would seem from Haidar^s po^ve ttiieiiifiit aad other facts, that
Berenduk was in fact succe e ded by Kaaim, who had long previously
been the real mkr of the Desht. We ajse told that during Berenduk's
reign he would not live near him, for if he should not pay him due
xtg^ he would resent it, and if he did he could not in his heart submit
to hun. Berenduk then lived at Sendchtik (? Sighnak) and Kainu on
the borders of Mongolistan. Haidar says he subdued the whole of
Desht Kipchak, and his army was more than a thousand thousand in
number. After Juchi Khan none was ever more poweiiui in that yurt
than he.Y The Turkish biographer of Uraz Makhmet tells us the
mother of Kasim was Jaghun Berkiny and that he ruled for some time in
his fathet^ ulus.^ The most famous of Kasim Khan's brothers was
Yadik, who is called Uzbeg in Erskine's translati<m of the Tarikhi
Rashkii, but Yadik by VelZemof in his extracts from that work. Heisao
doubt the ** Uzbeg Sultan,"* one of the sultans of the Kazaks mentfieaAl
» U^ «5i, 252. t Tm . lUth. I /rf. f Op. cit. . i8t. Vel. Zero., U. jtj, atfS.
I Vol. ZfTB.. M, 240. ^ T«T. RmIu *• Vel. Zern., ii. 1^
630 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
by BabeTi and who Ersldne says in a note was called Awik Sultan in the
Persian text* He married Sultan Nigar Khanum, the fourth daughter of
Yunis Khan of Mongolistan, the widow of Mahmud Morza, son of Sultan
Abusaid|t who after his death married his brother Kasini4 which shows
the latter outlived him. The biographer of Uraz Makhmet tells us he
was killed with one of his sons at Ilianli Tuk, fighting against the Nogai
Sheikh Murza. He was buried at Bakirghan Ata, in the disttict of
Ufgenj or Khiva.{ This place is mentioned by Abulghazi, and was the
burial place of a famous Mussuhnan saint namedSuliman Hakim.| Kanbar,
another son of Janibeg, was all his life in the service of Kasim Khan, and
was constantly in the front of the army.f But to return to Kasim.
We are told that in the year 918 (iW., 1512), when the Uzbegs had
acquired great influence in Mavera un nehr, news arrived of the approach
of Kasim Khan. The latter marching from his quarters near Mongolistan
went to Tarexy the keys of Sairam were given up to him by Ketch Beg, its
governor, and thence he went on to Tashkend, but again retired. The
Khan Sultan Said went after hun and overtook him at the river Chu.
Kasim was then past sixty and going on towards seventy, and did not go
to meet the Khan, but sent some of his sultans, such as Janish Khan,
Benish Khan, &c., to the number of thirty or forty, with orders to
bend the knee to the Khan. Of this number Janish Khan and
Benish Khan were very aged. When they kneeled the Khan rose, and
he remained seated while the others did obeisance. Kasim treated the
Khan with a courtesy the latter nevdr forgot, and he always described
}\itn as a man of worth.
After they had met he af^roached the Khan and said, ** I am a
man of the desert. Here we have neither form nor ceremony in our
friendship. Our only valuable property is our horse ; our best food is its *
ileshi our best drink its milk and what is made of it« In my country
there is neither palace nor garden. My great recreation b to inspect my
herds. Let us go and pass an hour in looking at them.* They accord-
ingly went He then showed the Khan two iuMrses which he said were
worth all the herd bendes. The Khan assented. ^ We people of the
desert depend for our lives on our horses. These are my choicest ones.
You are an incomparable guest Do me the fttvour of choosing which
you like and leave me the other** He at the same time pointed out the
good points of eadt The Khan chose one, which he called Oghlan
Ttffuk, and surely, says Haidar, such a horse was never seen. With it
he joined a nuniber of other horses and ofiered them to the Khan with a
cup of kumiz, sayii^^This b the way we greet our guests, oblige me
by drinking." The Khan had previously renounced all intoxicating
drmks, and replied^ ** I have foreswom such things as this, how can I
« BnUtt't Babv, IS. Nou,4- tBabw.ij. X Tar. Rash.
i Vd. Zmmi, H. 135- I M'* U7* t id,, 12^.
TAGIR OR TAHIR RHAK. 63I
bfttak my vowT Kksim ui^g^ that he had nothing else to oflfer him, as
maie^ mUk and what was made of it was the hest drink he had. Yean
must tAxp&t bdott I can entertain such a guest as you again, and here I
am deprived of the power of showing yon hospitality. Thereupon he
held down his head and seemed nmdi crestfidlen. Upon this we are told
that the Khan, to please him, drank it up, to the great joy of Kasint
For twenty-one days they continued to feast together and exchange cups
of kumix. It was now the end of summer, and the Kazaks hegan to
retire to their winter quarters without Kasim's permissi o n. He
apologised for them, and said it was not convenient to make-an attack
on Turkestan till the spring. Next year (!>., in 920) Kasim seems to
have made an unimportant attack on the Uxbcgs.* This is the last notice
1 can find of Kasim Khan, of whom Baber reports that it was said none
of the Khans or Sultans of the Kazaks ever kept the horde in such
comi^ete order as he did, and that his army amounted to nearly three
hundred thousand men. Haidar says he died in the year 934 (f>., 1518}.
MIBIASH OR BIBASH KHAN.
Kasim wis succeeded by Mimash, who Haidar apparently in one place
makes his son, but he was probably a wm of Yadik Sultan, for Haidar
mentions a son of Yadik called Bibash or llimash, idio married the
sister of Muhammed Rashid Khan. Haidar says Bibash foil in one of
the wars.
TAGIR OR TAHIR KHAN.
Mimash was succeeded by Tagir, who was unquestionably the son of
Yadik. Of him we read that in the year 939, after carrying on an inter-
course with the Khan of Mongolistan by envoys, he went to him in person
and took with him Sultan Nigar Khanum. He was very fond of her, but
she comidained that her old age prevented her attending him in his migra-*
toryltfi^ and that she wished to go to her brother's son, Sultan Said Khan
to end her days. He agreed to go with her. The Khan, out of gratitude
to him for taking hb aunt, rose to meet him, which was contrary to
etiquette^ but T^^ would not be outdone in courtesy, and duly bent his
forehead to the ground in the prescribed way. His sister, the Khanum's
daughter, says Haidar, was married to Rashid Khan, and was still in
his harem when he wrotct At this time^ we are told, Tagir Khan's
power was on the decline. He once controlled one million of men,
but now only two hundred thousand. He was of a harsh and severe
disposition^ and became embroiled with the neighbouring Sultans. He
slew his brother Abul Kasim Sultan with his own hand. His people
deserted him and dispersed, and being left alone with his son he took
* TaiikU RasImU. 1/41. : Vtl. gtm^ op. fit. U. 173.
632 HISTORY OP THE MONGOLS.
refuge with the Kirghiz (/^., the Buruts). They also apparently got
weary of him, for we read that in the year 936 (/^ 1530) the Kirghiz as
well as his own people deserted him.* In another place Haidar says he
died miserably among the Kiighizes, and that nearly thirty thousand
Kazaks collected in Mongolistan and raised his brother Buidash to
the throne. ** Such has been the change in fortune's whed/ says Haidar,
** that of these tribes for the last four years not a trace remains. In the
year 930 they were a million of men, in 944 not a trace of them
remained.*t This is probably an exaggeration, but there can be no
doubt that at this time the Kazak confederacy was much disint^rated.
UZIAK AHMED KHAN.
The biographer of Uraz Makhmet tells us that in this time of con-
fusion several chieftains are mentioned as leaders of the Kazaks. He
says of one of them : There was also an Ahmed Khan, sometimes called
Uzb^ and sometimes Ahmed. He did not rule long, and fell in a fight
with Seidiak the Nogai prince, by the hand of Urak Murza4 This is no
doubt the same Setdiak who in 1535 wrote to the Emperor Ivan Vasili-
vitch to tdl him how his neighbours had submitted to him, and he adds^
**th.t Kasak Tzar Usian Mahmed Tzar is living with us with fifteen
sons.1 As M* Vd. Zemof says, this seems clearly to be the same
person as the Ahmed Khan above named. But we may perhaps go a
step further, and identify this Uzian with the Uziak who is made a
brother of Yadik by the biographer of Uraz Makhmet This author says
he had a son named Bulat Sultan, who with his sons died in battle
against the Nogais.l Lcvchine, in his gcneak)gical uble of the Kazak
chiefs, also makes Yadik and Uziak brothers, and makes them the stem-
fathers of the Royal race of the Kazaks. He also names his son Bulak,
thus showing he was the same Uziak as the one mentioned in the
biogn^y just cited. Uziak was the ancestor of Abulkhair Khan, the
famous chief of the Little Horde. At this time the Nogais were very
active and enterprising. Haidar tells us that in 932 hej. tiiey drove a
large number of the Kazaks from Uzbegistan {i.e^ from the Kazak
steppes). In 1535 we are toW, however, that Uiey were strong enough
to capture and conquer the princes of Tashkend. They also seem to
have defeated the Kalmuks.t la IW7 the Nogai prince Yusuf wrote
to the Emperor to tdl him how he had defeated the Kazaks.
AK NAZAR KHAN.
The person who apparentiy restored the prosperity of the Kazaks was
Ak Nazar, the son of Kasim, whose fame had spread beyond the borders
♦ TtfRMh. tOp.dt. :V«L2traof.^;$.
|/A,a3^ |/rf..w5- ir«..33«.
AK NAZAR KHAN. 633
of his own people, and is still alive among the Bashkirs and Nogais.
The biographer of Uraz Makhxnet tdls ns Ak Naxar was the son of
Kasim by his wife Khanik Sultan Khanime.* Haidar Razi calls Ak
Nazar lord of the Kazaks and the Khghises, and says that the ruler of ^
Aksu and Mongolistan fell in a straggle with him. This was Abdul
Latif Sultan, son of Abdur Rashid Khan, and grandson of Sultan Siud
Khan.t He is mentioned also in the Abdullah Nameh| where in relating
the struggle between the Shdbani Khan AbduUa and his rival Baba
Sultan,t the author tells us how a spy came and reported that the latter
had fled to the Kazaks on the river Talas, who had d(me homage to him.
The Khan sent messengers to inquire, who brought word that the chiefe
of the Kazaks, such as Ak Nazar Khan, Jalim Sultan, Shiga! Sultan (the
son of Yadik), and Dustai Sultan, with others their brothers and sonS| wero
settled on the banks of the river Taras, and that one of them, Ondan
Sultan (the son of Shigai), had married the wife of Abdul Kerim Sultan*
and had made captive her sister for Jalim Sultan. They also reported
that the story told by the spy about Baba Sultan having taken refoge
with the Kazaks was untrue. The spy was accordin^y put to death.
Thereupon the Khan himself set out for the Talas, where envoys came to
him from the Kazak chiefs with greeting, and in the inflated language of
the Abdulla Nameh, ^put the head of submission in the yoke of
obedience^" and declared that the treaty they had made with him they
were willii^ to keep, and reported that one of Baba Sultan's children
and some of his dependents having taken refuge with them, they widied
to know whether they were to be sent alive or whether their heads glone
were to be sent. The Khan, we are told, gave the envoy a robe oi
honour and presents, and ordered the amir Sukhum Atalik to accom-
pany him back to the Kazak camp. The Khan bade the Kazaks send
the captives to him, and he also made over four towns in Turkestan
to them as a token oi his good wilL{
Some time after we read how the Kazaks, who it seems were not
content with their foothold in Turlcestan, were making raids on the
Khan's territory. Baba Sultan, the ruler of Tashkend, being unable
to resist them, had surrendered Yassy (<>., Turkestan) and Sabran
to them. He seems then to have conspired with them, and it was
arranged that Saiban Sultan Kazak, who had for some time been
obedient to the Khan, should cross the Sihun and invade the district of
Bukhara, while Baba and his people similarly ravaged Samarkand.
Both parties seem to have made a successful harrying. The allies of
Baba Sultan were apparently only a small section of the Kazaks, and we
now find him sending Jan Kuli beg as his envoy to his father-in-law
Jalim Sultan, to ask him and the other Kazak chiefs to come to a
* Vet. Ztrnof, ii. its. t Id, 333. I See chapter on Bukhara.
I Vel. Zera,, ii. 179*283.
3H
634 HISTORY or THB MONGOLS.
conference, where they coold amuige a common policy against the Khan,
He was evidently no fitvonrite of theirSi for the Kazaks determined to
kill bis envoy Jan Kuli, and to send Jalim Sultan with some troops to try
and surprise hinL Jan Kuli was allowed to escape by his executioner,
and hastened to acquaint his master.
Meanwhile Jalim Sultan and two sons of Ak Nazar Khan, unaware of
this escape, marched with a oonsidenble force to surprise Baba SultaiL
They met on the banks of the river Shirab khani (i/^ the wine cellarX
and it was agreed that Baba Sultan should accompany them to Ak Nazar
Khan. Baba Sultan, who had been forewarned, as I have shown, ordered
his warriors to draw their swotds and £ill upon the treacherous chiefs.
Thereupon we are told the valley ** blossomed forth in tulips with their
Uood.'' He then ordered his brother Buzakhur to ride on in all haste
and endeavour to surprise and destroy Ak Nazar Khan.* We are not
told what the issue was, but it would seem that Ak Nazar was in (act
killed. On turning to the Russian archives we find him mentioned in
them more than once. Simeon Malkhof, who was sent on a mission to
the Nogais in 1569^ naentions the Kazak hordes of Ak Nazar, of Shigai
Tzarevitch, and (tf Chelim (m., Jalim) Tssr0vitch,t and eight years later,
namdy, in 1577, we find the son of the boyard Boris Tomoshirof
reporting that the Kazaks^ wbo were then ruled ever by Akak Nazar (/./.,
Ak Nazar), were at war with the Nogais, but desired to be on friendly
terms with the Russians.^ The death of the Kazak princes to(^ place in
iSSaf
SHIGAI KHAN.
Ak Nazar Khan was immediately succeeded by Shigai, the son of
Yad&, who is mentioned above as Shigai Sultan, and who occurs in
Levchine's tables. The biographer of Uraz Makhmet says that Yadik
had many wives and concubines^ and also many sons. The best known
of whom were Tugnm Khan, Bukei Sultan, Shigai Suhan, and Malik
Sultan. The mother of the last two was Abaikan-Bikem.| This Tugum
Khan I have very little doubt was the Tagir Khan already named, and
this exactly agrees with the note in the biography just named, that he
with Bashibeg, son of Malik, died on the borders of the Jagatai ulus.
Bukei Sultan will occupy us presently. He was probably dead at this
time, which explains why Shigai acquired the supremacy.
Yadik, according to the Tarikhi Rashidi, died about the year 1503,
and as Hafiztanish mentions Shigai as late as i$8a, it is dear that he
must have lived to a very old age. The latter author says in the Abdulla
Namdi that he was wdl versed in a&irs, and had had many experiences
'/<<., >9*-^ t Of.cit.,323. ]/<<•» 334* 4 /if., 292.
I V«l. Ztroof, op. dt.» ii. 274.
SHIOAI KHAK. 635
of life* Some time afker the plot against Baba Sultan above mentioned
Shigai seems to have tried to surprise the Utter on the Tales, but fidled
and had to retire.t In 1581 Abdnlla Khan, who was still straggling
with Babe Sultan, found himself at Kara tan, near the river Sir
Daria. There came to meet him Shigai Khani with his son Tevkel and
others. The two diie& had a friendly meeting; and it seems AbduUe
appointed Shigai governor of Khqjeadi where he left hun on his return
hom^andtookTevkdSnltanwithhhn. The latter disthigitishedhimsdf at
a grand shooting match held in the ovlsldrts of the Khan's garden, idiere
the competitors fired at a nmnber of gVsleniqg silver and gold balls hung
on the end of a pole. Soon after this AbddU undertook his fiunous
expedition to the Uhigh Tagh hi pursuit of Babe Sultan. He set out
from Bukhara in Januaryi 15S2. He crossed the Jazartes, and on the
river Aris he learnt tiiat Babe had retired to the Desht Kipchak, leaving
a part of his army at Kara samaui a place mentiofied in the accounts of
Thnur's campaigns, and identified by M. VeL Zemof with Kara asman
on the Arish4 and over the riven Bi^an, Chayan, and Arslanlik to Ikan,
now a viOage near the town of IKirkestant and thence on to the river
Sari su. This he crossed in AprOt and advanced to die Uldgh Tagh
mounta n is, where he learnt that Baba had taken shelter with the
Manguts or Nogais. He sent a body of troops in pursuit of him, and
himself returned towards hom^ and laid siege to Sabran, where he was
delayed for two months.
On one occasion when Abdulla was hunting on the river Sabran his
son Abdul Mumin Sultan was lost, but the following day he came into
the camp with Yan Behadur Sultan, the younger brother of Shigai Khan,
who was handsomely rewarded by the Khan. The latter once more
entered the Kipchak in pursuit of his indffotigable enemy, and ordered
the Kasaks under Tevkel to lead the way, crossing the two lost rivers
called Kendedik,! Here we are told tiiat one of the commanders with a
body ofscout% near i^/fwtvi/yiMifAriiaif, came upon some of Baba
Saltan's peojde and were made prisoners. These spies Baba Saltan put
to death, and beii^; thus duly warned he fled to the Nogais. Some of
bis people were oveitaken and plundered by Shigai Khan. Abdulla
Khan now advanced to the Ulugh Ta|^ and thence to the Ilandiik or
Jilanchik, where Shiigai Khan went to meet him.| This is the last
mention I can find of the latter, and he probably died about this time
at a very advanced age. Mulkr in his account of Siberia mentions an
old Tartar tradition that Ahmed Girai, the brother of Kurhum, the
famous Khan of Siberia, had married a daughter of Shigai Khan, a
princeof Bukhara, whom he treated badly. Shjgai marched against him
to pnni^ him, and slew him on the banks of the Irtish. * I quite agree
i Sm MlM At tiM tad of tiM obtpttr. I Op. dt, ii. 309-
636 HISTORY OF THI MONGOLS.
with M. VeL Zemof that by this prince of Bukhara none other than our
Shiga! Khan is meant The Russians sometimes used the name Bukhara
for Central Asia.* The biographer of Uraz Makhmet, so often quoted,
tells tts Sh^ had many wives, of whom three are well known. By
Yashem Bekem, of the race of Jagatai^he hadTukai Khan, Ishim Sultan,
and Soltan-Sabir-bek-Khanim ; by Baim Bekem, ^eyid kul Sultan, Ondan
Sultan, and Altin Khanim ; and by Dadim Khanim, the daughter of
Beiendttk Khan, Ali Sultan, Selim Sultan, Ibrahim Sultan, and Shagim
Sultan.t
The Tukai Khan of this list is no doubt the Tevkei Khan who will
next occupy U8.t We shall also have more to say of Ishim, who after-
wards became Khan. The only other name in the list of much interest
is Ondan Sultan, of whom we are told he was very brave and shot
superbly with the bow, and during Shigai Khan's reign led tht; van
of the army. The Kalmuks killed him at the age of thirty, and his
grave is still to be seen near Ahmed Issevi in Turkestan. He had
a number of wives and concubines, of these two were pre-eminent. By
Altin Khanim, the daughter of Bulat Sultan, son of Uziak Khan, he had
Uhu Makhmet Khan and Tatli Khanim, and by Chuyum Khanim
daughter of Kemsen Sultan, son of Berenduk Khan, Kuchak Sultan, who
was a fiivourite 9xAproUgi of Tcvkel Khan.} The Uraz Makhmet here
named was the well-known Khan of Kasimof.1
TEVKEL KHAN.
Shigai Khan was succeeded by his Son Tevkei, whose name has
already been mentioned in the account of the struggle between AbdnUa
Khan and Baba Sultan, when Tevkei Sultan is named among the active
supporters of the former. When Abdulla returned from his famous
expedition to the Ulugh Tagh,^ Tevkei, who was in charge of some
herds at Ak kurgan, heard that Sultan Ts^r, Baba Sultan's brother, had
got through the pass Sungluk. He went in pursuit of him, captured
him, and handed him over to Abdulla. Abdulla rewarded Tevkei with a
robe of golden tissue and other presents. This was about 1582-3. Soon
after he presented Abdulla with the head of Baba Sultan, Jan Muhammed
Atalik, La6f Sultan, son of Baba, &c., and the latter again rewarded him
with presents, and made him governor of Aferinkend, the best post in
SaMUikand, and which had been filled by Abdulla's own father.**
The capture of Baba is described in the Abdulla Nameh. That restless
intriguer having taken refuge among the Nogais had proved treacherous
to them, and was forced to fly. He first thought of going to Tura (/./.,
^ Op. cit. ii. 3S4- t l«L» 3^36$. I On this tee VeL Zenof, op. dt. ii. 367. 368.
S/il..36s* |X«/r,436. ^ VMlr^M/«.635. •• Vd. Ztni*,ii. 310^x2.
TEVKLEL KHAN. 657
SiberuX bat eventually resolved to return to Tarkestal^ in tlie hope of
nising bis own people. He stopped tn rouU at Sighnak, whence he sent
on two Kalmnks who had supported him to report They fell into
TevkeFs hands and acted as guides to him. With their assbtance he
fbond out Baba*s encampment, killed him, and captured hb son Lati^
Jan Mnhammed Atalik the head of the amirs, &c.*^
There is an interesting reference to Tevkel in the extracts from Seify,
translated by M. Schefef in his edition of Abdul Kerim. He says the
Kazaks, who numbered two hundred thoosand fiuniliesi had a Khan
called TevkeL That on one occasion these Kazaks invaded the country
of the Kalmuks. The chief of the latter ordered one of his officers to go
against him, and not to return without taking either Tevkd or his head.
When. Tevkel discovered the enormous strength of the enemy he fled
towards Tashkend. The Kalmuks pursued and carried off one>half of
his people. The other, half remained with him at Tashkend This
town was then governed by Nauruz Ahmed Khan, who was also called
Borrak Khan.! Tevkel sent a messenger to him with the message : " I
have come to your country and have put myself under your protection.
We are both descended from Jingis Khan, and are therefore related
Qfsides, we are both Mussulmans, and therefore of the same faith. Help
me and let us march together against the Kalmuks." Borrak Khan
replied,." If ten princes like you and I were leagued together, we coukl
not overcome the Kalmuks, who are as numerous as the hordes of
Yajoj.^
In 1583 Tev](|l took part in Abdulla's campaign agamat Andijan and
Fer^^iana. Suddenly swqperting that AbdnUa was unfriendly to him, be
retired to the Desht Kipdiak. In 1586^ having learnt f)iat AbduUa and
his people were occupied on a distant campaign, Tevkel suddenly
appeared in the north of the kingdom, and threatened Turkestan, Tash«
kend, and even Samarkand A small force was sent against lam, and a
fight ensued at ShirabKhani, a dependency of Tashkend The Kazaks
were badly anned They had only for coats and yiigaks for armour.
This drcumstance made the Uibegs over confident, and they were
badly beaten. News was at once sent to Samarkand to IbeiduUa Sultaa,
the brother of Abdidla Khan, who crossed the Sir Daria and reached
Tashkend Tevkel was encamped near Sahram, whence he now hastily
retreated IbdduDa pursued him mto the steppe but could not over-
take him.^
In 1588 a revolt against Abdulla and his brother-in-law, Uzbdc, the
son of Rustem, the son of Janib^ whom he had appointed ruler
of tli^ district, took place at Tashkend. The people of Tash-
kend, Shahrukhia, and Khojend proclaimed Jan Ali, one of the
Kazak Sultans, as Khan. Things were unsettled for some months.
*/il. Vat*.45. t8M]»zt«lMVt«r. tOp.cit.»294fa»5* iV«LZ«ao^o^cit, 11.399, 340.
^dZ HISTORY OP THE MONGOLS.
and we aie totd that the sons of Ak Naiar Khan, Mungatai, and
Din Muhammed took part in the disturbances.* When we next read
ofTevkd it is in connection with Russia. We are told that in 1594 he
sent his envoy Kul Muhammed to the Tiar Feodor Ivanovitch offering
to consider himself and his tribe as subjects of the Tzar, and asking the
latter to liberate his nephew Uraz Makhmett In March, 1595, the Tiar
wrote him a reply accepting his suggestion to treat him as his sozerain,
and sent hun some firearms, but requiring him to keep Abdulla, the Khan of
Bokhara, quiet !!! and to reduce the Siberian Khan Kuchum to obedience.
In regard to Urai Makhmet he undertook to liberate him if he (Tevkel)
would send his own son Hussein in his place. This note was sent back
by TerkePs envoy, who was accompanied by Veliamin Stepanof.}
Iskander Munshi mentions Tevkel in 1597. He says that when the
news of the quarrel of Abdulk Khan and his son Abdul Mumin spread
in Tttriccstan, the various Kazak Sultans, who had up to then feared the
power of Abdulla and lived at peace, broke out into rebellion, and among
them Tevkel, who had assumed the title of Khan, and who" approached
Tashkend with a numerous army. Not deeming Tevkel a foeman
worthy of his steel, Abdulla contented himself with sending some of the
sultans of his house, the neighbouring amirs, and a portion of his troops.
A severe battle was fought between Tashkend and Samarkand, in which
Abdulla's army was beaten, and a lai^ge number of its chiefs perished.
The survivors fled to Bukhara in a sad plight. Abdulla collected his
people to exact revenge and marched towards Samarkand, but he there
fell ill and died. His death was succeeded by confusion. Tevkel
determined to take advantage of this. Collecting a large army he
marched into Turkestan, where and in Mavera un nehr some of the more
important towni, namely, Aksi, Andijan, Tashkend, Samarkand, and the
country as far as Miankal, submitted to him. He left his brother Ishim
Sultan with twenty thousand men in Samarkand, while he advanced
with seventy or eighty thousand on Bukhara, which was defended by a
garrison of fifteen thousand men under Pir Muhammed. The latter
made daily sorties from the various gates. These continued for eleven
days. At length on the twelfth the whole garrison came out, and a fierce
battle was fought from dawn to sunset. The Kazaks were defeated and
most of their men scattered. Tevkel now determined to raise the siege.
Having lighted a number of fires in the camp to deceive the enemy he
\vithdrew during the night. Meanwhile some of the fugitives reached
Samarkand and informed Ishim of his brother's defeat The latter sent
off a messenger with the foUowing message : " You should be very much
ashamed that your numerous army has been defeated by a handful of
Bukharians. If you appear here, it may weU be the people of Samarkand
will not receive you. Let the Khan return and I will join him with my
• U, M»- » I'M'* ««/»» 436. I V«l. Zcmof, of>. cit., H. 106. Levchiae, 141. 142.
ISHIM KHAM. 639
troops.'' Tevkei accordingly turned back in company with his brother
Meanwhile Pir Muhammed had set out in pursuit, and was joined by
many of the people from the country round. The hostile forces faced
one another at Uzun Sukal in MiankaL For a month there were ahnost
continaoos skkmishes between them. At length Tevkei losing patience
determined upon a general attack. The fight was a fierce one. Said
Muhammed Saltan, a. relative of Pur Muhanmied, and Muhammed Baki
Atalik were both killed ; but on the other hand Tevkei was wounded,
and did not gain any marked success. He iell back on Tashkend, where
he died. This was in 1598.*
ISHIM KHAN.
Tevkd was succeeded as over-chief of the Kazakt by his Inrodier
Iddm, already named. After the events just mentioned, we first hear of
him in the year 1020 hej. (#>., 1611}, when widi five thousand Kasaks he
is me n tioped as mixed up in the. civil strife ni^iich arose between Vali
Mohammed, the banished Khan of Bokhara, and his nephew Imaum
knlL This strife ended with the death of ValL In this straggle Said Bi,
the brother of Ishim, also took partt We next read of him in Abolghaii.
The latter when a fugitive from Uigenj, about the year 1625, took refuge
with Ishim Khan at Turkestan, with whom he lived for three months. He
tdls OS that when Tursun Khan of Tashkend visited Turkestan, Ishim
presented him to hun, saying, ^Here is Abulghazi, a descendant of
Yadigar Khan, never before has a prince of this house sought shelter
with OS, white many of our princes have sought shelter with thenL''
T^nrson Khan took him to Tashkend. Two years later (i>., in 1627) the
latter was killed by Ishim Khan, and Abulghazi received permission to
go to Imanm kali Khan at Bokhara.}
This Turson Khan of Tashkend is called Tursun Muhammed Saltan,
son of Mehdi Soltan, in one of M. Desmaison's notes.{ That is, he
L^^tiiiM hhn widi the Ud>eg prince of ihis name, who a hundred years
befixe is mentioped by Baber.f Thb seems quite inadmissible dirono-
logicaBy. Was he the Torsun Khan, son of Khodai Mendi, imrntjoaed
by Levdune in bis second genealogical table, and whom he makes a
detcrrtdaitf of Bokei Khan, who was probably the Bakei Sultan, son of
Yadik, mcntimwtd by die biographer of Uraz Mahkmetf It is troe that
anthor says Bakei left no sons, bat this may well be a mistake since the
fiuBily fd Bakd was more or less obscor^ and it is almost certahi that
tiie Kasaks at diis time would be found obeying no chief who was not
deieea d ed from Yadik. Bakd Khan, according to Levchine, had a son
Kochnk, whose son was called Khudai Mendi, whose son was Tursun
* VeL Zcraof, it 345-3S>* t I4L, 371, 57a. I Op. ai^ jsS, jag.
iAb^dtasitSSB. NoCe,3. | B«ber^ Memoirt, 399. 5 V«l. ZeraoC ii. 474.
640 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
Khan. This view abo has chronological difficulties. I am rather
disposed to identify hhn with Torsunbi, who was with Tevkd at Bukhara,
and who in the feast already described distinguished himself by his
dexterity, and we are told was rewarded by AbduUa with a present of a
largesumof money, a horse, and the gold and silver balls he had knocked
down in the shooting.* He was not improbably a son of Ak Nazar
Khan. Iskander Munshi teUs us how in 162 1 Imaum kuH of Bukhara,
having been twice beaten by the Kazaks, was compelled to make peace ;
the negotiations for which were chiefly carried on with the Khan of the
Kazaka Tnrsun Muhammed.t Tursun, as I have said, was killed by
Ishhn Khan in 1627.
In 1635 we find Ishim Khan at war vrith Baatur Khungtaidshi of the
Sungars, a war which ended disastrously for the Kazaks. Yangir or
Yehangir Sultan, the son of Ishim, who commanded his troi^s, was
captured.} This is die last mention I can find of Ishim Khan, and he
probably died about this time.
YEHANGIR KHAN.
I have mentioned how Yehangir was made prisoner by Baatur. We
are told that having recovered his freedom, he molested the Kalmyks
with continual attacks, and at length Baatur the Sungar chief, in the
summer of 1643, marched against him with fifty diousand men, and
carried ofi" the two tribes of Alat Kirghiz and Tokmani (<>., the people
of Alatau and Togmak). Yehangir had only six hundred men with him,
but he posted them well, dug some trenches between the hills, and
when the Kahnuks attacked him fell on them in rear, and his fire-
arms created such a panic that they lost ten thousand men killed!!
Yehangir was soon after joined by another Tartar prince named
Yalantush with twenty thousand men, and BsCatur thought it prudent to
retire. I In 1644 Baatur again summoned his people, and again resolved
to fight the Kazaks, but the Khoshote Kundelung Taishi, who was a
friend of Yehangir, intervened, and the strife was apparently postponed.^
This is the last mention I can find of Yehangir, who according to
Levchine lived, Iflce his forefathers, at Turkestan.^
TIAVKA- KHAN.
Yehangir was succeeded by his son Tiavka, who b one of the most
famous of the Kazak Khans. Levchine grows rhetorical in speaking
of him and the veneration in which he is held by his compatriots.
I ■ I I I ■ II I !■
« Yd. Zmu, U. S99. Mi.^SJA' I PMCher. Sib. G«s., SoS^io. | Vid$ itmU, v«| u 611 619.
I Piicher, SIb. Get., 608-6x0. 5 FiKbcr, op, dt, 610, 6ix. ** Opk cit., 149.
TIATKA KBABT. ^
According to him he was the Lycmgas and Draco of the Kaiakt. He
introduced peace among them and put an end to the quarreis of their
dans. His sagacity and equity gained him great influence. He united
the weak tribes witn one another, and compelled the strong ones to
respect them. It is to him that may most reasonably be traced the
division of the Kazaks into three hordes. These were at first probably
merely administrative divisions. It may be that as such they were of
very old date, for we find the Oghuz Turks, from whom the Kasaks are
in fact descended, divided into three similar sections^ but Tia^ca seems
to have given them theii present oiganisation. He appointed three vice-
ger^ts to control their affairs, Tiul for the Great Hofde, Kazbek for the
Middle Horde, and Aitiak for the Litde one. But during his reign the
Kaiaks remained a tolerably homogeneous race and directly subject to
him, as they had been to his ancestors. He reigned like them at
Turkestan.* Muhammed Amin tells us that in the year 1688 Subhan
kuli, son of Imaum kuli, sent two of his officers to Tashkend to interview
and n^otiate with the Kazak Khan Tiavka.t This shows that the
Kazaks were still supreme at Tashkend. Tiavka spent all his life in
fighting the Kalmuks. In 1698, at the b^inning of his reign, we find
the Sungar chief Tse wang Arabian writing to the Chinese Emperor
and giving him the reasons for his strife with the Kazaks. How Galdan,
having captured the son of Tiavkaj had sent him to the Dahu Lama,
whereupon Tiavka had asked him (Tse wang Arabtan) to intercede with
the Dalai Lama on his behalf. That he had done so, and sent TIavka's
sen to his father escorted by five hundred men, who had basely put them
to death, tc^ether with a Sungar grandee, with his wife^ children, and
peo|^, appropriating one hundred kibitkas to himselC This was in the
district of Hutiyan han (? the Ulugh Tagh range^ which was apparently
at this time the camping ground of some of tiie Kalmuks), how he
had further waylaid the son of the Totgut chief Ayuka, who was going
to him with his sister ; and, lastly, how he had pillaged a Russian
caravan which was returning home again after visiting his country}
This war was very disastrous for the Kazaks. They were very hard
pressed and driven from their old quarters, and laigdy disintegraied. In
the later years of Tiavka his authority seems to have grown weaker, and
the administrative officers he put over the hordes began to assert them-
selves in a more independent fiashion, and it is from this time that I date
the division of the Kazaks into three more or less independent and
substantive hordes, governed by their own princes. Of the three
divisions the Middle Horde was the most powerfiil and numerous, and
was the direct heir of the White Horde^ w th whose line of princes its
rulers was continuous^ and I shall therefore begin the separate histories
with that of the Middle Horde.
* Uvcktet. 149. tVeLZ«rB,U. Nott, s> I Anie, I 64M, y%i.Z%m^lL Not«,S3.
3«
642 HISTORY or THB MONGOLS.
In 1718, when he was evidently driven to gieat straits, we find Tiavka
(or Tend, as MuUer calU him), Khaip, and Abulkhair, who are aU styled
Khan, appealing to Prince Matthew Petroviu Gagarin, the governor
of Siberia, offering to put themselves under Russian pcotection, no
doubt in the hopes of receiving assistance against the KaUnuks.*
Tiavka died about the year 1718.
The Middle Horde
BULAT KHAN OR SHEMIAKA.
In Levchine*s genealogical table Tiavka*s son is called Bulat Khan.
The use of this title Khan shows that he actually ruled. Now it is
strange that his name does not occur, so far as I know, elsewhere^ nor is
it known to the Russian chroniclers. On the other hand, they mentioa
at this time or shortly after a Shemiaka Khan, who was the ruler of dM
Middle Horde, and who is made the immediate predecessor of Abul
Makhmet. Now Abul Makhmet was the son of Bulat Khan according
to Levchin^s table, and this Shemiaka, who was so fiunous, does not
occur in that table at alL These facts have driven me to the conclusion
that Bulat Khan and Shemiaka were in fiict synonyms for the same
person. It is a curious fact that one of the Russian princes, who acted
a very turbulent part in the history of Russia in the fourteenth century^
was called Shemiaka.
We have reached a very critical stage in Kazak history. The terrible
power of the Sungarian Kalmuks, which was at this time dominating
over Central Asia, crushed them to powder, and drove them largdy out
of their old quarters and largely disint^rated them. The Sungarian
Khan, after inflicting several defeats upon them, had hi 1723 captured
Turkestan, the old capital of their Khans, and where most of them were
buried. He had also appropriated Tashkend and Sairam, and reduced
the Great Horde and a section of the Middle Horde to obediencct The
greater part of the Middle Horde retired towards Samarkand, part of the
Great Horde and a small section of the Middle towards Khojend, and
the Little one to Bukhara and Khiva. Famine and want pursued the
unhappy fugitives.
These disasters pieced up for a while their internal quarrels, and it was
determined at a general assembly to make a united efibrt to eject their
enemies from the old Kazak country. Abulkhair, the chief of the Little
Horde, who will occupy us at some length presentlyi was appointed
generalissimo, and a white horse was sacrificed as a gauge of mutual
fiddity. They thereupon advanced against their old enemieS| and
* MiUtTi SamU HitU Nacb., ir. aS4- Vd. ZmimI; 0. Notf,S3* t Levduoc, xsi, tst.
ABUL liAKHMST KHAK. 643
defeated them in several encountersi but afraid that the Sungar chief
would exact terrible vei^itance upon them, they determined finally to
withdraw from their old land. The Great Horde alone remained
behind. The Little Horde advanced westwards, driving before it the
Kalmuks of the Volga, and settled down between the Yemba and the Ural
or Jaik, while the Middle Horde went northward as fiur as the rivers Ori
and Ui, whence they ejected a large number of Bashkirs. This invited
and in fact secured ample reprisals in after days, and the dispossessed
Bashkirs, with the Cossacks of the Ural, formed a continual thorn in the
flank of the Kazaks ; and in view of the many dangers whkh surrounded
them, the latter determined to submit to Russia. We accordingly find
that in 1733 Shemiaka took the oath of allegiance to the Empress. This
was apparently resented by his people, and disturbances broke out in the
Middle Horde.*^ They attacked the Bashkirs unsuccessfully, and after-
wards repeated the venture with sunilar results. This second raid was
led by Shemiaka, notwithstanding the oath he had sworn to the
Rusttans,t but he aftenvards sent envoys to apologise for his beliaviour.t
At thb'time Abulkhair of the Little Horde, who was the most important
of the Kazak chiefs, seems to have used his influence to induce the
Middle Horde to submit to Russia, and in the year 1734 Kirilof, the
Russian frontier commander, was intrusted with patents of investiture
for Shemiaka. These were not presented as he in the meantime died.
The document is still extant, and has been translated by Levchine. It
was addressed by Anne, the Empress and autocratrix of all the Russias,
&c., ^ to our subject Shemiaka Khan and the dders and army of the
Kirghiz Kazaks of the Middle Horde.** It recited his recent oath and
backslidings, and oftered him pardon.!
ABUL MAKHMET KHAN.
Levchine says that on the death of Shemiaka the Middle Horde was
ruled by Abul MakhmeC and Ablai. The latter did not become Khan,
however, till much later. Abul Makhmet was, according to the first of
his genealogical tables, tlie son of the Pulad Khan (that is in my view of
Shemiaka), and he there says that he submitted to Russia in 173a Ablai
win occupy us fiirther later on. When Tatischef was appointed governor
of Orenburgh,intheplaceof Kirik^in 1737, he sent a sumflsons to Abul
Makhmet Khan and Ablai to go and meet him at Orenbuigh. They did
not obey this summons, and on the return of the envoy, in August, 1738,
explained that it was because they lived a long way off on the river
Irtish, but that they wouM go the following spring and duly swear iealty.|
170, t/4ni7r< I/ii|X8o. f A/., i8o» x8i. 1/^^,189.
644 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
This did not come about, however, for Tatischef was recalled in the
beginning of 1 739 and replaced by Prince Umssof. Hitherto the Middle
Horde had not apparently elected a definite Khan, but Abul Makhmet
at this time acquired that position, and a feud arose between hhn and
Abulkhair of the Little Horde, who claimed some land of suzerainty over
him. In 1740 Abu) Makhmet Khan, accompanied by Abiai Sultan, and
by many chiefs, elders, and ordinary Kazaks of the Middle Horde,
arrived at Orenbuigh, and had an interview with Prince Urussof, by
whom they were received with the same honours as he had previously
received Abulkhair. They presented courteous letters of submission,
which were read out by an interpreter, after which Abul Makhmet and
Ablai knelt down on a piece of gdklen tissue and swore fealty They
kissed the koran, put it on their heads, and attached their tamghas or
seals to the documents containing the oath. One hundred and twenty
eight grandees of the Middle Horde took a similar oath in an adjoining
tent, and the commonalty out of doors, and the ceremony was followed
by a feast, the firing of salvoes of artillery, &c The following day an
interview took place between them and the Russian commander, at
which he urged upon them that they should protect the Russian caravans
traversing their country, endeavour to restore the things which had been
pilli^:ed by the Great Hcvde from Miiller's caravan {^uide in/ra\
and endeavour to restore peace between the Kazaks and the Volga
Kalmuks. These requests were hardly in the power of the two chiefs to
comply with. The plunder of caravans was too old a perquisite of the
Kazaks to be given up at the instance of their chiefs, while the>' had no
authority near the Volga, where the disputes with the Kalmuks chiefly
arose. Abulkhair's two sons Nuralt and Erali happened to be at
Orenburgh at the same time as the chiefs of the Middle Horde, but they
refused to meet them, and took their departure hastily, for fear of being
imprisoned at the instance of Abul Makhmet*
In 1 741 Karasakal (1./., Blackbeard), the leader of the rebellious
Bashkirs, sought refuge among the Kazaks, and led a plundering band of
the lauer (doubUess of the Middle Horde) against the Sungars, who
pursued them, ravaging the Kazak encampments they met with rn route.
They were stopped by a message of Prince Urussof, who warned them
not to disturb the peace which subsisted between their masters and the
Russians. They protested they did not know the Kazaks were Russian
subiects, and did not seem to understand the diplomatic language of the
prince, who told them to remit their complaints against the Kazaks to
St Petersburg, and not to take the law into their own hands.t
Abul Mald^met now wrote to ask the Russians to build a strong
tortress hi his country.! The Kazaks continued to molest the Hungarian
frontiers, and in 1741 the Sungar chief Galdan Chereng sent two armies
•Id., i»o.i9j. t /rf., ,93. ,^ » /rf., ,94.
ABUL MAJCmfET KlUK. 645
to punish Uid Middle and the Little Hovde setpeetivdy. The vesolt
of this was that Ahlai was captured and carried off as a prisoner,
and in 1742 we find the Rnssian Major MiUler being despa t ched
to Galdan Chereng to negotiate his snneader. Abul Makhmet was
sUso constrained to send the Sungar chief an embassy and to give up his
own son to him as a hostage.* The Russian authorities now protested
agamst this intercourse, and objected strongly to their new cKents the
Kaxaks having direct n^fotlations with the Kahnuks, and undenook to
restrain their raids, but the Sungars, who knew their neighbours well,
refused to rely on Kasak promisesy and insisted upon hostages.! Abul
Makhmet was warned to restrain his people. The latter was an ol^ect of
jealousy to Abulkhair of the Little Horde, who sent him word when he
was on his way to Orenburgh that the Russians meant to detain him.
This caused his speedy return home, but Nepluief^ the border Russian
commander, having sent the interpreter Ura^in to him, he willingly took
the oath of all^ajice to the Empress Elizabeth. It would seem that at
this time a large number of the Kazaks of the Middle Horde obeyed
Borrak, the son of Tursun Khan, and he was even styled Khan. He
took the oath of allegiance at the same time as Abul Makhmet A letter
and a golden sabre were presented to him in 1743, but he was indignant
that these presents were sent him by only aaimple messenger and not an
envoy, and he returned them with a rude answer. In 174a Ablai Sidtan
was released by the Sungars, at the instance of the Russian officer
MuUer.t
In 1744 the Sungars made a demonstratkm towards the Rnssian
frontiers in Siberia. Abul Makhmet and bis people retired towards
Turkestan, and sought a closer alliance with CakUn Chereng, who still
kept his son as a hostage, and torn whom he hoped to get a grant of the
town of Turkestan itsdf, which was then in his handa.| Boncak Sultan
had also sunendered his son at a hostage to the Soagar% and Intr^ued
busily to win over the grandees of the Middle Horde to his side. But the
oid hatred of the Kahnuks and the Kazaks was so great that there can
be small doubt that if war had brdcen out between the former and the
RttssianSi the Kazaks would have been found on the side of the latto* ;
but this war did not take place;, the Sungars in fret returned honewardc.
Vie then find the Middle Horde, after an estnmi^ment of two years,
once more drawing near the Russian frontier, and both Abd Makhmet
and Borrak renewing their oath of al^G^ance.1 In 1746 the Sugars
made a raid on the Kazaks, and carried off many horses. The same year
their chief Galdan Chereng died.
In 1748 Abulkhair of the Uttle Horde was defeated by Bomk, as I
shall describe later on. He afterwards pillaged the Karakalpaks^ who
S4$ HI8TWY or THB 1I01I00L&
•
weie s«tj«ctt of Rossla, and fearing tbe latter's vtngeanoe, witlidrew
easlwaidi and oocnpied the towns of Ikan, Otrar, and Sighnak, where he
pitched his camp, but the following year he and his two sons were
poisoned while living with a khoja. This was iq>psrently by eider of the
Sttngars, to whom Nnraliy the son of Abnlkhair, had complained of his
father's murder.* At this time the greater part of the sohans and chiefs
of the Middle Horde had given host^EOS to the Stmgars, who bcfgan to
5^iafiyi tliit branch of the Kazaks as thdr siifajectSyt and we find its Khan
Abal Makhmet retiring to Turkestani where he lived until his death.t
His authority in^ the larger part of the horde, however, seems to have
been lost, and AUai succeeded as iu difaOo ruler.
ABLAI KHAN.
On the withdrawal of Abul Makhmet, Sultan Kuchuk, brother of
Bonakf was non^nated as their chief by some dans of the Middle Horde,
but his appointment was not confirmed by the Russians, and he leaned for
support on the Sungars. Ablai, whose genealogy has not been preserved
in full, but who was probably descended from Shigai Khan, followed a
different policy. As most of lus people lived close to the frontier of the
the Russians, he naturally drew nearer to them. This was hastened by
a defeat sustained by the Middle Horde at the Ulugh Tagh mount^uns
lni7SionthepartoftheSungars.| In 1754 they were again so pressed
by thq latter people that many of them asked permission firom the
Russians to allow their wives and children to take shelter widiin their
lines and to give them lands on the firontier, which they promised
to till and to bdld villages there.| A number of them were allowed to
Kttle near the lines of Uisk, whQe permission was given others to retne
in case of necessity behind the lines on giving suitable hostages; but
aixmt Uiis ttme^ as I showed in the former volume, the Sungar empire
was entirdy destroyed.^^
Ablai took a prominent part in the revolutions which broi^t about
this end. The downfeU of the enqpire, as I have shown, was diiefly
fy^ fffii \pf the quarrel between Amursana and Tawatsi.^ The former
having been put on the throne by the Chinese, afterwards rebdled, and a
huge Ounese army was sent against lum.tt He thereupon took refuge
wi& the KasakSy whose Khan Ablai fomished him with horMs and
an escort, hoodwinked die Chinese generals as to his whereabouts ;tt
and having promised to arrest him, excused lumself on the groundihat
he had slipped through his hands and found refi:^ among the
Rnsriatts.||
^ UL^tiu tiii.,iu. I/W^«22S. SU^9ai. \Ji^txj. t^«l«,L €51.694*
••^ii</,i.65X,«5a. tt it»<», L «5S. 11 Memototi wr U CWao, 3JI, S5«. N#t«.
^H^nVH^ Note
AMLMI KMkXU &|7
The Chinese general Taltanga ptuBued him Into the Kasak conntryi
idiere he allowed himself to be beguiled by the promiaet of the Kasaks,
and halted a while. This conduct disgusted the Mongol and Mandm
soldiery who were with himy and many of them abandoned hiniy and ha
was consequently constrained to retire. Hold« one of his bfwrest
generals, wais killed, and the same &te seems to have overtaken Nima,
Payar, Sila, MangaHk, and odier Kalmnk diiefii who had taken part
against Amutsana.* Fresh annies were thsrenpon prepared by the
Oif>ffff ^ snct denatched under the genenls Fnte a nd Chao hoeL The
former was sent iato the coimtry of the Kasaki. He ponished severdy
those tribes who dared to resist^ subdued the rest, and captured many
prisoners, the chief of whom were sent to Pdui^ and there ea ecut e d for
having been false to their allegianoe.t
According to Levchme^ when the Chinese aims began to be succeasftil
Ablai fidcd with them and helped them to subdue the 8ungars,and
afterwards acknowledged himself a vassal of the Qifaiese Emperor Kien
lung, who sent him a patent as prince and a calendar reciting the
conditions on wliich he was accepted as a subjecti It was in 1756 that
he first recmed ov ertures horn the Chinese, and die following year ha
was approached by an envoy who wished his horde to declare itsdf
subject to China; but to tins he demurred, his relations with Rusda
making it dangerous for him to openly change his aOegianoe in tins
&shton, and his crafty policy mging him to play off one of his powerful
neq;iibours against the odier.
In 1758 a part of the Middle Horde made a rakl on the Russian
firontiers, and carried off two hundsed and twenty Tartars from the
district of Kttsnetz, who were known as Dvoedantzy (/./., those who paid a
6oMt tributeXiHuch name is explained by the hd that, being borderers
both of the Sungars and Rnssiatts, they had to pay tribute to both. The
other portion (^ te Blkldle Horde migrated eastwards, and occopieda
part of the country formerly hdd by the Sungars.!
Whik we find the Chinese In^ecial authorities inso^Mng Ablai in the
fist of thek tributary princes, we read how the latter wrote to the Rttssmns
to inform them that his submissioa to the Chinese was invohmtary,
and that he was ready to fight agmnst them when thought necessary.
He was rewarded accordini^y with iSbft Empress's praises and the gift of
a predotts sahre.i Hillierto it wmdd seem Uiat Ablai continued to be
Styled Sidlan, but a hofe part of the MiddDe Horde now began to
give him the tide of Khan, and he began to adopt the style himaelf
without the authoiisatkm of the Rnsshms. The latter were not p le ased
at this, as they looked upon the Middk Horde as their sobjeeta.
They approached him cKplomartcally to induce him to appfy for At
OTfbtaCldat,ftc^i.SSaH99S. fAUSfi' Hm»i9, 1 Op. cUm SUb ^fa.
%hL,m^ |/<«^4S-
648 HISTORY or TBB MONGOLS.
dignity, and to sare&dftr oi$ son at a hostai^e, as Niirali of the Little
Horde had done, and he was granted a doaceor in the duq>e d a»
annual pension. These adtances were coldly received hy Ablal Thfr
Russians at the same time learnt that Abul Makhmet was stiU liring.*
In 1760 the Kaxaks of the Middle Horde attacked the Burata or Wikl
Kifghise% and severdy punished them* They also committed somft
ravages in Suagaria. The Chinese complained to AUai of tUs,
and sent an army to compel restitution. This frightened die Kasak%
who not only behaved suhmissivdy to the Chinesci but also letunied to
the Russians a number of Bashkirs and Barabinski Tartars whom they
had carried off as prisQiiers.t
The policy of A» Russians was to detach Ablai ftom his dependeace
on China, and in 1762 orders were issued to distribute presents among'
hia grandees, to build stables and cart-sheds near the frontier, while
a small palace with diops roond it and endosed by a rampart was
ordered to be built for the Khan himsdf. This was apparently erected
opposite tbt fort of Petropattlofiik.t On the accession of the Emptest
Catherine II., Ablai, and Aichuvak with NuraHof the Little Horde, took
the oath of aUegiaacek He still remained dependent on the Chinese,
however, so thai he leaned on both empirts.
Meanwhye the CUnese con tin ued their victorious course, and now
assaikd the districts of IQiokaad and Tas h kend, whose rulers appealed
10 Ahmed, the ruler (^ the A^i^ums, as a good Mussulman, to go to
the assistance of his co-religionists. He was also appealed to by
the people of Kashgar, Yarkand, te., and be accordingly sent a con-
siderable army, whidi entered into a parley with the Chinese between
Tashkend and Khokand. Meanwhile a sort of jehad or holy war was
preached, and the neighbouiing Mns sul m a n powers received invitations
to go and help them. Abul Makhmet, as l^itimate sovereign of the
Middle Horde^ recdved such an invitation, but as he no longer had any
authority among the Kasdcs, In sent on the invitation to Ablai. Mean
while the Chinese had sent the latter a diploma and given him
permission to settle on the river Ili, promising him thdr protection, while
they took his foher-in-law Sultan Ahmed and some grandees and thdr
children as hostages.1 This^ it would seem, prevented him joining the
Muhammedan league. The Russians now ordered a small town to be
built on the river KoldiaUi, to be a kind of rendesvous to the Kasaks,
and in 1764 the fort of Scmipalatinsk was constituted an entrepot of
trade for them. Thb was at the instanoe of AbuUds (son of the Khan
Abul Makhmet, and brother of PuUd Khan of Turkestan), who was the
diief of the Nafanans, the most powerfol tribe of die Middle Horde. He
Uved in Sungaria, and was more or less dependent on the Chinese. His
request tiiat the people might be aBowed to trade at Scmipalatinsk was
ABLAI KHAN. 64Q
immediatdy granted.* Al^ at the same time asked the Rustiant to
send him ten cultivators to teach his people agriculture. This also was
granted on his giving hostages for their safety.
We now (>>., 1770) reach the period of the famous flight of the Toiiguts,
which occupied us in our former volume. The passage of the KaUnuks
across the lands of their ancient enemies the Kazaks was an opportunity
the latter were not likely to neglect, and as they were duly warned and
incited by the Russians, their policy was safe as well as profitable. Ablai
and his people inflicted severe losses on them, as did Sultan AbulfeiSf
and their united forces captured a large number of prisoners from them-t
In 1775 some chiefs of the Middle Horde, including Abulfeix, together
with the son and nephew of Ablai, went to the Russian autiuNities on the
Siberian frontier and asked to be admitted as Russian subjects. This was
apparently a move to secure annual pensions and gifts, and was not
reciprocated by the Russian authorities, who relied that the Kasaka
were already subjects of Russia.)
Aldai, by his sagacity and experience, had become very poweiluL He
played his cards wdl between Giina and Russia, with a leaning towards
tbe former power, whose language he is said to have sp<dee&. After the
year 1771 he openly adopted the style of Khan, aad we find SuUaa Dair,
son of Borrak, protesting to the Orenburg^ atidiorkies against his doing
so.i On bdng asked by the Russians how be had acquired the title of Khan
he replied proudly, he had done so by his victories over the Tofguts, and
after the death of Abul Makhmet by the suffrages <^ the Kazaks and of
tbe people of Turkestan and Tashkend, and added that, like his prede-
cessors, he wished to live at Turkestan, near the tomb of Khoja Akhmed,
who was looked upon by the Kazaks as their gvei^est saint. The
Russians pressed him to ask for the title, and he promised to do so^ and
also to sand his son Tngum to the court with the request, and in 1777
Togum went to St Petersburg with a letter asking for die dignity of
Khan on bdialf of his ftrthen He was well received there, and on the
aand of October, 1778, a diploma constituting him Khan was sent to
Orenbuigh with a state-pdisse, a sabre, and cap. He was invited to
go to TrcHtsk, or some post in Siberia to receive them. This he refused
to do, and the oadi of allegiance was sworn at his camp in the
presence of a Russian officer. As he did not wish to ofiend the Chinese,
he would not accept the presents the Empress sent him, which were
detained at the fort of Petropanlofsk, close to his usual residence, and as
the Russisns refused to assist him against the Buruts, he in turn refused
to restore the Russian prisoners in his hands, and the Turkomans who
had been carried off by the Torguts and left behind in his country. The
Russians, mnch irritated, withdrew the pension they paid him and incited
sone sultans agadnst him. They also had a design to carry him off to
•/il..94>- ^Id^m- t/d*,iS$. «/4.,a«o.
650 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
Russia, but this he frustrated, and we find him carrying on a successful
campaign against the Buruts and then retiring to Turkestan. He also
built a house surrounded with a rampart for his son Hadil on the river
Talas, and at the instance of the Kazaks of the Great Horde, who were
subject to him, he founded a small town dose by, which he peopled with
Karakalpaks, who were practised in agriculture. The Buruts whom he
captured he transported to the north of the country of the Middle Horde,
where Levchine says they continued to live in his day, and were known
as Jany or Yany Kirghiz (<>., the New Kirghiz). In 1781 he returned
towards the Russian frontier, but died on the way at the age of seventy.
He was buried at Turkestan. When the news reached Peking the
Chinese sent an officer, who assembled his ^unily and performed a
stately funeral service in itB presence.*
VALI KHAN.
According to tradition, after the death of Ablai the southern portioa
of the Middle Horde suffered a terrible revene at the hands of the Great
Horde, which carried off a great quantity of cattle, a disaster which was
revenged by subsequent reprisals. The northern part of the horde chose
Vali, the son of Ablai, as Khan, who asked for a confirmation of his
dignity from the Russians. This was granted, and in 1783 he was
proclaimed Khan of the Middle Horde by the lieotenant-general Jacobs
at Petropaulofsk with the usual ceremonies.
Meanwhile the Naimans elected another chief, and he was confirmed
by the Chinese authorities. Abulfeiz, the son of Abul Makhmet, died in
17S3, leaving a son named Bnpu and a son-in-law, namely the Khaa
Khoja, son of Borrak. These two princes eadi daimed the succession,
and thus divided the allegiance of the Naimans. The majority sided
with Khoja, and to him the Chinese Emperor sent a diploma.
With the exception of Vali, none of the other relatives of Ablai had
intercourse with Russia, but leaned rather upon China. One of his
brothers named Jingis levied an army in the steppes in 1784, and with it
quelled a revolt in Tashkend. Another named Sultan Tiz is famous from
his animosity to the Buruts, against whom the various Kazaks who lived
on the Chinese frontier, and who inherited the feud from Ablai, carried
on a fierce war. The Buruts are a warlike race. They defeated the
Chinese more than once. Sultan Tiz was also beaten and captured
by them, and had to surrender some id his slaves. The Elder Berdi
Khojai who governed part of the Middle Horde <m the Chinese
firontier, fought frequently against the Buruts and defeated them. In
17$$ he won a signal victory over them, but this was his last This was
*/ifn statics.
VAU JLMAS. 651
on the banks of the Aiagut, and when acting av an auxiliary to the
Chinese. Enconniged by his success, he advanced with a small body of
men and halted for reinfi>rcements on the Yidisse. The Bnruts surprised
him there during the night and captured him. Knowing his captors
wellf and feeling how little he had to expect from them, he killed one of
the fiuruts who was escorting him. The rest of the party set upon him,
decapitated him, cut ofT his feet and hands, slit open his stomach, and
placed these grim trophies inside his body. Ak kiak, the brother of
Berdi Kho|a, and his sons Lepes and Chdka had a successful fight
subsequently with the BurutSt <^ captured their duefs son. They took
him home with them to their aul, where he was set upon by the wives of
IBerdi Khoja, and he died under their blows.*
In 1786 the Russian authorities determined to reinstate the dignity of
Khan in the Little Horde(where it had been in abeyance for some time),
in £svour of Nurali, the son of Abulkhair, and we are told he was
largely supported by the most powerful chie£i of the Middle Horde,
among whom the Sultan Khudai Mendi held a prominent place for
power and resouroes.t He was also supported by Vali Khan.^ In 1786
Khudai Mendi asked for a grant of land on the frontier. This was
conceded, and he was also given a present of some money.)
Meanwhile peace and tranquillity reigned in the northern portion of the
Middle Horde. Having as its neighbours the closely allied tribes of the
(keat and Little Hord^ the Russians, and the inhabitants <^ the Khanates
ei Tashkend and Twkestan, who were not very warlike, these Kaiaks
had no predatory neighbours except the Bashldrs, who bordered upon
them near Troitsk, and the Buruts at the other extremity of their country.
Their position was therefore much more favourable than those of the
Great and Little Hordes. This led to the people being more settledf
more dvilised, and more amenable to their princes than in the Great and
Little Hordes, a position strengthened by the long reign of AblaL Vali|
his son, retained a laige measure <^ his father's authority, although he
was not so conciliatory to the Russions as they wished. He refused to
surrender the Turkomans already mentioned, who had been carried off
from Astrtkhea by the Kalmuks, and he persecuted the elders who sided
with the Russons, and in 1789 a large number of his subjecu passed
into Russia withTugum, asultan of the Great Horde, and received a grant
oflandsnearthefortofUstKamenogorsk.1 In 1793 the Turkomans who
had been detained^ were released by a Russian detachment sent by
General Strandmant the commander of the Siberian line. Vali com-
plained of this to the Empress, and was told to go to St Petersburg with
his grievances; but this he deemed imprudent, and on the death of his
brother Jingis, which followed shortly afler, he laid on him the blame of
1 J4» tS4» iM. f ^<^ «iff.«49-
6$3 HISTORY or THS MONGOLS.
hit tortooas conduct,* but he contiaued to have intercourse with the
Qiinese Emperor, to whom he, in. the winter of 1794-5, sent his son to
offer him his submission. He also oppressed his own people, and in
coniequehce in 1795 two sultans, nineteen elders, and 43,360 of his
followers, with 79,000 other Kazaks, sent to ask the Empress to deliver
them from the power of Vali, and to accept them as Russian subjects*
The opportune repentan e of the Khan induced the authorities to lock
coldly on this proposal Meanwhile the section of the Middle Horde
bordering on the Bashkirs made, in 1795, a raid on the districts,of Chelia-
binsk and Verkhni Uralsk, and conmiitted depredations in revenge for
the previous attacks by the Bashkirs.
In 1798 a tribunal for the settlement of Kazak disputes, composed
of Russians and Kazaks, was founded at Petropaulofsk, but it did not
begin its real labours till 1806. Vali continued to reign for some years
longer, and died in 18 18. In his later years his authority was disputed
by several other chiefs, and at the request of the Kazaks themselves, the
Emperor Alexander in 18 16 nominated Bukei, the son of Borrak, as a
second Khan of the horde. He also died in 18 18. With him ended the
dignity of Khan in the Middle Horde,t which now became entirely
subject to Russia and controlled by a special administration.
Thf Little Horde.
ABULKHAIR KHAN.
We have seen how on the death of Tiavka Khan the power of the
Kazaks became much disintegrated. It was then apparently that the
three divisions of the race became separated from one another, and each
began to have a substantive history of its own. We will now turn to
that of the so-called Little Horde.
The princes of the Little Horde were descended from Uziak Sultan,
the brother of Yadik Khan, both of whom were sons, as I have shown, of
Janibq^ Khan. Uziak's son, according to the information furnished to
Levchine by Tevkelef, was Buliakai Kuyan, whose son was Aichuvak,
whose son was Irish, whose son was Adia. Adia and Tiavka Khan were
descended by equal steps from their common ancestor Janibeg Khan,
and I believe he was the same person who, according to Levchine^ was
nominated as the administrator of the Little Horde by Tiavka, and was
by him called Aitiak.t The son of Adia was Abulkhair, who is men-
tioned for the first time in 1717, when with Tiavka and Kaip he sent to
Russia to ask assistance agamst the Kalmuks.§ On the death of Tiavka
he had a struggle for supremacy with Kaip. Kiap was the son of SulUn
*/<^..a9S« XldnHVr- J Op. eit., !«. (M*. iS«*
ABUIXHAnt KHAN. 653
Kosre^ the •on of Suluo Syrdak, the ton of another SuUan Syrdak, the
son of Ithlm Khan^ and as refMresenting the Cunily of Yadik^ doubdess
resented the inferior pretensions of Abulkhairi who was descended from
the tatter's brodier Uziak. Abulkhair in 1717 came into conflict with
the RassianSy and made an incursion into the jnovince of Kaian as for
as NoTOsheshminsk, which he destroyed^ and where he captured many
prisoners.* The continual attacks of his Kazaks at length aroused their
neighbours, and we are told the Kalmuks drove them out of Turkestan^
Tashkend, and Sairam in 1723. According to Neplouief and Rytschkof,
Abulkhair lived at Turkestan until I733,t and it would appear that he
was in fact the most powerful of the Kazak rulers at this time. Fading
that they were being exterminated by their nratual strife^ the various
Kazak chieft had a general meetmg^ where they agreed to acknowledge
Abulkhair as their head, and sacrificed a white horse as a gauge of
future peace4
They now turned again upon the Kalmuks, and won several victories
over them, but Tse wang Arabtan was too powerful for them to hope to
make much impression on him, and the three great sections <^ the race
separated, as I have mentioned.1 The Little Horde migrated westwards.
It crossed the Yemba, which was formerly the western limit of the
Kazaks, drove the Torguts before it, and took possession of the
country as Cur as the Jaik.| This naturally aroused die Torguts against
them, and they were also speedily at issue with the Cossacks of the UraL
In 1716 we find that a Kazak envoy named Kaibakar was deputed
by the elders Sungur, Yedikbey, Khajibey, Tiak-Kulibey, kc^ to ask the
protection of Russia. They were not very important chie£i apparently,
and we certainly miss the name of Abulkhair Khan. This n^Qtiation
came to nothing.^ At length Abulkhair was satisfied that the best
policy was to submit to Russia himself, and although the greater part of
his people disapproved of it, he in 1730 sent certain envoys escorted by
die Badikir chief Aldara to Buturb'n, the voivode of Ufa, with a letter
tendering his obedience. They arrived at Ufii in July, 1730, and
were sent on to St Petersburg. In his letter he gave his reasons for
die step he had taken. He set out the difficultiM he had with his
ne^bours, the Kahnuks, the Bashkirs, and the Cossacks of the Ural,
and promised to help Russia against its enemies. He asked for troops
to help him to subdue the Khivans, Karakalpaks, and Aralians, and
finally acknowledged himself and his people as subjects of Russia.
Abulkhair's envoys were well received, and their arrival caused con-
siderable rejoicings at St. Petersburg, since Russia had acquired a
number of new subjects without striking a blow, while there was a
promise that the unruly Bashkirs would now have a thorn in their side,
* UnUsa. isi* Ud,,i5i, Note,i. t ^d,, tsi, 15%. iAnU,64$ '
654 HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
and the raler of Khivay who had to lately killed Prince Bekovitch
Gierfcasld and his companions^ would be duly punished. They returned
to their master with a letter from the Empress Anne accepting his
fubmisfioni and promiaing him the aid and protection which he asked.
With them went the murza Tevkele^ interpreter in the C6Qegd of Foreq;n
Affiursy some notables from U£l^ Bashkirs, and Russian Cossado. They
were also accompanied by two engineer officers charged with making a
map of the Kaiak country.* Meanwhile the news <^then^otiation was by
no means welcome at the horde^ and the Russian officers on arriving there
were treated with some contumely. Tevkelef would probably have been
killed but for his doquence and the fact that he was a Mussuhnan, and also
for the intervention of the Khan, who was himself assailed, and asked by
what right he had entered into communication with foreign powers and
pledged the obedience of the hoAle without its consent. The eloquence
of Tevkelef and the counsels of the renowned Bashkir elder Batir Taima
were apparently urged in vain, and it was decided to sunmion a general
meeting of the horde to discuss the question of submission. To this
Tevicelef was invited. Having bought over some <^ the chiefs, he fiiced
the dangerous meeting, which was presided over by Abulkhair. His
language was more than usually persuasive, and he was supported by
Bukenbey, who was much respected both in the Little and Middle
Horde. The result was that both Abulkhahr and also Shemiaka Khan of
the Middle Horde took the oath of allegiance to Russia. This took place
in 1732, and soon after Tevkelef sent off his suite to rqKNt the result of
his mission, while he himself stayed with Abulkhair. This result was not
so prominng as it seemed. He had secured the chieft, but the sturdier
spirits among the commonalty, whose heritage of freedom was of very
old date, chafed at what they deemed a modified servitude, and the
hands of Shemiaka Khan of the Middle Horde^ who was more inde*
pendent, were strengthened. Abulkhair at length left his more turbulent
subjects in the desert, and with the remainder fixed his camp at the
mouth of the Sir or Jazartes, where he subdued the Karakalpaks and
brought them also under the protection of Rusua.
After this Abulkhair returned once more towards Russia. When
he reached the frontier he despatched his son Erali Sultan, his step-
brother Niyas Sultan, some Kasak elders, and Aralbcy and Arasgheldi
Batir, two elders of the Great Horde, on a mission to the Empress.
They were accompanied by Tevkde^ and arrived at Ufa in January,
1733. The Kasak envoys did not reach St Petersburg till the January
following. They were presented a month later, and Erali on behalf of
his froher and his people offered submission to Russia. The Empress
listened graciously, and ordered presents to be distributed amoqg the
members of the missJon, and they were largely feted during their stay in
ABULKHAIR KHAN. 655
the capitaL Two Kaiaks were sent beck to thank Abnlkhair Ibc die
pains he had taken to secore the sabmiision of the Middle and the Great
Horde^ to tdl hhn how well his son had been received, and to bid him
treat his neighbours and the Karakafpaks wdL Meanwhile negotiations
continned between Erali and the Russian authorities. The lomer asked
that the dignity of Khan might be settled upon Abulkhair's fiunily, and
that the Russians wouM build a fortress at the confluence of the Ori and
the UraL The latter that Abulkhair would guard the Russian frontiers
near his own» would convoy and protect the caravans of merchants
which crossed his country, and would supply, like the Kalmuks and
Bashkirs, contingents of troops when needed, and pay a tribute or yassak
of sldns.* These omditions could be more easily promised than carried
out, for the oonstittttion of the Kasaks was an exceedini^y democratic
ooe^ and the chic£i had always a very weak hold on their subjects. At
length the embassy returned, and the famous geographer Kirilof was
intmsted with the dnty of carrying out the views of the Russian Govern-
ment He was accompanied by some engineers to build forts, by some
surveyors to draw mapa^ and by three officers and some artificers and
sailors to build boats on the rivers ; a mining engineer, some artilleiy
officers, an historiographer, a botanist, an apothecary, a painter, a doctor,
some young students to study the language^ Ac. At Kaxan he was
joined by a r^;iment and some artillery, and at Ufa by a battalion <^
in£uitry, Cossacks, &c. Tevkelef was a|^>ointed interpreter, with the
rank of colonel, and the revenues of Ufa were assigned for the expenses
of his expedition.t He was ordered to build a town at the mouth
of the Ori, and to attract inhabitants to it, to deliver letters patent for
Abulkhair, Shemiaka, the chiefs of the Great Horde and the Kara-
ka^aks ; to invite these chiefs to meet him, and to persuade those of
the Middle and Great Horde to swear alliance, to send back Erali well
escorted to his father, to keep the Kazaks quiet by bribes, and either use
tenderness or a strong hand, as policy required ; to allow the chiefs to
build houses and mosques at the new town, and to pasture their cattle
near it; to assign the river Ural as the frontier, and to forbid the
Kazaks passing it ; and to appoint a mixed court of Russians and Kazak
grandees to try disputes, which were to be settled according to the
custom of the country. After matters had been arranged with the
Kazaks to despatch a caravan to Bukhara or further, so as to attract
commerce to Russia, and to send surveyors with the first caravan to draw
maps ; to make a search for mines, and especially for gold ; to try and
establish a port on the Sea of Aral, and for this purpose to build some
boats on the Ural, and to transport them across the steppe in the winter
with the consent of the Kazaks and the Karakalpaks ; to buy some
Kazak horses for the cavalry, and to work the mines, if found, except
' ' ' ■ ■ " ■■ ■ ■ ■
* LtTdUiit, 175, 174. 1 1d,, i;6.
656 HISTORY or TMX KOMOOUL
those of gold and sihrtr* KkiloC wts also the beaier of tetters for the
Khans. He set out from St Pttefsburg with the envoys on the 15th of
July, 1734.
In 1734 Abulkhair sent another important embassy to Moscow, at the
head of which was his son EralL This embassy was sumptuously treated.
It agreed on the part of the KasiOcs to respect the Russian frontiers, to
defend the caravans crossing the steppes, to furnish contingents of troops
when necessary, like the Bashkirs and the Kahnuks, and to pay a yassak
or tribute of hides. In return the Russians promised to confirm the
Khanate in the family of Abulkhair^ and to build a fort at the confluence
of the Ori and the Ural, where the Kasak Khan might take refuge when
hard pressed. By the advice of Kirilof a body of artisans was sent to
complete this last work. He was diosen to superintend it, and took with
him a considerabte body of sokliers, and in 1735 the foundations of the
city of Orenburg were laid. This colony and the increasing interference of
the Russians were naturally very jealously regarded by the surrounding
tribes. When KirQof arrived on the frontier he found the Bashkirs
in full revolt They had become frightened at the gradual advance
of Russian settlements, and they determined to oppose his {nroject.
He, however, reached the moudi of the Ori in safety, and on
the 15th of August, 1735, ^^^ ^^ foundation of the femous town of
Orenburg. As soon as the walls arose somewhat, a message was sent to
Abulkhair to announce to him that one part of his request was fulfilled,
and asking him with the other chiefs of the horde to go there in the
spring of 1736, while some Tashkend merchants who had been in Russia
were sent home with presents and invited to return and traffic at Oren-
burg. Meanwhite the disturbances continued among the Bashkirs, and
a number of fresh forts were founded to restrain them, namely, those of
Guberiinsk and Ozemaia on the Ural, which still remain, and three
others of less importance on the same river, namely, those of Sredny^
Berdskoi, and Krilof. Others were also built on the Samara and in the
interior of the country of the Bashkirs, afterwards known as the
Orenburg line, which for a long time marked the Russian frontier. We
now find the Kasaks under Russian countenance attacking the Kalmuks
of the Volga. This licence was more easily given than withdrawn, and,
not satisfied with carrying off a laTge number of prisoners in 1736, they
made another raid in I737» » which they captured much booty. Kirilof
was ordered to tell Abulkhair to refrain in fiiture from these attacks, but
unfortunately he died in April, 1737. At this time a caravan of Russian
merchants, accompanied by Captain Elton, who afterwards entered the
service of Nadir Shah of Persia, was about to set out for Tashkend.
Eltpn was commissioned to report on the navigation of the Sea of Aral,
and it was also proposed to build a town at the mouth of the Sir or
Jaxartes, and to people it with criminals.
ABULKHAIR KHAK. 657
Tatischeff the famous Russian historian, was appointed in the place of
Xirilof. He cdtamenoed his administfation by giving Abulkhair permis-
sion to waste the lands of the rebdlious Bashkirs, with orders to spare
those who were peaceable. Abnlkhair*s people did not discriminate, and
he even v e ntor ed to form the project of putting his son at the head of
the Bashkirs. He was now ordered to withdraw. Meanwhile his son
Erali was retained as a hostage at Orenbnrgfa. While Abulkhair was
plundering the Bashkirs another sectkm of his people molested the
Kalmuks and carried off some Rnssians as prisoners. Fearing punish-
ment for -this, Abulkhair ddayed repairing to Orenb ni gh, and did not go
until he had sent on his fidthfiil friend Bukenbey to reconnoitre the
state of affairs. Ht at length determined to go, and the interview
was fixed for August, 1738. A company of dragoons, two sections of
grenadiers, a military band, and some led horses were sent -out to escort
him to the town. The road along which he passed was lined with
troops, while a salvo of nine guns greeted him when he arrived. In the
tent of audience was placed a portrait of the Empress. He then
addressed Tatischef: ^Her Majesty the Empress,* he says, ''excels
other sovereigns as the light of the sun does that of the stars. Although
she is too distant for me to see her, I feel her beneficent influence in my
heart, while I deem yon as illumined by her reflected light. I declare
my submission to her and my obedience as a faithful subject I con*
gratulate you on your victories over your enemies, and hope you may
win others in the future. I put myself, my family, and horde under her
Majesty's protection as under the wing of a powerful eagle, and
promise an eternal submission, while I extend the hand of friendship
to yourself great general." After this Tatischef addressed to him a few
cordial words, and then the oldest of the Muhammedan clergy entered
the tent with a koran and a piece of gold tissue. On the latter the Khan
knelt do¥m, and having heard the oath of allegiance read, he kissed the
book. He was then dedced with a rich sabre with a goklen haft Mean-
while the dders and commonalty swore similar allegiance to Tevkdef in
other tents. The ceremony ended with a feast, where the health of the
Emperor and Empress was drunk amidst salvoes of artillery. The
following day AbuDchair's wn NuraU arrived, and also took the oath,
and was presented with a silver-handled sabre. Several mutual visits
now took place between Abulkhair and Tatischef, and it was agreed that
Erali Sultan should return to his father, and be replaced as a hostage at
Orenburgh by his brother Khoja Ahmed. Abulkhair undertook to
restore all the Russian prisoners at the horde or in its neighbouriiood«
He also asked that his wife Papai might visit the Imperial court. This
was partly due to curiosity and partly to tiie hope of getting some rich
presents. Ho also undertook to protect the Russian caravans, and
accordingly Ae first one oa iMOid set out under Lieutenant Miiller for
658 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
Tashkend. It traven«l iKe Little and Middle Hordes in safety, but was
plandered by the Great Horde at two days' journey from Tashkend.*
Before Abulkhair's departure rich presents were given him and his
people.
In the spring of 1739 Tatischef returned to St Petersburg, and was
replaced by Prince Urossofi and the first news he heard on reaching
Orenbutgh was that two Russian caravans had been pillaged by the
people of the Little Horde.
The following year the rebel Bashkir, Karasakal fled beyond the river
Jaik with his accomplices, and the Khan and sultans refused to surrender
him. For these reasons, and in order not to meet Abnl Makhmet
of the Middle Horde, over whom he claimed some suzerainty, Abulkhair
would not go to meet Prince Urussof, but sent his sons Nurali and
Erali. They were well received. Seventy-five tiders dined at the prince's
table, and food and drink were distributed in the open air to the ordinary
Kazaks. Nurali was accompanied by his governor or atabeg Baatur
Janibeg, who was also wdl received. They promised to restore the
merchandise recently c^tured from the caravans and to send back the
Russian prisoners at the horde. They asked for some cannon to be used
in a campaign against iChiva^ and that the Russians would build a town
on the Sir or Jaxartes. In this year Abulkhair became for a short time
Khan of Khiva, as I shall show in a future chapter. He was accom-
panied by the surveyor Muravine and the engineer Nazimof, who made
the first map of the Kazak steppes and the district of Khiva. The
Russians positively refused, however, to supply Abulkhair with any
artillery.t In 1740 Abulkhair sent about three thousand Kazaks to
plunder the Volga Kalmnks. After they had been forced to retire from.
Khiva by Nadir Sbah,t Abulkhair and Nurali returned once more to the
horde.
We now find the chief of the Sungar Kalmuks, weary of their constant
attacks, sending two armies, one against the Middle the other against the
Little Horde. Abulkhair ^plied to Russia for hdp, and received
permission in case of danger to shelter with his frunily at Orenbargh.|
This was no great boon, since he lived generally near the mouth
of the Sir, and in the midst of the Kirghiz steppe, and the Sungars,
who overran the northern parts of these steppes, could cut him off
from Orenburgh. We now find the crafty Kazak ruler sending sub-
missive messages to Galdan Chereng of the Sungars, and offering to
submit to him, but when the tatter's envoys went to receive hostages he
moved with them towards Orenburgh, where he had been invited by the
new governor Nepluief. The latter speedily told the envoys that
Abulkhair was a subject of Russia, and could not treat with a foreign
power nor give hostages. The Sungars raised objections to this, and
•U, 197-199. 1 id,, i9U ir«#A0«,clMptorx. % Id., 19$,
ABULKHAIR KHAK. 659
complained that they wexe constantly being molested by the Kazaks, and
said they had 'come to treat with Abulkhair and not the Russians, and
expected him to do what the chiefs of the Great Horde had done^ namely,
give their master hostages. They had to leaver however, without any
mcne satisfactory answer, and were accompanied by Miiller^ who had
commanded the plundered caravan as a Russian envoy.
In Angost, 1742, Abdkhairi £rali| Baatur Janib^, and other Kazak
diieft renewed their oath of allegiance to Russia, and Abulkhah-
promised to desist from molesting the Snngars. He also endeavoured to
persuade Neploief to accept as a hostage, in lieu of his son Khoja
Ahmed, another son by a concubine who was named Jingis, but this the
Russians refusedi and he was so enraged that he began to instigate the
Kazaks to attack the frontier towns of Russia, and we accordingly find
that in 1743 bands of these phmdcrers» from one to two thousand strong,
kB, on the newly-lbanded settlements, and carried their inhabitants
beyond the Jaik. In one day eighty-two men were carried off from the
small town of Iletzl^ &c. The leader of the marauders was Derbeshali
Sultan, a relative of Abulkhair, and his chief aim was to capture the fort
of Saraschinsk, where Khoja Ahmed was imprisoned, and to carry him
o£ This was prevented by the Russian troops, who could not, how-
ever, stop the maraudings and many of their horses were caqmired.
Abulldiair professed to disavow these acts, and even asked the Russians
to put die robbers to death.* As it was a difficult task for the
border commandrr to suppress the outrages, and the risks of a
can^^aign in the 8t^»pe were very considerable, it li^as determined to
ann the Kalmnks against them, and to seise several hiqportant Kaxaks
as hostages. This was momentarily effective, and a number of Rusdan
prisoners were returned. During 1744 Abulkhair threw off the mask
more completely. His people plundered a Russian caravan on Hs way to
Khiva, while he arrested Lieutenant Gladyshef, a Russian envoy to the
Karakalpaks. Gladyshef mentions in his journal having met an English
merchant named Djake (Jadi) in the Little Horde, and that he bou^^t
some things from Urn to diq[K>8e of to the Karakalpaks. The Russians
at length issued a patent, dated the a4th of April, 1744, to Donduk
TaislUyt the Kalmnk leader, in which he was ordered to collect his
pec^de, was gifen powder and lead, and told to march against the
Kazaks. Any booty he might o^iture was to be his own. This was sent
to Nephiief, but was apparently never used, and it is supposed the
Russians chai^;ed their minds in consequence of the impending attadc
of the Sungarian Kahnuks on the Siberian district of Kolyvano-
Voscressensk4 which made it necessary to gain the Kazaks over to repel
them. The Sungar attack did not, however, come off, and we next read
of the removal of Abulkhair's son to St Petersburg, of the renewed oath
* fdn 901. t Vids mU$, vol. L ^7a, &c | Id., 403.
66o HISTORY OP THl MONGOLS.
which Abulkhair himself took in hk anl or camp to the Emperor
Peter III., the successor of Elizabeth, when he retaraed thirty prisonersi
Russians and Kalmuks, and of his complaints against Nei^aief^ whom he
personally disliked because he would not allow him to replace his legiti
mate son as hostage by a bastard.* In 1746 we find the Vdga Kalmuks
attacking the Kazaks and carrying off a large number of horses. This
raid was punished by the Rusnans, and it was strictly forbidden to the
Kazaks and Kalmuks to cross die Jaikf aftd new forts were built
on that river, but the ingenioas Kazaks were not to be thus foiled.
In February, 1746, they crossed over the frozen Caspian, and at t a ck ed
the unprepared Kalmuks at Krasnoyar so vigorously that they carried off
nearly seven hundred prisoners of both sexes, killed about a hundred
men, and secured much fender. They then made some small raids
on the Russian borders. Abulkhair was at the bottom of these attacks,
and we now find him detaining ibr a year an in t er pr e t e i ' sent to him by
the Russians and subjecting him to torture, while he tried, but in vain, to
persuade his people to migrate further away from Russia into the
southern steppes, and revenged himsdf on sudi of his compatriots who
opposed his plan. In January, 1747, the Kazaks once more traversed the
northern part of the CasfMan on the ice, and attadeed the Kalmuks, hoc
the latter had withdrawn to the western portion of their territory, where
it was unsafe tor follow them^ and their assailants returned with empty
hands. Meanwhile there came on a thaw, and they were obliged to retorn
home by the country of the Cossacks of the Ural or Jaik, who attacked
them mercilessly. They lost the greater part of their horses, and many
of them were drowned, by the ice on the river giving way. Abulkhalr's
rage was still further increased by this accident, and we now find him
aUying himself with Persia To appease him Tevkdef, who was a
Musstthnan and knew the Kazaks wdl, was oideted to go to him and to
<^er to exchange his son Khoja Ahmed for another son of legitimate
birth. Abulkhair seemed to rdent, and went in the summer of 1748 to
Orsk or Old Orenbutgh to meet his <^d friend, and agreed to give his son
Aichttvak in place of Khoja Ahmed, and also some of the chikhen of his
Kazak subjecU; he also undertook to return the Russian prisoners in his
hands, and that the Little Horde should not again attack the emphe.
Meanwhile he secreUy bflfered his daughter in marriage to the Khung
taidshi of the Sungars.
But his adventurous career was nearing its dose. On his return home
he coUected his people and marched against ^ Karakalpaks. The
Karakalpaks were claimed as his subjects by Borrak, who was an old
enemy and rival of Abulkhair's.t Rytschkof calls hnn one of the most
powerful princes of the Naimans, and says he had at this time the
chief authority in the Middle Horde.t Borrak in his contention with
• /<., M5. t Uvchiat, sto. J Topog. of Oreoborrh. i. im-
NURAU KHAN. 66l
Abulkhair, as is shown by M. VeL Zwmoi, datrnftd to be descended from
Shigai, or perl^ps rather from Yadik» whose family he declared to be a
more worthy stock than that of hit nvaL* In Levchine's tdble he and his
brother Kuchuk are made the sons of Tttrsun Khan, who we are told
occupied Ikan and the neighboinrii^^ towns.t Ttersim Khan was the son
ofKhodaiMendiyUie$onofKuchak|tliesonofBulcetKhan.t BukdKhan
was probably, as M. VeL Zemol suggests, the Boksi Sohan, son of Yadik
mentioned by the Turkish hi^grapher of Uras M^khmet, n^om ho
quotes }
Borrak was jeakms of the fftvom iHiidi AhnlUudr had received from
the Russians, and annoyed tiial his rival had hiteroepced the presents
sent to him by the Khan of Khiva. He had an eneounter with him, in
whid^ his own people, whe were in a mi^ty, were saccesefol, and
Abulkhair and his party took to flight Shigai, tiie son of Borrak,
overtook Abulkhair and dismeunled hun with a laaee thivst, and Borrak,
having himself shortly after oene np^ completed the work by putting his
old enemy to death with his own haad% and then preeeeded to plunder
the Karakalpaks.| Afraid of the vengeaaoe of the Russians, whose
fraUgts the Karakalpaks were, ha dien retired towards Turicestan, and
took possession of the towns of Ikan, Otrar» and Sighaak, but the year
following he and his two sons, when en a visit to a Khoja, were poisoned.
This was apparently ai the mstaace of the Khungtaidshi uf the Sungars,
to whom Nurali, the son of Abnikhair, had conq^ained of his Ikdier's
assassination.
The tomb of Abulkhair is marked on the maps as sitii^ted near the
river Kodir, one of the tribotaries of the Unda, about 50.30 N. latitude
and 8a 10 £. longitude.
NURALI KHAN.
On the death of Abulkhair, Nepluief, after a consultation with Tevkdef,
sent an officer to the Little Horde to secure the throne for a son of the
late Khan, and to induce him to send an embassy to St. Petersbuig to
ask for the confirmation of the Empress.^ He was successful, and
Nurali was duly elected Khan, and sent Janibeg and other Kazaks to
inform the authorities at Orenbur^^* They pretended to have been
deputed by both the Middle and the Little Horde, and asked that he
might be declared Khan of both. The fttct was that Janibeg Baatur,
who had long lived with Abulkhair, was the only grandee of the Middle
Horde who had taken part in the election* The difficulty was got over
by his being simply named '< Khan of the Khirghiz Kaxaks." The patent
of office was sent to him on the 36th of February, 1749, ^<i ke was
•Vel.Zen10f.ii.369. tALtSO. ILrFchine'tUble.
Op.cit.,H.t74Mi'96B* I LcfcUat, 3X0, SIX. Y/A,aii,tt|4
662 HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
invited to go to Oienburgfai there to be duly installed. Nurali's mother
Papaiy who had considerable influence in the horde and was a good
friend to Russia^ was mainly instrumental in the election of Nurali, and
she now received some presents from the Empress. In July, 1749,
Nurali set out lor his installation^ which took place amidst music and the
firing of cannon, in a special camp erected on the banks of the Jaik. The
pageant commenced with the reading of the letters patent, after which the
Khan was presented with a state robe, cap, and sword, and then took the
oath of all^;iance on his knees. He asked for some Russian troops to
help him against his neighbom^s, and lor the sorrender of fugitives. Both
requests were declined. He then asked for one thousand men to build
his £uher a suitable tomb. Negotiations about this ensued, and the
plans were prepared, and are still preserved among the archives of Oien-
burghi but the matter hnkt down as the Russians insisted he should be
buried near their fipontiersy which was interpreted as an intention to
annex the Kazak country. On his return to his horde Nurali met the
envoys of the Khungtaidshi of the Sungara, who went to ask his sister in
marriage for their soverdgni and offimiv to make over to him Turkestan,
where the bones of his ancestors were buried, in lien of Kalym. This
request was very embarrassing, for his sultans and principal people
wished him to comply while he dared not offend the Russians. The
latter were duly uiformed of what was going on, and were well aware of
the dangerous power which the Sungarian chie( who aheady dominated
over the Great and Middle Hordes, was acquiring in Central Asia, and
they detennined to prevent the match. The opportune death of the
young lady, which took place in 1750^ perhaps not altogether naturally,
was a relief to both parties. In 1749 Nurali sent his brother Adil to
rephice another brother (Aichuvak) as hostage at Russian head-quarters,
and the following year he was changed for his son Piiall, who was only
five years old.
I have described the rivaky between Abulkhair and Kaip in the
former^ early days. Kaip's son Batyr, who kept alive his father^s feud,
was now proclaimed Khan by a section of the Littte Horde, and his son
Kaip was elected as ruler of Khiva. Batyr now sent envoys to Oren-
burgh, and asked that his people might be allowed to escort the Russian
caravans to Khiva and Bukhara, aiequest which was supported by his
son Kaip. This was refused on the ground that it would be a grievance
to Nurali^ with whom he was ordered to live amicably. Nurali was as
unable as any other rukr of the Kazaks to restrain his turbulent people^
and Levchme says that after nuich consideration, and on the advice of
Tevkdef, it was determined to adopt towards them the practice foK
lowed by the rulers of Bukhara, Khiva, &c, namely, to make reprisals,
techmcally known as barantas.* In case of a fi^ntier robbery it was
NVRAU KHAM. 663
ordered that immediate reparation fthoold be ari^d from the Khan, and
if satisfaction was not given, Uiat a rdative of the pitmderer or one of
his tribe should be seised and detained imtil the objecu or person
carried off were restored. It was also determined to make Narali some
handsome presents when he restored the Russian and Ksfannk prisoners
in his hands.
In the spring of 1750 Aicfanval^ with a nunber of his friends and a
body of Kazaksy made a raid upon an inoflfen si ve tribe called Aralians^
who were dependent on the Khan of Khiva, and carried off many
prisoners, horses, and other objects. By way of reprisal Kaip seised a
nnmber of Norali's sabjects who were at Khiva trading, and also his
envoy, and in omsequence a part of the booty and the prisoners were
returned to the Aralians. Aichuvak's brother Erali tried a timilai
venture against the Karakalpaks, but his people were too weak, moitt of
them were killed, and he himself was made prisoner and detained for
some months.*
In 1752 Nurali exchanged his ton Pirali for a younger <me only three
years old. He still nmsed his hatred for Batyr^ and as ihe Khivan
caravans were in the habit of traversing the latter's country and paying
to him the usual does, he was much irritated. In 1753 he ordered a
caravan which was travelling between Russia and Khiva to be plundered.
The same year some Kazaks of the dan of Alimnl and tribe of Kara
Kitin robbed at Sagfais some Khivan and Turkoman merchants iriio were
being escorted by Kazaks of the tribe Chiklin. On the Russians sending
to complain, Nurali took the blame to himself, and excused the act on the
ground of the hostility df Batyr and his son Kaip towards him ; he also
suggested that the latter meditated an attadc on Russia, and offered to
subdue him in a few days if the Russians would supply him with ten
thousand men and some artillery.t He at length consented to restore
the plundered merchandise to the Khivans, but the latter behaved badly,
and a feud arose between them and the Russians.^ Nurali and his
brother Erali were therefore encouraged to make an attack on Khiva.
They called an assembly df theu: people to sanction the campaign, which
was, however, prohibited and prevented by the interdiction of a Khoja
who had been asked to give it his blessing*!
In 1755 the Bashldrs again broke out in rebellion and killed the
Russians resident among them. This outbreak was excited by a certain
moUah named Batyr Sha, who summoned the Kazan Tartars and Kazaks
to aid their co-religionists. Some of the latter accordingly began to
plunder the Russian settlements. Things were growing critical, for the
line of Orenburgh was then very weak, and its detached foru iH fortified.
Nepluief, the Russian commander, however, showed great vigour. He
summoned the Cossacks of the Don, the Kalmuks, the Meshkeriaks, and
* Id., ill. t Id.t 125. } Vidt itifra^ chapter x. ( A^ 237.
664. HISTORT OF TRC iCONOOLS.
the Tepdars to his AatiMancey idiite he distributed among the Kasaks a
proclamation of tlie akhvn of O i ie nbu rgh, who was the bead of the
Muhammedan detgy of the district, in which, while approving of the
revolt of the Bashkin, he ended up bf svggesting that after defeating
tiie Russians the Bashkirs should sul^jngale the Kszaks. To prevent an
alliance between the two tribes, Nepluief, who knew the Kazaks well, with
the cooseat of the laipcrial andiorities, sent word to the Khan and
Sultans of the Kazaks that the Rassi«is made over to them all the
Bashkir women and children who were then living among them, on
condition ^lat thej drove oat Uie men from thehr frontiers. At this time
a vast crowd of Bashkirs had 'fled across the Jaik. The voluptuous
Kazaks greedily saoMoed all o^er consideratkms to seize upon these
unfortunate Russiui subjects, Ibr such they werc^ although nMs. The
BasUdr men were too weak to resist, some were kiUed, some restored to
the Russians, and some returned home to prepare a revenge, and under
the covert patronage of tfie Russian authorities, huge bands of Bashkirs
crossed the Jaik and savagdy attacked their tormentors. Thus was sown
between the two raets a strife which subsists to our own day. It was cer-
tainly an extraordinary method of defending their frontiers thus to arouse
a malignant conflict b etw e en the border tribes, and was only excused by
the weakness of the Russians and their inuninent peril. Nurali com*
plained of the Bashkir raids, but was told that it was a just punishment
ibr having sheltered Bashkir deserters, and the two races mutually
ravaged eadi other until NqMef thought they had been sufficiently
punished. The Jaflc or Ural was dien fixed as the boundary between
the tribes, and both sides were flirbidden to cross it.^
The bloodshed for a while ceased, but the feud lived on. The
Kazak chiefe l e st ore d to the Russians the Bashkirs who had sought
refuge among them, and were duly rewarded Mer alia by being
allowed to send to tlae Russian court every two or three years some of
their more distinguished relatives, who naturally did not return home
with their hands empty. Meanwhile, notwithstanding the prohibition,
Kazaks and Bashkirs continued to make mutual raids into each other's
country, and when the dfiefe of the former interfered to prevent them,
they were accused by die commonalty V)f being creatures of Russia,
and of an intention to subject the tribes to that power. The Russian
authorities therefore determined to make a vigorous display of their
power, but their plans had to be postponed in consequence of the Seven
Years' War with Prussia .t A curious instance of how events apparentiy
remotdy connected affect each other.
In 1757 Donduk Taishi, the Kalmuk ruler, tried to persuade Nurali to
join with him and the Krim Khan in a campaign against Russia. This
was probably a treacherous proposal, and he doubtless wished to embroil
*M,f33. t/rf.. 135.
NURALI KHAN. 66$
iht Kazaks with the Russians. In 1758 the Chinese army which had
destioyed the Sungarian empire threatened the Russian frontier, and
Nnrali received orders to assist in repelling it* Although the
Chinese retired, Nurali's loyalty on this occasion was rewarded by
presents. In 1759 the new Russian governor, who replaced Nepluief
having treated Ntirali with scant courtesy and the Kalmuks having
pillaged his subjects, they made reprisals. These raids were renewed the
following year, and were duly punished by the Russians.t The Sultans
Aidmvak and Erali, irritated at the discourtesy of the Orenburgh
authorities, began to pillage the Russian caravans, and the former also
proposed to migrate with the tribe Semirodsk to Sungaria. They were
pacified by the central authorities at St Petersbuig assigning them
annnal stipends, and orders were issued to the people at Orenburgh
to treat the Kazaks with every consideration! to distribute presents
generously to them, and to build cattle sheds and stables where they
m^t winter their cattle, the chief fear of the Russians being that the
Kazaks might leave their pastures for the Chinese borders, and thus
depopulate the important country through Yfbkh the trade routes to
Central Asia inevitably passed. On the advent of Catherine II. to the
throne Nurali, Aichuavak, and Ablai Khan of the Middle Horde all sent
their hcmiage.} In 1762 Hurali sent an embassy to Pddng. It was
wdl received, and he in consequence became so elated that he took
no more notice of the complaints of Russia. His people again began to
molest the Kahnuks, and made another attack on them over the frozen
Caspian, while they pressed a demand for winter quartern west of the
Jaik. This same year two hundred Turkoman lamilieSf who had long
lived among the Kalmuks, took refuge with the Kazaks, who ^suo more"
reduced them to slavery and partitioned them.
At this time the various Mussulman states of Central Asia drew nearer
together, in order to oppose a common front against the dreaded
a{^>roach of the Chinese, and we find Nnrali Khan entering into
negotiations with the A^hans. In 1764 he wrote to the Empress
Catherine to acquaint her with the result of the mission to Peking, and
that he had been invited by ail the Mussulmans of Asia to take part in a
war against China. His people continued their raids upon the Kalmuks
and the border Russian provinces, and were duly punished. Such
attacks are mentioned in 1765, 1766, and 1767. In 1769 Nurali's son,
who was a hostage at Orenbui]^ died, being the second who had ended his
days there. He suspected that they had not been duly k>oked after, and
lefosed to send another. He was also annoyed at the attentions shown
by the Russian court to his brothers, whom he wished to displace from
the succession in frivour of his own son IshiuL His irritation was met
» /tf., iz%. ild^M*- 1 14., 144.
3*«
666 HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS.
by increased coolness on the part of the Russian authorities, and the
presentation of fresh sabres to his brothers,*
We now reach the period of the fiimous flight of the TorgutSf which
I described in the first volume.t The Russian authorities had authorised
Nurali to oppose them and drive them back. Such encouragement was
unnecessary, as each Kazak deemed it a privilege to attack the Kalmuks,
who occupied such a wide extent of the country iriiere their ancestors
had lived. All were on the qui vive; Nurali, his brother Aichuval^ and
Kaip, the late Khan <^ Khiva, who was now living with the Little Horde,
&c., and they had to run the gauntlet of these waspish foes right up to
the Chinese fhmtiefi and lost a great number of prisoners. Aichuvak
defeated one section of them on the Saghiz, Nurali gained an advantage
over them further east, and the Kazaks were successful in encounters
near Mount Mugajar and on the Ishim. This famous flight took place
in 1771. In 1773 and 1774 the country of the Jaik and the Vdga were
agiuted by the revolt of the feonoas impostor Pugachef.t The tatter's
supporters were the Cossacks of the Jaik and the Bashkirs, both enemies
of the Kazaksi who did not accordingly Join him, but fished in the
troubled waters and made raids on the Russian settlemehts. For this
they were duly punished in I774» and had to surrender the prisoners and
booty they had made. At this time some of the Tudeomans living between
Khiva and Seraichuk elected Piralii a son of Nurali, as their chief, who
levied dues on the caravans wluch traded with Khiva.|
In 1776 we again find the Kazaks molesting the Russian outposts, and
Nurali solicitiiig assistance to restram his own turbulent people,! a
request which was repeated, and orders were issued in 1779 that the
Russian guards should make reprisals, which weie frequent b the interval
* between 1781 and 1791. In 1784 we are t(4d that a body of 3,462
Russian soldiers havmg pursued some plunderers beyond the Jaik, and
being unable to catch them seized forty-three Kazaks who had taken no
part in the raid. Their refaitives made reprisals, and other bodies of
Kazaks, whose leading spirit was a fiuaous freebooter named Sirim
Batir harried the frontiers. In 1785 two divisions of troops were
sent towards the Yemba. They carried off 330 women and chUdren,
who were duly exchanged against a number of Russian prisoners. The
same year there was founded at Orenbuigh a new tribunal,consisting of the
c ommand a n t of Orenbuigh, two Government employ^ two merchants,
two Russian peasantSy a sultan, six Kazak elders, and a deputy each
from the Bashkirs and the Meshkeriaks. This tribunal was to try
matters of dispute among the frontagers of the empire. In 1785
mosques and schools for the young Kazaks were opened at Oienbuigh
and TroiUk, and caravanseras were also ordered to be built These
wdl-meant efforts Levchine attributes to the far-sighted policy of the
•/<.,?5i. MiK#.i.575.ftc. I Ltrchlnt. V. \l^,v^% iId,,ttQ,
NVItALI KHAN. 667
£mprea8y wbo not only coald excuie Uie raids of a naturally nomade
race, but who also knew well that many of their attacks were amply
justified as reprisals for attacks made by the Russians and Bashkirs.*
In 1784 Batir Sirim with his three thousand followers caused much
trouble to the garrismu on the Orenburgh line, made a successful attack
on the fort of Tanalitskoi, and tried to raise a rebellion a^^ainst the Khan
Nurali, whose excuses for his own weakness and want erf authority were
only accepted as so much chicanery by the Russians.
At length in 1785 the new Russian governor, Baron Igelstrom,
determined to introduce a new system altogether of dealing with these
pestilent neighbours. He proposed to divide the Little Horde into three
sectionsi according to its chief dans, Semirodski Baiulini and Alimul,
to give each of them a Khan, to make these Khans in fact Russian
adminlstratorS|t and to abdish altogether the office of'' Khan of the Little
Horde.'' He issued an order, not to the Khan, but to the sultans an<k
elders, to summon a general assembly of the horde, and bade them
abandon their habits of pillage, and arrange a method of keeping
order. This summons, we are told, destroyed the little remaining
influence of the Khan« The assembly met ; not a ^gie sultan was
present, and the robber leader Sirim Batir presided. Ambitious
and crafty, he was a declared enemy of the Khan, whose herediury
claims he envied. He urged that there was no need of a Khan,
and that merit ought to weigh before birth. He persuaded his
hearers that their best policy was to swear allegiance to Russia. From
the Utttx he demanded that the family of Abulkhair should for ever be
deprived of the right to the Khanship. The Russians partially consented.
This was in 1786^ and the immediate result was satisfactory ; a greater
quantity of cattle was brought for sale at the frontier fairs in 1786 and
1787 than had hitherto been the case, and fewer Russian prisoners were
made^ while a large number were released ; and during the winter of
1786 forty-five thousand Kazak families passed the season west of the
Jaik without committing any depredations therct Batir Sirim became
a confidential correspondent of Baron Igelstrom, notwithstanding Nurali's
warmng that he was treacherous and hated Russia in his heart. Nurali
hhnself was very conciliatory, ofiered to give up his children as hostages,
returned such prisoners as he had control over, and put himself at the
disposition of Russia. He was sent to live at Ufa and Aichuvak at
Uralsk.
Erali, Narali's ekiest son, had been living on the Sir for some years,
and as early as 1781 had ruled over the Karakalpaks there. He now
marched against Batir Sirim with but a small force. At the same time
some dans of the Little Horde which were not attached to the family of
Ahulkhair not were firiends of Sirim raised Kaip, who had reigned at
— — — ^i^— — — ^— ^— —— ^^^— II ■ ■ I ■ ■ . I . ■
•/A, asp. tW.,a7x. tld.»t74'
668 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
Khiva, to the dignity of Khan. Another section of them petitioned for
the restoration of Nurali or some one else in his place. Baron Igdstrom
was inclined to £ftvoar the pretensions of Kaip» and to have him
proclaimed Khan of the Little Horde, but the Empress would not
consent, and wished to Insist on the dignity of Khan being abolished, as
had been arranged.
Meanwhile the claims of Nurali to reinstatement were pressed by the
chiefo of the Middle Horde, and their view was endorsed in 1787 at a
general assembly; but the Russians would not listen, and Batir Sirim,
having regaiiied his libertyy seems to have seconded their efforts to
Russianise the Kaxaks. Special tribunals, called raspravas, were con-
stituted to control their aflfairs. Two of these were planted in each of
the tribes Alimul and BaiuUn, and one in that of Semirodsk. These
courts sat daily, and condsted of a president and two members, together
with a moUah or secretary, who kept the records; from them there was an
appeal to Orenbuiig^ An old chief and two subordinates were sdected
to control each of the tribes, Batir Sirim being put over that of Bahilin.
These officials were granted salaries, paid in com and money, and took
die oath of alliance to the Empress. For a few months tranquillity
prevailed, but it was short-lived, the reQ>ective partisans of NuraH,
Kaip, and Batir Sirim intrigued against one another. Those of Sirim
were the most powerful, and the Russian nominees were mere creatures
in then: hands.
At this time the Turks were at war with Russia. They sought an alty
in tlie Khan of Bukhara, who in turn incited the Kaz^ to rebel, and
ofiered to help Erali to release Nurali, and also intrigued with Sirim.
He issued a proclamation addressed to the brave warriors, begs, and
elders, Saritai bey, Sirim Batir, Shukuiali bey, Sadirii)ek, fiorrak Battr>
Dsgdane Batir, &c., stating how he had heard from the sovereign of
Turkey, the vicar of God, that the infidel Russians had allied themselves
with seven Giristian states against the Turks, and bidding the Kazalcs
join with the other true believers in punishing them. In view of their
general ignorance of tlie faith and of letters, there not being a scholar
among them, he, whose schools were frequented by the Uzbegs, Tajiks,
Arabsi and Turkomans, invited them to send two or three representatives
from each tribe for instruction. He promised to defray the expense of
their education, and to send them home wdl versed in the law and able
to conduct the services, and ended by threatening them with the pains
of eternal fire if they n^ected the opportunity thus offered to thenL
This letter was written in the year 1788, and was sealed with the tamgha
of the atalik of the Bukharian ruler Shah Murad. Sirim wrote to say
that he and his people were ready to obey the summons, and only
awmted tihe tune when the Bukharian and other Asiatic peoples should
invade Russia. This duplicity came to the ears of the Russian
ERALI KHAN. 6^
authoritiet. MeaniMe the Kazaks contintted their attacks. The elders
who had been nominated by the Russians tost control over the people,
and oidy went to Orenbnifh to recehre their salarieSi and a section of the
Kaxaks with theor chief sultans demanded the re-appointment of a
Khan. This was at length deemed advisable by the Rusnan authorities.
Th^ decision on this pdnt was naturally gall and wormwood to Sirim,
who declared himself an enemy of Russia, began to make raids across
the Jaikf and to seek assistance at Bukhara, which was promised him in
due time. This latter intrigue was disclosed by one of his envoys, who
had been captured by the Cossacks of the Jaik. Nurali, it appears,
died in the year 1790^ while still detained at Ufa, and enjoined his
children on his death to remain faithful to Russia.
ERALI KHAN.
In 1791 Sirim, in the hopes of persuading the whole of the Little
Horde to attack Russia, called a general meeting at the mouth of the
Yemba, but his purpose was frustrated by the descendants of Abulkhair,
who warned the Empress, and it ended in a number of detached raids by
his own people, which continued without inteimission for seven or eight
years. Meanwhile, In the January of the same year, the Empress, having
learnt the death ci Nurali, had nominated his brother Erali- as his
successor, and sent him a patent of office as Khan of the Little Horde.
In the autunm he approached the banks of the Jaik, and ^as solemnly
proclaimed Khan on the 4th of September, at a place situated about
fifteen versts from Orsk. The Imperial diploma proclaimed that he
owed his position to his merits as well as to the fact of his being the
senior member of Abnlkhair^sfiunily. At the assembly envoys arrived
from Batir Sirim and Abulghazi, the son of Kaip, and several elders,
declaring thdr non*concurrence in the election. They were told what
was done was with the consent of the Empress, and when the election
was complete six deputies were sent to St. Petersburg for Its con-
firmation.
On the 6th of September a letter arrived from Pirali, the son of Nurali,
who was then Khan of Turkestan, asking to be allowed to acknowledge
the sttxeramty df Russia. By an ukase dated the 31st of October of the
same year this was diUy accepted. Kaip, the rival of the family of
Abulkhair was now dead. He left three sons, Abulghazi, Burkan, and
Shirgazy. The latter of these lived for a long tone at the court of
Catherine, but eventually returned again to the horde. His two elder
brothers allied themselves with Sirim, whose superior skill put them
entlrdy at his command. He intrigued with all his might against
the Russians, denounced the election of Erall as irregular, and quoted the
670 HISTORY OF THE MONOOLS.
Koran to show that it was illegal for Mussohnans to be sabject to
Christians. He tried to persuade the Kazaks to retire from the Russian
frontiers^ and boasted of his alliance with the Khan of Bukhara. He
sent his son to Khiva in 1795, to try and secure an ally there, and wrote
a letter to the governor of Ufa, couched in most insolent and m^^ ng
language. This was followed by another series of raids upon IMki-
gorodok, the Kalmuk fort, and some other points on the line of Iletzk.*
The Khan Erali asked the Russians to send some troops to punish
the marauders, but the request was refused. Erali died in June, 1794.
ISHIM KHAN.
On the death of Erali the Little Horde was divided in its allegiancei
one section obeyed the Abulghazi above named and Sirim, and the other
Ishim Sultan, the son of Nurali, whose hereditary position, friendship
for Russia, and good character entitled him to the general succession ;
but his people were not disposed to submit to Russian tutelage, and
insisted if he were elected Khan that he should be one in reality, and
urged him to retire towards the Sir Daria. . In informing the Orenburgh
authorities of this, he also complained to them how the partisans of
Sirim forbade him to punish marauders, and had even inflicted a fine
or '^kun" of two thousand sheep on him for having surrendered two
noted bandits to the Russians. Notwithstanding this his partisans met
near Orenbuigh in September, 1795, and on the 17th of the same month
he was duly elected, and his people swore to live peaceably together and
not to molest Russia. He continued to be faithful to his patrons and to
repress disorders in the horde. This created him many enemies, and
especially aroused the hatred ^of Sirim, who attacked him suddenly near
the fortified post of Krasnoiar in November, ^797, killed him, and
pillaged his property.t Strim's people continued to harass the outposts,
and in 1797 and 1798 the Cossacks of the Jaik made reprisals upon
them, and carried off several thousand horses, an example shortly after
followed by the Bashkirs, who harried their herds in a similar manner.
These attacks were followed by counter attacks^ and so on.}
AICHUVAK KHAN.
Aner tlie death of IHum the government of the Little Horde was
confided to a council, composed of two representatives from each of its
tribes, and presided over by Aichuvak Sultan, a son «f Abulkhair. This
- ' I — -
JAMTIURA KHAN. 67I
couttcfl was sdected by Baron Igelstrom, who was again governor of
Orenburg!!, and its seat of government was 6xed on the river Khobda,
But the Kazaks giew weary of it and demanded a Khan. A meeting
was called in 1797. TTie two candidates were the Aichuvak just named
and Karatait the son of Nursli The Russians supported the former,
who was aocordingly elected, and shcvdy after he was confirmed by the
Emperor Paul. He was an old man/ however, and could not keep his
people under control. The attacks of the Buruts and the raids made
by the Kazaks on the Bashkirs and on die Russian caravans, which were
duly punished by reprisals, reduced matters to great confusion ; anarchy
increased daily, and the Khan had neither the power to pnnish the guilty
nor to protect the innocent. The horde became partially disintegrated,
some retked ta the Middle Horde, others to the Sir Daria, where, having
subdued the Karakalpaks, they elected the sultan Abulghazi, son of
Kaip, as their ruler. Another section attacked the Turkomans, and
made them surrender the greater part of the Ust Urt to them, and
Aichuvak with some sultans took refuge in Russia until the fermentation
had ceased.
Meanwhile Bukei, a son of Nurali, who had been the president of
Aichuvak^ council, applied to General Knorriag, the governor-general of
Geoigia and Astrakhan, to be allowed to settle with his people in the dis-
trict called Rin Peski, between the Jaik and the Volga, which had recently
been abandoned by the Kalmuks, and asked him to assign him a hundred
Cossacks to enable him to keep order. Knorring having r^K»ted this to
the central authorities, a ukaze permitting the settlement was issued on
the xith of Maidi, 1801. Bukei*s followers betonged chiefly to the tribe
BaiuHn, and altogether the emigrants numbered about ten ^ousand
tents. This emigration had a wonderful effect The emignots became
so prosperous that their flocks increased tenfold in seven or eight years,
while their brethren beyond the Jaik, torn by dissensions, were fain to
sdl their children to the Russians.*
Aidiovak continued to rule the Little Horde till the year iBoj, when
he abdicated on account of old age and infirmity.
JANTIURA KHAN.
Aichuvak was succeeded by his son Jantiura, who was assassinated in
1S09 by his cousins, the sons of Nurali, after which the Little Horde
was two years without a Khan.t It was at this time, and in the year
1810^ that alaige area known as the Iletsk district, and containing rich
salt mines, was enclosed within the Orenbugh line and peopled with
Russians.
* //. t92. 193. t Id^ t97.
672 HISTORY OF THl MONGOLS.
SHIRGA2Y KHAN.
In 1712 Shiigaxy, the bn^ther of Jantiiira« was raised to the dignity,
while at the same time Bukd was given the title of Khan over those
Kazaks who had migrated to the neighbourhood of Astrakhan, and were
known as the Horde dfBukeL The latter died in 1815, leaving several
sonSy of whom the eldest, called Yehanghir, was nommated Khan m
1824, and continued to rule this section of the Kasaks when Levchine
wrote. Of Shiigazy he says, '* He still lives, but no longer governs the
Little Hordes which is divided into three districts, whose chiefs are
indq>endent of the Khan.'' Of these three divisions Schuyler says they
were controlled by three Sultans Rq^t, but the divisions weie carelessly
made, tribal distinctions and rights to land not having been recognised,
and the difficulties of the situation were not removed.
''The Kiighis had great respect for their aristocracy, and the common
people (black bone) were led by the white bone* or the descndants of
the old Khans and ruling families. These men stood up for their tribes
and families, in defence of the honour and safety of their meoibcfi.
Recognising at the same time bravery, dash, and boldness, and loving
their freedom, they were alwajrs ready to follow the standard of any batir
or hero^ such as Sirim, Arunhari, or Kenisar, who might appear in the
steppe. The Sultans-Regent were either mere Russisn creatuies entirtly
destitute of influence^ or they were themselves inclined to revolt at times,
and neither they nor the annual military expeditions from Orenbuigh
sould maintain order in the stq^.^t
In 1833 Novo Alexandroftki, afterwards called the fort of Mangushlak,
was erected on the Eastern Caspian« to protect the Yemba fishermen
from marauders.| In 183$ a new military line was established between
the Ural and the Ui, and the territory encloied within it was added to
that of the Orenburgh Cossacks. A few years later a femous chieftain
named Kenisar Kasimof, who i^armtly bdonged to the Middle Horde,
aroused a wide insurrection among the Siberian Kasaks, who were joined
by a section of the Little Horde. For six years he kept the Russian
authorities in continual alarm, until in 1844, being pursued by the
Russian forces, he was compelled to take refuge among the Buruts or
Kara Kirghiz, and was killed in a fight with them.| In consequence of
this insurrection the Orenbuigh fort on the river Tuigai, and the
Ural fort on the Irgiz were built in 1847, ^d in 1848 the Karabulat fort
on the Karabut.
In 1847 the fort of Raimsk, afterwards called Arakk, was built on the
Lower Sir, as an outpost and menace to the Khokandians and Khivans,|
who bad begun to molest the Kazaks within the Russian borders. This
* TlM Kuak tenn for blM Mood. } Scbojler'fi TarhMtM, L 51,
: Michell't Atia, jao. 4 Orifori«r« tee Sdwyltr, il. 411. 1 Uichell. op. dt, sio-jsa.
THB GREAT HORDl. ^3
gradual eacroachment of the Russians at last brought order and
submiaskm to the turbulent Kazaks, ^ but it was not,* says Schuyleri
^till the final overthrow of the bandit Iset Kutebarof and the death of
the celebrated batir Jan Khoja that the steppe became quiet and safe^
and the Russians really gained the position tAproUcton of the Kasaks.^
Even then all danger was cot removed. Some years ago an attempt
was made to abolish as far as possible the tribal distinctions of the
Kasak aristocracyi and the so-called reform was introduced into the
Oienburgh steppe in 1869. By this all the Little Horde was divided into
two large districts, that of Uralsk and that of Tuigaii each under a
Russian military oommanderi district prefects, and volosi or aul^ders,
the hut only being elected by the Kasaks. This caused much dissatis-
fiiction ; it was interpreted as the surrender of the Kasak government
to the Russian CossackSi whom were cordially hated* Disturbances
accordingly arose^ which were fomented by the Khan of Khiva, and
during 1869 ^^^ i^^ ^^ steppe was in great commotion. The postal
route was blockaded, stations destroyedi and travellers captured, some
being killed and others sold into slavery. Peace was at length restored,
and, according to Schuyler, the Kazaks are getting reconciled to the new
state of things, and their old clannish feeling for members of the same
tribe vid Cunily is being transferred to the members of the same volost
and district*
When Schuyler went to Turicestan in 1S73 he travdkd part of the way
with a Kazak prince named Chingis, the son of the last Khan of the
Bukeief horde, who on the death of his father was given the Russian
title of Prince. He was a good Mussulman, and had just leturned from
a pilgrimage to Mecca, and was going to spend the summer on his
estates in the government of Samara* He says he seemed a cultivated
gentleman, and was most of his time deep in a French novel
Tax Great Horde.
The Middle and the Little Hordes lived hi close neighbourhood and
also had regular intercourse with Russia. We consequently know their
history in some detail. The Great Horde, on the contrary, lived in a
remote and largely inaccessible district, and had few communications with
Russia, so that its history is only known to us in a fragmentary form.
This is -perhaps not much to be deplored, for it is perfectly clear that it
had not a continuous and homogeneous status like the other two hordes,
but was broken into a number of sectionii, governed by princes of the
Middle or Little Hordes, or by begs and sultans, and was for the most
part subject to the Sungars and the Chinese. Its name of ^ Great Horde"
8M
674 HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS*
is lomewliat misleading. Ndther in numbers nor power could it compart
with the other two hordes, and its name seems to me to have arisen
chiefly from the fact that it continued to live in the old country of tht
Kazaksy and was thus Ae real heir of die original undivided Kasak horde,
to which the name of Great probably bdonged, and by whidi it was
distinguidied from the many predatory bands of other origin, all of
whom as vagabonds and plunderers could daim the name of Kasdc I
will now collect the few scattered facts I have been able to meet with
relating to the history of the Great Horde. When Tiavka Khan, as I
have mentioned, nominated three administrators to manage the three
hordes, we are told he appmnted Tlul to control the Great Horde.* He
does not occur in any of the genealogical tables, and I do not know his
origin.
In 1723, when the Sungars took Tuikestan and overran the Kazak
country, they completely subdued some branches of the Great and
Middle Hordes. The rest of the Great Horde and a small section
of the Middle one retired towards Khojendt Eventually, as I have
shown, the Kazaks returned northwards, and the Middle and Little
Hordes found their way to their more recent quarterss The Great Horde
meanwhile remained, in its old country, and was there subjected by the
Sungar84 In 1734 Aralbey and Arasgheldy Batir, who belonged to the
Great Horde, but who were apparently subject to Abulkhair Khan,
accompanied the hitter's son Erali on his mission to Russia, and offered
their submission to the Empress Anne.| In 1738 we meet for the first
time in the Russian annals with a notice of a Khan of the Great Horde.
We are told that having heard of the foundation of a town on the river
Ori, and of the opening of traffic between the Russians and the Middle
and Little Hordes, Yolbars Khan, of the Great Horde, wrote to offer to
make his people and his neighbours subjects of Russia if they were allowed
to trade with Orenburgh. It would seem that trade and not submission
was what he really meant, and the patent of investiture which the Russian
officials prepared for him was never delivered, and still remains in the
archives at Orenbttrgh.1 At this time the Sungar chief Galdan drew a (az
of a skin ci a korsak (?) per head from the Kazaks of the Great Horde.1[
In 1739 Tatischef, the governor of Orenburgh, sent a caravan to Tash-
kend, which was commanded by Lieutenant MuUer, who was accom*
panied by the engineer officer Kushelef. M. Khanikof has abstracted a
portion of their journal, in which we have some notices of Yolbars Khan.
The caravan was plundered by the Kazaks of the Great Horde before it
reached its destination. MuUer tells us he arrived at Tashkend on
the 9th of November, 1739^ presented his credentials to Yolbars, and
asked for the return of the stolen articles. The Khan told him he had
* Letcfaittt. 140. Ud^jst. lid. |/4.,i55. |/4nis6.iSr-
THE GRKAT HORDB. 675
already keard of bla misfortnney and he bade him thank God that
he had arrived alhre. He told him he had tent to demand the
restoration of the property from Kogilde, who commanded the predatory
band, and had threatened unless he con^^hed not to surrender his
(Kogtlde's) son to the Smigar chief Galdan Chereng ; but Yolbars seems
to have held out small hopes of reparation. While at Tashkend Miiller
stayed in the house of a Tashkend merchant named Mamaia Usupof.
He had trav^ed with him from Orenbnrgh^ had several interviews with
the Khan, wlu> secured the release of the prisoners taken with the
caravan. At this time Turkestan was governed by Seyid Sultan, whose
relations with Yolbars are not cleai^ he did not, at all events, use the
title of Khan, and it is not improbable he was the rq;nresentative of the
Khan of the Middle Horde, who shortly after is found ruling at
Turkestan. It #ould seem from the notes of Chulpanof that the Kazaks
and their Khan Yolbars were really only permanently encamped in the
district of Tashkend, and that they plundered the Tashkendians at their
will We accordingly find that four days after Miiller 1^ the Sarts or
citizens broke out in revolt and killed Yolbars Khan. This was in April
174a The Kazaks revenged themselves by again sacking the town and
also the caravan.*
Levchine reports that in 1742 Shubai, Arslanof, and Mansur, three
natives of Viatka, returned from Tashkend to Orenburg^ Their account
confirms that of Miiller. They add that during the reign of Yolbars
Khan a powerful elder named Tiul bi divided the authority with him,
and levied black-mail from the town. On the death of Yolbars he
became the sole ruler of the horde. It is very probable that he was the
same person as the Tiul who was appointed administrator of the Great
Horde by Tiavka Khan. His authority was very short lived, and he was
driven away by Kusiak bi, who was apparently a vicegerent of Galdan
Chereng. Some years after, namely, in 1749, Tiul bi, who had become
very weak, sent to offer to become a subject of the Russians, but the
proposal came to nothing.t
Kusiak bi was the ruler of Tashkend in 1742, when Shubai and
Mansur left there, but the tribute was then paid to the Sungarians. They
report that the Kazaks no longer dominated in the town, but that they
encamped all around it, kept up a state of virtually permanent siege,
and were ready to fall upon it on any convenient opportunity. Turkestan
was for some time in a similar position, although they allowed the
Sungars to trade there. The small villages between these two important
towns were more or less in the permanent occupation of the Kazaks.
The latter seem in fact to have been at this time a nomadtc army settled
in Feighana, and domineering over the old inhabitants without being the
undisputed rulers of the country, and they were in permanent dread of
* YMtnUt, Imp. Q90g. 80c of St. Pettrtburg^ ii^t. t UrchiiM, 15S, 199.
676 mSTORT or TBB MORQOLS.
the Snngarsy who in efibct were their suzerains. When, as I described
in the fomer Tolume, the Sungar power began to foil to i^ecesi the
Kasaks eagerly took part in the intrigues. They took the part of one
chief against another, and sided with Amursana, the last of the Snngaxian
TulerSy against the Chinese. In 1756 the Songars were finally crashed
and dispersed, and a laige portion of their country was laid waste. As
Levdiine says, this was a boon to the Kasaks in two ways, it destroy ed
thehr most potent enemy and enabled them to get new pastures for their
cattle. The Chinese seem to have encouraged their migration. The
Chinese occupied Tashkend in 175S.
The Great Horde seems now to have broken up into fifagments. One
sectimi migrated to Sungaria, where it had several conflicts with the
Chinese authorities. One pcntion of this division became subject to the
empire while another retained its independence These two sections
had continual and fierce fights with their neighbours the Buruts, and
severdy punished the Torguts in their fomous flight in 1771. The most
distinguished leader in these attacks was Erali Sultan, who was probably
EraU Sultan, the son of Abulkhair Khan of the Little Horde. M.
Levdiine says that for his valour he recdved from the Chinese Emperor
the title of knight or paladin of the court. He had proposed a plan for
overwhehning the Torguts, but the leaders of the Middle Horde did not
fulfil thdr part ^lEie neverthdess so alarmed Ubasha, the Torgur chief,
that instead of overwhelming him with bis superior numbers, the latter
halted for dghteen days. Meanwhile Erali collected a great number of
allies, whose cupidity he exdted by pointing out to them the wealth of
the retreating Kalmuks, and also the booty of fair women that might be
made. Ubasha grew so timid that he even asked permission firom Erali
to be allowed to pass fredy into die valley of the IlL Erali pretended to
consent, but with a treacherous motive, and as soon as the Torguts had
passed on, and were unsuspectingly encamped, he attacked them, com-
mitting great slaughter and captured an immense booty in prisoners
and treasure.
Another section of the Kasaks of the Great Horde remdned in the
district of Tashkend, where they adopted a more settled life, but preyed
fredy on the towns there, especially Tashkend itsdf, and also Idd waste
the surrounding country. Although not subject to the Kasaks, the
miserable inhabitants had to pay them black*mdl for every privilege.
In 1760 this section of the Great Horde was joined by a large body of
Karakdpaks, who had been driven away fi?om the mouths of the Sir
Dana by the Little Horde. After suffering great tyraimy for many years
the people of Tashkend, under their ruler Yunus Khoja, at length
atudced the Great Horde in 1798. They defeated them severely more
than once, and proceeded in turn to cruelly revenge themsdves upon
them. We are tdd they cut off the heads of their prisoners, and made
THB OUUT HOUa. 677
pyramids of them» in the well-known Central Asiatic fttthion, in view of
the Kasaks, The latter were frightened at the spectacle. Robbers and
maraudersi they lacked both the discipline and courage of trained
soldiersy and were now embarrassed between their fear of punishment
and their dread of betng subjugated and reduced to slavery by Yunus
Khan.* The latter deprived them of the- various towns where they
had so long dominated, and exacted from them not only absolute
submissioDi but also made them make restitution for the many wrongs
they had inflicted on Tashkend, &c.; he made laws, and levied
a tax of a sheep on every hundred of them ; he In fact subjugated
and compelled them to enter his armies. These Kasaks passed in 1814
with Tashkend under the authority of the Khan of Khohand, but a
number of them who had been living near Chimkent left thefr gardens
and fields there and withdrew towards the Qiinese frontier; another
section had befoce diis Ibnnd the restraints of a settled life too much for
them, and retired to the banks of the Irtish to the Middle Horde; odiers
withdrew to the Aktagh mountains, &c.
A section consisting of several thousand terns still vemafned inde-
pendent, and encamped on the Semrek, the Kuk su, and the Kara tal.
They acknowledged their dependence on Russia in 1819. At this time
they were governed by Siuk* son of Ablai Khan, of the Middle Horde.
Veniukofi^ whose account of Sungaria was translated by Messrs. John
and Robert Michell, visited and described Vemoe, now the metropolis of
the Great Horde. He says Sultan Ali was then at the head of the
laifest division of the horde (1./^ of those known as the Dnkts or
Doghlats). ''This old man,*^ he says, ''has seen a great deal of adventure
in his day, and having at various times been subject to three Stales, he
has learnt to adapt himadf to the customs of different countries.* This
dnef was descended, he says, fixnn Ablai Khan, and was psobably the
son of the Sink just named. He received an allowance of three bundled
and fifty silver roubles (jLe.^ £$2. 10s.) from the Russian Government.
In his youth, we are tM, he went to Peking to be presented to the
Chinese Emperor. For a long time after the whole of his tiibe acknow-
ledged the power of Khokand, although deputies frrom die hoide had
previously sworn allegiance to Russia. As the Khokandians were
determined to abolish even the nominal dependence of the Gmat Horde
on Russia, the latter determined to attack Kopal, which was then subject
to Khokandi and Sultan Ali was chosen to lead them. He and his
people then nomadised on the river Kuk su. The artful politician,
after calculating the probabilities of success, held aloof. Enraged
at this, the sultans and bis reproached him with cowardice. " Most
worthy sultans and bis,'' Ali wrote, "the serpent when on ito wi^
to its nest winds and trails along slowly; it is only at the entrance that
* LerdilM, 16$,
678 HISTORT OP THI KOVaOLS.
it exerts itielf and quickly glides in." This answer disarmed their wrath
and delayed the enterprise, which was ultimately abandoned.*
Veniukof paid the old chief a vilit '' I do not doubt,"* said the
diplomatic traveller, ''that your people are happy in having you for a
ruler. Your £une had reached me even at St Petersbuzgi and now I see
that it represented only half your merits.''
''Do not say so," answered the old man. ''I govern my people
according to the decrees of the Padishah. May Heaven protect him and
his dignity the Pristaf. As you must know, a piece of timber is a rude
block at first, but becomes seemly and serviceable as this arm-chair
under the skilfiil hands of the joiner. Were it not for him and the
Padishah, we should always remain blocks.'^
^You are too modest, Sultan. Can he thus speak ndiose wit is as
sharp as the wdl stropped razor, and whose will inclined to good is as
hard as sted ? All of us certainly fulfil the wishes of the Emperor, and
everyone in Vemoe should obey the Pristaf; but you, Sultan, are of high
degree in the horde. The allegiance of your people to the Padishah
depends on you.''
'' My people cannot but be faithful to the Padishah and obedient to
those he sets over us We live together here as two hands. You
Russians are the right hand, we the left, and the Pristaf is the head."
(He here joined hands, making the fingers of one fit between those of the
other.) ^' It wereindeed bad if the left hand disobeyed the rights and
if both did not fulfil the orders of the head^f
I may add that a certain number of the Kazaks of the Great Horde
settled in Russia, many years ago. Thus in 1789 the Empress
Catherine issued an ukase authorising the Sultan Churighei with four
thousand fomilies, partly of the Middle and partly of the Great Horde,
to settle near the fort of Ust Kamenogorsk. In 1793 Tugum, a sultan of
the Gieat Horde, with his people was allowed to settle in a similar
manner within the frontiers of Siberia.}
The Chinese, it seems, received a nominal tribute from the Kazaks of
die Great Horde within their borders, consisting of a head of cattle for
every hundred and a sheep for every thousand ; but this cost much more
in presents than its value, and the various journeys made by the Kazaks
to Pelmg^under pretence of doing homage, were really to receive gifts,
and direct^ they had left the borders of the empire they destroyed the
Imperii! diplomas and other marks of distinction they had received.
They treated the Russian gifts in the same way, except the money and
robes, which had an intrinsic value. The Kazaks told a Chinese official,
who asked for tribute for the first time, that grass and water were the
products of heaven and cattle its gift, and that they pastured th^n
themselves ; why then should they pay tribute to anyone ?|
* MicktlTi RutUos in Central Aik, 245« 24^ t M, a43-24S. I Ltrchiat, 1S4, 1^.
NOTES. 679
The subjugation of the Kaxaks by the strong arm of Russia can only
be looked upon as a great gain for civilisation. However we may write
idylls about the virtues of freedom and of nntutored man; however we
may indulge in pleasant romances, about independence, it is inevitable
that a nation of robbers by profession, who occupy the border lands of a
great empire, who prevent its trade and its culture from having their
natural outlets, who make perpetual raids into its borders, and who hold
no treaty and no promise sacred, should be crushed and subdued. As
was said of such tribes long ago, ^Swearing allegiance is regarded by
nomades as a bargain which binds to nothing, but in which they expect
to gain four to one, and for a mistake in their calculations they
revenge themselves by pillage and incursions." No one not blinded by
perversity would deny that the present condition of the steppes is very
&r in advance of what it was in the last century, or in any century since
the Mongols were really a strong power and insisted upon robbers being
repressed ; and the result has followed from the wise policy adopti'd by
Russia of late years, under such distinguished guidance as that of my
friend M. Grigorief and others*
NoU I.— In the notes to Chapter IV. I have coUecled a number of facts
about the topography of the country occupied by the White Horde. I will
now supplement them by some other information which I then overlooked.
This is contained in a famous document written, according to Karamsio,
during the leign of Feodor Ivanovitch (ii., at the end of the sixteenth century),
and copied out in the military bureau in 1627.* It is known as the Bolshomu,
Cberteyu or Grand Survey, and gives a very curious and detailed account of
Russia and its borders. In this we read, ** 300 tersts from the Blue Sea is the
mountain Uruk. The Uruk mountain is 90 versts long. From it flow three
rivers; the river Vor, whicb flows into the Jaik on the right side (f>., the
north), the Irghix, which flows into lake Akbaahly on the east, and the river
Ghem, which flows southwards towards the Sea of Khualimsk, and falls into a
lake before reaching that sea, and from Irghis to the Blue Sea are the sands
of Barsuk Kum, stretching over 25 versti, and those of Karakum aoo versts
from the sea. The Karakum sands are 250 versts long and 150 versts wide.
Into the Blue Sea on the east frlls the Sir, and into the Sir falls the Kenderlik,
and the river Kenderlik flows from the Ulugh Tagh mountains in two
channels, and runs for a distance of 330 versts, and another river Kenderlik
springs from the same mountain and falls into the Sarisu."
<* The Sarisu ends in a lake before reaching the Sir» at 150 versts from the
outfall of the Kenderlik and 70 vents from the mountain Karachat ({>.,
Karatan), and this mountain is 250 versts long, and is distant 80 versts from
the Sir.
* Kifiwrin, X. 34g. Helflba4X*
68o HISTORY or THK MONGOLS.
*' At 150 vertU from the outfall of the Kenderlik, on the left bank of the Sir,
is the town of Sunak. O|>potitethe mountain Karachat and between the lake
Akbaihly and the river Sauk and the lake Ankul, and on the two banks of the
Zelenchik, and of the rivera Kenderlik and Sariiu, and on the laads of
Karakum and their enyironi, over a space of 600 versts are the pasturages of
the Kazaks."*
Again, in another place, in speaking of the Sir we read, ** On this eame
river Sir, at go versts from the town of Sunak, is the town of Yasirvan, and
100 versts from Yasirvan is the town of Turkestan, situated 20 versts from the
river Sir, and 140 versts from Turkestan. On the Sir, is the town of Arkan, and
60 versts from Arkan, on the south bank, is the town of Yangurgan, so versts
from the Sir.*'t He also mentions the towns of Akkurgan, Sairim, and
Tashkur (1^., Tashkend), near the Sir.)
This acooont it singularly interesting and accurate, and we must devote a
short space to its examination.
The Blue Sea is the well-known name by which the Aral was known
formeily to the Russians. The mountains Umk are clearly, ai Levchine has
sbown^ the branch of the well-known If ugcjar range which are still called
Airuk or Airuruk. Hence, as the survey says, spring the Vor (now called
the Or or On), the Irghix, and the Ghem or Yemba. The lake Ak-
bashly, mto which the Irghis is said to Bow, is now called Aksakal Barbi.
When Rytschjcof wrote his account of Orenburgh, in the latter half of the last
century, this was still one sheet of water about 200 versts in circumference,
and was the receptacle of the many streams called Turgai, Ulkiaki, and
Irghii. He adds that the lake then formed the division between the camping
ground of the Middle and Little Hordes.} It now seems to have shrunk con*
tiderably, and like the other lakes in the steppe, is broken into several pieces
and much choked with reeds. | It is curious to read that the Yemba did not
reach the Caspian when the Grand Survey was made, as it does now, and as
it did when Rytschkof wrote. He says the Little Horde then often had its
winter quarters on its banks.ir The sands of Barsuk and Karakum are too
well known to detain us, and we will pass on to the Sir or Jaxartes. First of
its tributary the Kenderlik, described so pointedly in the Grand Survey. No
such river exists now, nor does the Sir receive any tributary in its lower course,
and it is quite clear that we have here another case of the gradual drying
up of a river in that rapidly desiccating area the steppe of the Kasaks.
The Grand Survey speaks of two rivers Kenderlik, one of them flowing into
the Sarisu and the other into the Sir. Of the former there can be small doubt,
as Makshieff argued,^ that we have the head stream still remainhig in the
rivulet Kara Kungur, which Ukes its rise in the Ulugh Tagh mountains and fiUIs
Into the Sarisu on its right bank. The other Kenderlik, which rose by two
stitams from the Ulugh Tagh, I can hardly doubt is still represented by the
Jizli Kungur and the Jilanli Kungur, which spring in the same mountains,
and once apparently joined the Belanti.tt The Kenderlik and the Tin
Kenderlik are mentioned in the Abdulla Nameh, in the account of Abdulla*s
* Ltvdiat, I4S» X44< 1 f*'t 4/^ 1 1^* f RyttclikoC Ortnborgh Topog.« 1. 17s.
I Lcvdklas, sa. Y Op. cit.» tSo. ** Vol. 2«ra., iL 306. tt Sea Levthiao*S nap.
Noixs. 68i
campalgQ to the Ulogh Tagb,* ao that the Orand Sonrey is confirmed by a
contemporafydodmeBt. WhentheKenderUkwatatiibataiyoftheSiramiich
krger qaantilj of water araet have fiiUea into the Sea of Aral, and it waa pei>-
hapt the drying op of this great feeder which canaed the ihrinkage of that eea,
which, accordmg to the statement of the Kasaks, extended forty years before
If eyendorf wrote as te as the sand hiUs of Sari bnlak and Kuk Tomalc, while
they were then 60 versU distant from it^t The Sarisu, when the Orand Sonrey
was made, did not reach the Sir, bnt fell into a lake before reaching it, namelyt
the Telekol. The Sarisn was formerly the bonndaiy between the Snngarian
Kalmaks and the Kasaks.}
The Sank of the Grand Sonrey is clearly the river Sank mentioned in the
accoont of AbdoUa's campaign, and whose site If akshief says it is veiy hard to
fix.$ It aeems from the accoont in the Abdnlla Nameh to have been several
days* joomey to the west of the Ulugh Tagh, and it may not improbably be
identified with the Soonk so, one of the upper streams of the Hek, a tribntef7
of the Jaik mentioned by Levchine.1
The Ak gnl or ^iHiite lake of the account we are illustrating was not
improbably the Ak tesh gnl or white stone lake marked on the map to the
east of the Mugojar mountains, and not far west of the burial-place of
Abolkhair Khan. The Zelenchik of the Orand Survey is no doubt the
Jdanchik of the Abdulla Nameh. It is a well-known river issuing from the
Uhigh Tagh and flUling into the lake Yakan Ak, situated 100 versts south-east
of lake Aksakal Barbi.T
On turning to the Sir we find the Orand Survey mentioning several
ilrteresting towns. In regard to Sighnak, the first capital of the White Horde,**
it seems very probable that it is the Sunak of the Orand Survey, which it places
on the Sir, but, as Levchtne has argued with some reason, on the wiong
bank of the river.tt Ninety versts from Sunak on the river, it names Yasirvan,
identified by Levchine with great probability with Sabran, One hundred
versts ftirther was the town of Turkestan, .This u the later capitsl of the
Kazaks mast delay us a short time.
It has been reeently visited and described by my friend Mr. Schuyler, who
te&s us ** its only important building is the fkmons mosque built over the tomb
of Hasret Kbojs Ahmed Yasavi, whose construction was begun by Timor
in Z397, when he went on a pilgrimage to Turkestan, or Yassy, as it was then
eaUed, while waiting for his new bride, Tukel-Khanim. Sheikh Ahmed
Yaeavi| who wee the founder of the sect Jahria, and died about iiao. Is one
of the most celebrated sainU of Central Asia, and is the especial patron of
flie Kasakit The mausoleum is an immense building, crowned by a huge
domc^ and havtef MAexed to the rear another small mosque^ with a melon-
shaped dome* The ^nt consists of an immense arched portal, at least a
hundred feet biih» ionked by two round vdndoiyless towers with crenelated
tops^ which reminded me in some indefinite way of the front of Peterborough
eathedraL In the irchway there is a large double door of finely carved wood,
and over Ibis a small oriel window, dating from the last reconstruction by
* Vcl. Zwrnof, op« cit, 305. t Levchine, 45. 2 Rjrttehkof, i. xSa.
f Vel. Zera^ U. 5x0. | Levchine, 64. SI4.,67, **Ant4,99Q* tt Op. cit., 461, 461.
30
6S3 HISTORY or Tm MOKGOLS.
Abdnlla Kbiia. The walls are of large square-iiretsed bricks, wtH burnt, and
taiefolly put together. Only the rear and side still bear the mosaic lactiigi of
enamelled tfles, though in a veiy injured conditioD. The blue tiles which
covered the dome have nearly all iaUea cS, and of the inscriptions in large
Cuilc letters which surround it only the end can now be deciphered. It reads
thus: * The work of IQioja Hussein, a native of the city Shiras.* Similar
inacriplions— gigantic ornamental texts from the Koran, in blue on a white
ground — run round the frieie, and the bnildinf , which is still grand in its
decay, was evidently once wondrously beaatifhL Earthquakes and despoilers
ha:ve ruined it, leaving large cracks, now filled up in many places with coarse
plaster. The front was apparently never completed, for the old beams which
once served as scaffolding, remain standing in the walls, occupied now by
immense storks' nests. These birds, which seem to be regarded with
revetence^ are frecjuently seen perched on one leg upon the top of MussnliBan
mosques. In the middle of the mosque is an enormous haU, under the lofty
dome which rises to a height of over a hundred feet, and is ridily ornamented
within with alabaster work in the style common in Moorish buildings, and
especially seen in the Alhambnu On the right and left are rooms filled with
tombs of various Kaxak sultans of the Middle and Lesser Hordes, among
them the celebrated Ablai Khan. One room answers for a mosque, where the
Friday prayers alone are said, while under the small dome at the back of the
building are the tombs of Ahmed Yasavi and his family; and opening out of
a long corridor full of tombs is a large room with a sacred well Next to the
tomb of the saint the most interesting monuments are those erected to a great-
granddaughter of Timur, Rabiga-Sultan-Begim, daughter of the famous Ulugh.
Bek. She was married to Abulkhair-Khan, and died in Z4S5. One of her
sons lies next to her.
** The walls of the first room are covered with numbers of inscriptions, chiefly
short prayers or verses from the Koran, one of which is said to have been
written by Muhammed All Khan of Khokand, who was killed by the Amir of
Bukhara in 1S42 ; and in the middle, standing on a pedestal, there is a large
brass vessel like a kettle^ which would oontain at least fifty gallons of water,
fortheuseof the persons who live in the mosque and the pilgrims and students
who come there. It is said to have been cast at Chumak, now in rums, about
fifty mfles from Turkestan. Around this v e s se l there are several lines of
Arabic inscrlptioo, in different characters ; the first and longest reads : * The
highest and Almighty God said, ** Do ye place those bearing water to pilgrims
and visiting the sacred temple.** '* He (»>., the Prophet) said, ' May peace be on
him I Whoso sets a vessel of water for the sake of God, the Highest, him
trill God the Highest reward doubly in Paradise* By coaimand of the great
Amir, the ruler of nations chosen by the care of the most merciful Qod, the
Amir Timur Quigan. May God prolong his reign I ' This water-vessel was
made for the tomb of the Sheikh-ul-Islam, chief of all Sheikhs In tiM world,
the Sheikh Ahmed of Yassy. * May God give repose to his worthy soul ! The
twelfth of Shawal, in the year 801 (IS99V The other inscription is : * The
* TUi it tht bcfiooii^ off th« i9(h ▼•»§ of tbt gth Saia of tko Korsa, and ought to pcoosodi,
onthtsaaslevtlwiUiUfliwboboIiortihlaOodf'Ac (Scbpjltr op.eit,i.7x. Nolo.)
NOTES. 683
work of the Mfvaiit, striving Qodwtrd, the Abnl-Axu» ton of the master Sberef-
tiddlfi» netife of Tabriz.'
" There ere besides la the mosque four Urge ceadlestioks, hot the inscriptions
are so defitced that one can only read the name of Timur, and that of the
maker, a Persian from Ispahan, with the date 799 (1397)* The Sbeikh-ul-
Islam has several documents from Tarioos folers of Central Asia in whose
possession Tnrkestan has been, coii£srring privileges on the shfine, one off
them of the year 1591, signed by Abdolla Khan.
''This mosque is considered the holiest in all Central Asia, and had very
great retigions importance, as previous to the capture of the dty by .the
Rnsdans, pilgrims of all ranks, even khans and amirs, assembled there from all
quarters.
*• The mosque is entirely supported by property which hae been given toU
by various worshippers, induding the revenues fitMn several earavwielrais and
shops in the city, and very large amounts from land. Belbre the capture of
the city the Khan of Khokand used to send five hundred tillas a year, and
even now pUgrimt am in the habit off offering sheep every Friday, the meat off
which is distributed to the poor off the city.
" In the little enclosure in front of the portal are numerous tombs bearing
inscriptions, and in a comer of the large court-yard is a small and very
elegant mosque, with a lemon-shaped cupola, covered with blue tiles. The
local legend runs that this was the temporary resting-place of the body off
Rabiga-Beglm, whose early death caused Timur such grief that he built the
great moeque. Unfortunately history siiows that she died some eighty years
after him, and it is very doubtfhl if he ever saw her.
''The termination of the great moeque called Hasret was aknost contem*
poraneotts with Timor's death. The word HoMni^ an Arabic word, meaning
Hterally'preeence^^ is used in the sense of 'majesty' for rulers, and with the
meaning ' nnctity' is frequently applied to samts, especially to thow meet
reverenced, and in this case the celebrity off the saint has given a name to the
town, which is often called • Haweti-Turicestan,' or even simply • Hairet.'
" Besides the mosque there is little in Turkestan to interest one. The city
has much frOien off, and barely numbers six thousand souls. Everything looks
dPapidated and desolate, though I found the straggUng basaar very curioM,
as It wi^ the first really genuine Oriental basaar which I had seen, that at
Perovsky being halff-Russian.
" I wandered for a long time, in spite of the heat, past the little rows of simps,
k>oking at the silversmiths plying their trades, and seeing the general Idleness
and listlessness off the shopkeepers, for there eeemed almost no business going
on. The central point off Interest was a raised platform, whore stood a man
with a little mountain off snow, which he was dealing out to the little boys in
smaU porUonsy with a laoce of sugary syrup. The eyes of the boys were big
and greedy, yet their timidity or their hatred of a Kafir was such that I had
some dUficulty in inducing them to allow me to treat them."*
One hundred and forty versts firom Turkestan, on the Sir, the Grand Survey
mentloni tho town of Arkan. which is probably the Ikan mentioned in the
♦ Schiqrler, I. r^-n*
684 HISTORY OF THX MONGOLS.
AbdnUa Ntmeb, and which ttill remalnt as a tmall village not ht fi«m
Turkestan,* Sixty vents from Arkan, on the opposite side of the river, he
mentions Yankorgan, a well known town which ttill sorvivet. It also
mentions, as situated, on the Sir, Akknrgan, Sairam, and Tashkend, which
are also well known.
In the Kazak steppe there are'namerons mint of towns, whose descriptions
I will remit to the notes of a later chapter.
^2)4^ a.— I have overlooked in the text' any reference to the early European
travellers who mention the Kayaks. The first to do so was Anthony Jenkinson,
who went to Bukhara in 1558, and whose scccount was published by Hackhiyt.
He merely says that when he was at Bukhara the caravans from Cathay had
ceased to go there, tn/fr alia because of the attacks of a certain people called
** Cassaks of the law of Mahomet» who warred against Tashkend.'*t Herberstein,
Miechof, and Guagnini merely mention the Kazaks as forming one of the
hordes beyond the Volga. The English merchants Hogg and Thompson, who
went to Bukhara in 1746, crossed the Kazak steppes. They call the Kasaks
Kirgeese Tartars. Setting xfat from the Jaik on the a6th of June, they reached
the camp of their friend Jean beek Batir («>«, Janibeg Batir), who sent his son
to meet them on the i6th of the next month. This camp was 800 versts from
the Jaik. The chief sat in his tent on a cafpet, and taking a bowl of kumia
he drank and offered them some. They gave him some presents, and informed
hkn they wished to open a trade with Khiva which would be very profitable to
him. He promised to assist them in every way, and insisted on their staying
with him during the extreme heat to refresh their cattle. Our travellers
describe the Kazak country as bounded on the north by the Bashkirs, on the
east by the Black Kalmuks and Tashkend, on the south by the Karakalpaks
and the Sea of Aral, and on the west by the Jaik. They say they were divided
into three hordes, of which the one nearest to Russia was governed by Jean
beek, always styled Batir. They add that what little religion there was among
them was Muhammedanism, and they describe some of their manners and
customs. /i»^ aHa we are told they were very civil to strangers while
they continued under their protection, for they esteemed it the greatest
dishonour to affront a guest, but no sooner was he departed than his professed
friend and protector would sometimes be the first person to rob him» and he
would be fortunate if he escaped without being made a slave. They had no
money, and their wealth consisted in cattle and frirs.
Having travelled in Jean beek's company for some days, they went on
towards Urgenj under the guidance of one of hit brothers. On the return
Journey Mr. Hogg was set upon by a party of seventeen Kazaks and plundered.
Having found hit way back to hit friend Jean beek, who had gone on an
expedition againtt the Black Kalmuks, he had some part of the plundered
property restored to him4 The Jean beelc Batir of this account was no doubt the
Janibeg Baatur, a chief of the Middle Horde, who long lived with Abulkhair.§
Hogg it clearly mistaken in maldpg him the chief of the Little Horde.
VeL Zwnof. U. 30a. t HackJuyt, London, 1809, i. 37a.
I Hanway't Traveli, i. a^B-iiZ, i Vid$ tmtt, 661.
NOTES. 6S5
NcU 3.— la the foUowing ftaOAlogical tabic I have mari^ed two. conjectural
linln by dots.
BOBSAX KBAWi
Of th« Wbilo Hord«.
_l
Gini klHB. Jaoibef Khan.
Jaoibef
Innclu Mahimid KMim luk. JaaUh. Kanlwr. Taoish. vJik. UsLk
Khaa. Kban. Khao. 1 Khan.
J I. «
I I BoUakai
Ak Nasar Khan. 1 1 1 1 Kusraa.
Minutth Khan. TagirKhan. BakdSaltaa. SUcdKbaa. |
I I Aichurak.
I IthimKhaB. |
KocLak. I I
I I i ! Irith.
KhodaiMendi. Yebanghir Kbaa. Saltan Sirdak. Vak 1
I t I J Adiaor
Torean Khan. Tiavka Khan. Sultan Sirdak. Ahlai. Aitiak.
I j BaUtKhan Saltan K«el. VaU. Abnlkhair
Knchak. Bomk KhAn. ^ Shemiaka. | I Khan.
ftocABic Borraic unan. Kalp Khan. Ahlal Khan.
I Lr AbolMaUunet | |
Shicai. Khanliabal. *"»,"• Snltan Batir. VaU Khmn.
Bolat Saltan. Abalfeia Khan. KaitiKhaii. KhodaiMenA
Khan.
(
lahimKhan. PiraU
N vali Khan. Braft khan. Aichavak
J Khan.
khaa. BnkalKhan.
i JanthmKhaa. Chirghaci Khia.
Yahanghir Khan.
CHAPTER IX,
TRB UZBBOa IN MAVERA UN NBHR, BALKH, AND
KHOKAND,
THE ABUtKHAIRIPS.
ABULKHAIR KHAN.
TKfi UttMfl be^ur a vety bmilUr vaam to the student of the
hi«(ory of Centml Asia. From tUt bepnoing of the sixteenth
Q^Uny they have j^actically dominate over a huge part of the
countriQ% ^tK of the Caspian, Thoy formed the ulus or special
hqfi|a|[^ ef Sbeiban^ the son of Juchi Khan, and were the llounders of
Hbftt import^t States, the one we are about ta describe, a second one at
Ktyiiare9ft ok i%tva, wy^ wiU ooQupy us in the next chi4>ter, and a
third ^e in Siberia, to which we ihatt dfvot* chapter xL To the latter
chapter we shall remit the crooked questions surrounding the history of
gJbi^jiJl^^ 1^ his immediate successors, and shall here merely give a list
of then;!.. $h^t!iaup^ the son of Juchi, had a son named Behador Khan,
whose son was Mangu Timui: Khan. Manga Timur Khan had several
sons, one of whom, Pulad Khan, reigneii |6r a short time over the
northern part of the Golden Horde, as I have described,* and was put to
death by 4k^ Khan. Pulad was the father of Ibrahim Oghlan, who was
the fa^ of Devlet Shei^i O^Ian, whp was the father of AbuUchair.
Abjofthair was tib^ real founder of ^ j^wer of the Uzb^s. On
the qoUaipse of the Ciolden Horde, after it had been crushed by
T^uf j^ ijfgy Y^egan to assume an important rSU, and on the death of
Borrak Khaa, Abulkair became the real master of the steppe of
Turan. From him were descended the rulers of Mavera un Ndii>
whose history will occupy us '91 this chapter. It is true his grandson
Sheibani ?ras the conqueror of tha|(4Js^ct whence the dynasty has been
styled, that of the Sheibanidiii but;, none of Sheibani^s own descendants
ever ruled tjKnre, and the dynji^ty^ as M. Grigorief ^s already argued,
should \^ styled that of the Abulkhairids.
Abollfhais was bom j^ the year 816 (i4i3).t Kfunshi tells us that
before he was twenty he conquered Khuarezm from Murza Shah Rukh,
the son of Timur, and immediately after mounted the throne of the
Uzbegs* He says he hjid a partioilar affection for Mevlana Hussein of
* ^ft^, dMptor IV. t AbuifbAii, 191, NoU, x.
ABULKHAIR KHAM. 687
Kfrnareznii a dMoendant of lb* celebrated Nejmeddiii Kuberai^ executed
by the Mongols at Urgenj, a pious and wise persoBi from whom he leamt
the lessons in religion and politics for which he was famous.* In his
eaxiy days he was doubtless subordinate and subject to Borrak Khan of
the White Horde, who was killed in 831 (i>., i427-8}.t The Tarikhi-
Abulkhair, for an abstract of which I am greatly indebted to my friend
Dr. Rie% begins its account of his life abruptly with the notice of his
return friom an expedition against Musl^ha Khan* by whom, I have
little doubt, the same person is meant who acted a prominent part in the
history of the Golden Horde, and who was killed in an invasion of
Russia in 144:54 Abulkhair defeated this chief with the loss of four
thousand five hundred men, and returning home victorious divided the
booty among his amirs. After this, and when the sun was in the con«
stellation Libra, he prepared to attack Sighnak, and sent several of
his principal amirs in advance. T}ie governor of the fortre^, which
then doubtless formed a part of the dominions of Shah Rukh, seeing
the strength of the invaders surrendered it, and th^ lJzbtg9 took
possession of it with Kard (?), Ak kurgan, Aruk, Suzak^ and Uzkend.}
Abulkhair bestowed the fort of Suzak upon Bakhtiar Sultan, Sighnak
upon Manahdan Oghlan, and Uzkend upon Vakhas hi Mangut He
spent the winter there. On the return of spring he was pr^ftariog to
rMum to his summer quarters at Ilak, when news arrived of the death
of Shah Rukh and the march Of his son Ulugh Beg to Khorassan. This
was therefore in 1448. Uhigh Beg had been the governor of Mavera un
Nehr and Turkestan, and when he thus withdrew south of the Oiais to
secure the important province of Khorassan, Abulkhair sununoned his
captains and pointed out to them that Samarkand was left defe nce l ess .
He accordingly mardied his troops thither, and the inhabitants on the
way submitted. The governor of the city, the amir Jelal ud din Bayazid,
sent some notables with presents to sue for peace, and to say that Uluj^
Beg was well disposed towards the Khan, and that the latter would do
best to retire homewards, which he accordingly did. I
This is probably the event referred to by Abdurrezak, who tells us
that while Ulugh Beg was absent in Western Khorassan pursuing his
rival Ala ud Daulat, the son of Baisongkhor Murza, the Uzb^
advanced to the suburbs of Samarkand; which they plundered. That
author tells us ''the beautiful mosaic pictures, brought eipressly from
Giioa, were shattered on the w^Uls of the picture gallery (Chinikhaneh) by
the clubs of the Uzb^s> the rich gilding was scraped off, and the works of
art, which had cost many years of labour to make, were utteriy destn^ed
in a few honrs.*^ Ulugh B^ was murdered by his son Abdul Latif in
*SenkoMd,i8. Vtmbcry, Bokhara, S38. \ AttU,274' I Goldeo Hord«, jQt. dmi^^a^
i Thu enomertsioii b another proof that the Uaktnd of tha White Hordo wai, aa I have
argued {mU$, notea to diapter iv.), a dsfferant place to the eaatara Uakend.
I Yw. Abnl* $ta-SS4* f Vaaihafr,cv.eltn«ia.
688 HISTORY OT THE MONGOLS.
1449. The latter taoceeded to the throne^ and then inarched against
Abusaidy a great-grandson of Miram&ah, who had seized upon aithority
in Samarkand Abosaid was beaten and taken prisoner, btst etcaped to
Bukhara.* There he was arrested. AbdulLatif was himself assassinated
in 854 (O,, HSo), whereiq>on Abusaid was released. Not content with
the authority he had at Bukhara, he marched against Samarkand, where
Abdul Latif 's successor Abdulla Murza, a grandson of Shah Rukb,
reigned Bdng beaten in this attempt, he fled to Toikestan and seised
the fortreu of Yassy (Le., the modem towi^ q( rurkestan).t Thence he
repaired to the camp of Abulkhair, by whom he was recetted with the
greatest honour, and he un4ertook to restore Samarkand to him. The
Uzbegs thereupon marched, the van of the army being led by Bakhtiar
Sukan, and the main body by a number of an^ra, whose names are
enumerated in the Tarikhi Abulkhair. It is curious to read that as it
was the hot season, the Yedehchia or rain bringers were ordered to
perform their incantations, when there came abundant rain, and the
army easily traversed the desert of Jmk» Abdulla, who was master of
Turkestan, Mavera un Nehr, Kabul, and B%is^hshan, collected Us
troops, add the two armies met at Shiraz in the i^atj^ of Kanvan, on the
banks of the Bulalghur. The Uzbegs won a bloody victory, and Abdotta
himsdf was pursued and dian. This was in the latter part of 855 (^.,
1453). Abulkhair released the prisoners he had taken, ordered his men
to refrain from pillage, and held a grand dnrbar. We are told he alighted
in the Bagfa i Maidan and the amirs on the lawn of Kangul| Abusaid
was reinstated at Samarkand, and the Sheikh ul Islam, then Khoja
Fazlulla, had an interview with Abulkhahr, and engaged in pious con-
versation with him. Abusaid sent daily presents to the Khan. He also
sent him Ulugh Beg*s daughter Rabiga Sultan B^m, to whom he was
immediately married. After firmly establishing Abusaid and pacifying
the district he returned to Desht Kipchak.| We nei^ read in the
Tarikhi Abulkhair that Uz Timur Taishi, the ruler of tiie Kafanuks, who
was jealous of Abulkhair, having summoned his amirs, announced to
them that ihat Khan, after securing great wealth and possessions, was
now taking his ease in his summer quarters (Ilak) .He easily persuaded
them to march against hiuL Abulkhair, on his side^ also advanced The
probability is the latter was in fact the assailant On readiing Chubui (<>.,
the well-known river Chu), hb men left their baggage behind and went
on in light order. Bakhtiar Sultan and Ahmed Sultan went on with the
vanguard, and the main body followed under a number of the chief
amirs. The two armies met at Kuk Kashanah (?) in the Chir of Kili
Kiyat (?) in the Nur tukai (?). The Kalmuk chie( m spite of the
number of his men, sent to offer peace, ''but Bakhtiar Sultan, Ahmed, and
their companions, forgetting the iq^horism that peace is best, insisted on
*/tf. t Tar. AM, 3«S* Sik I/i.,siS-S34. fM,SSS.
ABULKHAIR KHAN. 689
^bting.** The two sultans were killed. The main body of the Vzhtg$
then fought against the Kalmuks, but was also defeated, whereupon
Abulkhair retired to Sighnak. The Kalmuks went on and ravaged
Turkestan, Shahrukhia, and the tract of Tashkend. Uz Timur again
offered peace, which was now accepted, and he then returned by Sairam
to the river Chu, where he had left his baggage, and thence home again.*
This campaign of Abulkhair against the Kalmuks is very interesting.
Uz Hmur Khan was, as I believe, the Timur, Chingsang or vic^;erent
of the S^on Gar or right wing of the Uirads, mentioned by Ssanang
Setzen,f and who seems to have succeeded Essen Khan. Abulkhair's
name occurs in the traditions of the Kalmuks as Bolghari Khan, and it
would seem that it was in this very campaign that the Khoshotes first
acquired their name. Pallas, in reporting the traditions of this tribe, sayi
one of their chiefs named Aksugaldai had two sons, Arrak Timur and
Oerrok Timur,} who jointly ruled the tribe, and allied themselves with
Toghon Taishi,} in whose army they fought very bravely against a famous
Bolghari Khan, and thence derived the name of Khoshotes. | After his
fight with the Kalmuks, Abulkhair devoted himself to the affiiirs of
Desht Kipchak, which greatly prospered in his hands.
We next read that about the year 1455 Abusaid, being engaged in a
campaign in Khorassan and Mazanderan, Muhammed Chuki Murza, the
son of Abdul Latif Khan, whom he had defeated, fled to Abulkhair, by
whom he was well received, as well as by his father's sister Rabiga
Sultan Begim. He asked Abulkhair for assistance with which to recover
his ancestral dominions. Abulkhair assented, and despatched an army
under Bereke Sultan, Bishikda Oghlan, and other amirs, which marched
towards Samarkand. They were joined by some Jagatai amirS| who
were discontented with Abusaid Khan, and by the partisans of Ulugh
Beg. They speedily captured Tashkend and Shahrukhia, and then
crossed the Sihun. The governor of Samarkand, the amir Masid
Arghun, marched out to Sittan to meet them, but he was defeated after
a terrible struggle, and withdrew to Samarkand, whence he dispatched
messengers to Abusaid for assistance. The Uzbegs overran the open
country of Mavera un Nehr, and encamped at Kufin (?) and Kermineh.
On hearing of the approach of Abusaid, Bereke Sultan and the other
Kipchak officers were for defending the passage of the Amu or Oxus,
the Jagatai officers for withdrawing behind the Sihun or upon Shah
rukhia. Chuki having supported the latter course, a large number of
his men deserted to Abusaid, while the Uzbegs began to plunder. His
people were disorganised, and he was speedily beleagured at Shah
rukhia, where he was compelled by famine to surrender. The Tarikhi
• Id,, 357-339* t Opu dt, iSj.
] Prokabljr to b« identifitd with the AUk Cbioctanc tnd Timur ChingMnc of SMntng
Silstt. ud OM of them with the above-oamed Vm THnnr.
iProbab|r«flBittaktCorhitNBSiteaKhaa. | PaIIm, SamL Hitt Nach , 15-
3^
690 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
Abulkhair says he was treated kindly by Abusaid, who took him with
him to Herat and confined him in the fort of Ikhtiyaruddin, where he
died.*
We are told the Desht Kipchak greatly flourished under the beneficent
rule of Abulkhair. He died at the age of fifty-seven, in the year of the
rat A.H. 874 (t./.y A.D. 1439). According to Abulghazi there were none
of his relations who had not felt the weight of his hand, and whom he
had not forced to submit to him. In consequence of this th^y rebelled
against him^ and killed him with several of his sons, while his people
were scattered.! According to the Abdulla Nameh of Hafiztanish,
Abulkhair had eleven sons. By Aghanak, of the tribe Burgut, he had
Shah Budagh Sultan and Khoja Muhammed Sultan ; by a second wife
of the Mangut tribe^ Muhammed Sultan and Makhmet Sultan ; by a
third of the Kungrad tribe, Sheikh Haidar Khan, Sanjar Sultan, and
Ibrahim Sultan ; by Rkbiga Sultan Begim, the daughter of Ulugh Beg
Gurkhan, Kuchkunji Khan and Suiunich Khan; and by a concubine
Ak Buyuk and Seyid Baba.^ In the Tarikhi Abulkhair Muhammed
Sultan, the brother of Makhmet Sultan, is not mentioned, and instead we
have the name of Abul Mansur, who is iq;>parently made the whole
brother of Kuchkunji. It also calls Ak Buruk, Ak Burun.|
The strife that arose on the death of Abulkhair was chiefly between
his descendants and those of Yadigar, the head of a collateral branch of
his family which founded the Khanate of Khuarezm, and which wiH
occupy us in the next chapter. The story is a complicated one. On
turning to the Tarikhi Rashidi we find its author stating that ou the
death of Abulkhair Khan his people acknowledged his eldest son Baruj
Oghlan, who, to avoid Girai and Janibeg Khan of the Kazaks, who were
becoming very powerful, lived in the territory of Tivkestan. It seems
that Yunus Khan of Mongolistan had marched to the assistance of his
protig^t the Kazaks, and was attacked in Kara tuga by Baruj, who came
upon him by surprise with twenty thousand men. The Khan had sbcty
thousand families with him. The fighting men had crossed the Sihun to
hunt, aiHi Baruj found the camp defenceless, and his people immediately
b^gan to plunder. The Khan having learnt what had happened, did
not wait to collect his men, but instantly returned. He crossed
the river on the ice with only six companions, one of whom carried the
Shesh tugha or Grand Standard. He also had the great trumpet with
him, which none could blow like himself. When he came near the camp
be gave a k>ud blast, and the standard coming in sight, a general panic
aciied the Uzbegs. Baruj Oghlan tried to mount his horse, but hd was
seized, and the Khan ordered him to be beheaded and his head to be put
on a spear, ifdiile few of his followers escaped.| It was long ago noticed
* Op. €H.| M9-949* ^ ^ ^^' >^' ^' 1 ^^* Ztra., Coiitt of BuUwrt, 359.
f Op. dt., 390. I Twikhl lUtbidi
MVHAlfMED ABULFATH 5HUBANI KHA^f. 691
by Hafiztanishy who refers to this passage, that no such name as Baruj
occurs among the lists of Abulkhair's sons/ but as he is so distinctly
called the eldest son ai Abulkhair, and was apparently succeeded by
Sheibanif I am disposed to think he wat the same person as Shah
Budagh Sultan, the father of Sheibani. Abulkhaii^s second son was
named Khoja Muhammed, who was own brother to Shah Budagh. As he
was only half-witted, the Usbegs named him Khoju 'am Tintek (i>., the
idiot). **He was such a fool,'' says Abulghasi, ''that he used to prophecy
to the women of the aul by the sputterings of fat in the fire whether they
would have boys or girls, j^et he could not tell whether the boy his wife
presented him witJi was his own or another's.'^ It seems he had married
Malai Khanzadeh, the widow of Bereke Sultan, the leader of the rival
house of Uzbegs. She was already enainte when he married her, and
seven months Ester gave ^irth to a son, who was called Janibeg, and who
filled an important role in Uzbeg history.t
MUHAMMED ABULFATH SHEIBANI KHAN.
When Shah Budagh died he left an infant son named Muhammed, who
was called Sheibani, after the original founder of the Khanate, Sheibah,
the son of Juchi. He was given the title of Shahbakht (1./., the fortimate
prince) by his grandfather, which was corrupted by some Persian writers
into Shaibek. While we find the additional name Abulfath on
his coins (Frsehn Res., 437 ; VeL Zern., Coins of Bukh, &c, 333). He
was bom In 1451 of the hejira, and his mother's name was Ak
kuzi Begim.} On his father's death his grandfather Abulkhair
ordered Uighur Sheikh, who had been Shah Budagh's atabeg, to look
after him, and on Abulkhair's death, Karachtn beg, one of the most
powerful amirs among the Uzbegs, undertook to take charge of him and
of his brother Mahmud Sultan. At this time, we are told in the Sheibani
Nameh, there came forward many enemies of the house of Abulkhair^
such as Seidiak and Ibak, the sons of Haji Muhammed Khan oC the
horde of Sheiban ; the descendants of Arab Bereke Sultan (probably
Arabshah the Sheibanid is meant); Janibeg and Girai, the sons of
Borrak of the White Korde; and the Manguts or Nogais, Abbas, Musa
and Yamgurchi«i The heritage qf Abulkhair was now in the feeble
hands of his son Sheikh Haidar, who was presently defeated by the Ibak
just named. Karachin repaired with his two charges to Kasim, the Khan
of Astrakhan, who appointed his own amir el umera Timurbeg (who
was a Nogai) to look after thenu When Kasim was 4)eleagured in
Astrakhan by Ibak and Ahmed Khan of the Golden Horde, the two
young princes and Karachin fought their way through the enemy after a
desperate struggle.1 Sheibani now seems to have repaired to his old
• V«i. Itnief, iL, Khaai of KmIimC 14S' t Abolfhasi, toS.
t8tBk«ftU,J0. Vtl.ZtrBoC,U.S34* I Vtl. 2«nioi; op. cit.« if. 135. i/A Antt,iy>.
69a HISTORY OP THE MONGOLS.
country about the Lower Sir, where he gathered some people about hiin>
but having been defeated near Sabran by Iranchi, the scm of Janlbeg
Khan of the KasakSy he went to Bukhara, where he was well recdved
and entertained by the amir Abdul Ali Terkhan, who goremed that town
for Ahmed Murza. The latter sent for him to Samarkandi where he
treated him hospitably, and he afterwards returned again to Bukhara.*
After spending two years with Abdul Ali he returned homewards. When
he approached the fort of Artak the Khoja Begchik and the ddest of the
amirs with the chief people went out to meet him with the keys of the
place. Thence he went on to Sighnak. There envoyai. met him from
Mttsa, the chief of the Manguts or Nogais, inviting him to go to the
Desht Kipchak, and promising to make him Khan there if he went He
accepted the invitation and had an interview with Musa, who treated
him welL Berendnk Khan of the Kazaks, whose authority was being
tiius questioned^ marched against him, but was defeated and fled.
Sheibani having asked Musa to fulfil his promise, the latter evaded the
proposal, on the ground that the Manguts were un£ftvourable*t Sheibani
now withdrew from the Desht Kipchak, and fought several times with
the Kazak ddef Mahmud Sultan, the son of Janibeg, who was the ruler
of Susak. Bdng at length defeated by him, he went to Mangushlak on
the Caspian, and thence to Khuarezm, where the amir Nasir ud din Abd
ul Kalik Firos Shah, who ruled in the name of Sultan Hussein Murza of
Khorassan, presented him with lordly gifts. Thence he went to Karakul
and Bukhara to his old patron Ali Terkhan, who again accompanied him
to Saroarkandt At this time the ruler of Mavera un Nehr, Sultan
Ahmed Murza, was in conflict with the Khan of Mongolistan, Sultan
Mahmud Khan, who ruled also at Tashkend and Shahrukhia. He led
an army against Tashkend, which was joined by Sheibani This was in
the year S93 (t>., 1488).! The two armies opposed one another on the
river Chirr, a tributary of the Sir Daria. Sheibani treacherously made
secret overtures to the enemy, and ofiered to throw his allies into
confusion and to fly at a critical moment The following day the army
of Mongolistan crossed the Chirr, the foot soldiers leading and the
cavalry following, when Sheibani carried out his purpose. Sultan Ahmed
Murza was defeated, and many of his men were drowned. | Sheibani
now seems to have transferred his services to Mahmud Khan, who
having shortly after captured the town of Turkestan, which was at thb
time subject to Sultan Ahmed Murza, made it over to Sheibani as a
reward for his services at the battle of the Chirr.
This greatly exasperated Janibeg and Girai, the chiefs of the White
Horde, to whose ancient heritage Turkestan apparently belonged, and
who thereupon quarrelled with Mahmud Khan, as I have mentioned.^
* VaL ZmrntL IL*^ t Khoaadtmirt qootoi by VaL Xwnot, iL 140, «4S. t tiL, 145, 146.
»Vil.l«nMCii. NoC».S3. I Ttrikhi RathldL f^«r#,«i8. Tir.lUiUdL
MUHAMUKD ABtTLPATH SHEIBANI KHAN. 693
Mahmud Khan asdtted Um with troopi^ and there also joineo hfan m
lazge number oi his grandfather^ retainers. Now happened the
romantic incident described by Abolghazi, in which Berdce Sultan met
his end, and to whidi I shall itto more at length in the next chapter.
Sheibani also had several encoonters with the Kasdtt ; thvs we reed thatf
hafing secured aH the snrrotmdii^ fbftresseSy he moved i^on Si^^makf
where he struggled with Berendnl Khan of the Kaxaks.* fle then
marched into Khuarenn) seising the opportunity when its governor
Ftroc Shah was in Khorasan with his master Sultan Hussein Mursa.^
After several days' attadc on the capitalf Finn Shah having marched to
tibe ittco^ he raised the siege and went to the ibitiess of Buldnm»
whose rmnsstill remain about 88 versts north-east of Khiva. Therehe
was wefl reoeivedy and passed on to the town 4^* Vedr, where he was
defeated by the troops of Khomsant and passed on irst to Alak and then
to Asterabad^phindering several places in the nejgjibourhood.t AftertUst
by the invitation of Mahmud Khan, he went to Ottai^ vdiere they formed
a league, and where the Khan gave up Otrar to him. At this time the
people of Sabran expelled their dan^t^ or governor Kul Muhammed
Teikhan, and gave up the keys to Mahmud SuHan, the brother of
Shcibani, and we are told the peof^ of all Turkestan acknowledged the
autfiority of the two brothers. The Kaaks having marched agatnsi
Sabran, the dtisens treadierously seised Mahmud and surrendered
him to Kasim, the Kasak chie^ whose mother, according to die
Sheibani Nameh, was sister to Mahmud's mother. He kept him for
some timoi and then sent him under escort to Suxak. On the way
i^imwui escaped He sent to inform his 1»olher| and they had an
interview on the mountain Ugusman, whence they both returned to
Otrar. Soon after Berendnk Khan of the Kaiaks attacked him at
Otrar, but after some days agreed to a peace. Sheibani then went to
Yassi {l£.t the town of Turkestan), iHiich was governed by Muhammed
Mesid Terkhan, who was c a ptu r ed and sent prisoner to Otnur. There*
upon Mahsmd Khan of MongoHstan mardied to his assistance, rdeased
hhn, and sent hfan to Samarlcand. That diief now began to see what a
dangerous person he had been patronising and allied himedf witb die
Kaiaks against him. They feared to attadc Sheibani at (Yassi, but
bdeagured his son MuhanmiedTimur Sultan at Otrar. Theattadcwas
unsttccessfo], and not long after we find Berenduk Khan giving his sisters
in marriage to Sheibanf s son Muhammed Timur uid his brother
Mahmud. Sheibani was a very unscrupulous person. As Erskine si^fi
he habitually aimed at extending his territory, and never scrupled as
to means. He was totally without feith^ and bound by no promise or
engagement, end frequent misunderstandings occurred between him
and Mahmud Khan. Notwithstanding, the latter continued to countenance
* VaI. Zmq., iLMT' t fd., t4i* S49-
694 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
him and to employ him in his designs upon Samarkand and Bokhanu
This poUcy was naturaUy grateful to the wUy Sheibani, whose power
increased daily.
It would seem that in 2497 he had been called to his assistance
by Baisongkhor Mursa, the ruler of Samarkand, when attacked by
Baber, bat finding the latter^s army weU prepared/ he drew off again.*
This was doubtless the inrasion mentioned in the Sheibani Nameh,
where we are toM that Sheibani's brother. Sultan Mahmnd penetrated as
far as Jizak and was there repulsed, and that Sheibani, to revenge him,
crossed the Sihon with an auxiliary force of one thousand Jetes, by
whom he was betrayed, whereupon he retired.! He now i»epared a
more elaborate plan.
Vambery relates how his future strategy was guided by an af^iorism
of his spiritual adviser Sheikh Mansur, idio^ having asked him to a least,
said to himi when the viands were taken away, ^Dost thou see that this
tableck>th is removed, not by snatching it in the centre but by folding up
each comer, and so the country must be taken, not by seizing the capital
but by secttring the frontiers.*!
More of the old supporters of his house hastened to him. '^ He led
them,'' says Erskine, "into the rich fieUsofTransoadana, which he and
Ins followers had had uaplt opportunities of surreying as fugitives and
eadlcs.** These provinces they now found m prey to £u:tion and torn with
civil war. Their forces, which at first consisted only of Uzbegs, had
been recruited by adventurers from all parts of the Desht Kipchak*
IfUsr alia we are told Sheibani went to Khiva« ifHieie he borrowed some
Mangut auxiliaries. He was also joined by several Uzb^ chiefs who
had hitherto stood aloof finmn him, such as his two uncles, Kucfakunjt
Sultan and Suiunich Sultan, and his relatives Hamsa Sultan and Mdidi
SulUn.|
At this time the various princes of the house of Timur were eng^^
in civil strife, and there was great confusion in Mavera un Ndir. The
famous Baber was among the chief offenders. Having captured Samar-
kand firom Baisongkhor in 1497, he had afterwards been constrained to
withdraw, and the nominal ruler of Mavera un Nehr at this tinus was
Sultan Ali Murza, the son of Sultan Mahmud Murza, by Zuieh Beghi
Aga, who Baber says was an Uzbeg and a concubine. I Although Sultan
Ali was the nominal ruler of Samarkand, it would seem that the real
authority was in the hands of Khoja Yahia, whose ancestors had held the
post of Sheikh ul Islam there for four hundred years.1[ Sheibani having
appeared before the town, belcagured it for ten days, and repulsed a
sortie from the gate Sheikhzade ; he then entered it by the gate Tshihar
rah, and penetrated unresisted to the summer palace of Baghi No. We
are told '*he had to fight the garrison inside the town itself. The
* Mtmoin or Baber, 47. 48. t Vambery, History of Bukhara, 230, ^51.
1 14, NoU. 351. I Vambery, op. cit., 351* I Op. dt, 39. ^ Vambery, 35.
MUHAMIIED ABULFATH SHEIBAKI KHAN. 695
Struggle began at noon and lasted till midnight, Shdbani displaying
leddess courage during its progress. The next day news arrived that
Bald Teikhan, a son of the Ab^ AU Teridianf under whom Shdbani
had comrnmcfid his career, was coming from Bukhara to the help of
Samarkand, and was already besiq;inf the Ibrt of Dabusi.''* The
U^Mgs theseupon desisted from their attad^ and turned upon and
defeated Bald Teikhan, and leavii^ a force to bdeaguer Samarkand,
Usdf went on towards Bukhara. This was qieedQy captured. Sheibani
having put his harem there, attadced Karakul The inhabitants of that
place rose against the garrison and murdered them. The Uzbegs
speedOy recaptured it, and exacted vengeance. They then returned to
continue theUr attack on Samarkand.! Baber tells us that All Murza's
mother, who, as we have seen, was an Uzbeg, '^was led by her stupidity
and folly to send a messenger privatdy to Sheibaid Khan, proposing
tibat if he would marry her, her son should surrender Samarkand into
his hands on condition that, when he recovered his own paternal
dominions he should restore that town to Sultan AH '^ We are further
told that Aba Yosuf Arghun was the originator of this plan. When
Sheibani readied Bagh e Mddan (f>., the Garden of the Plain), Sultan
Ali Murza, without acquainting anyone^ left the town by the Char
raheh gate^ accompanied by only a few insignificant individuals of his
personal attendants, and went to meet him. Shdbani did not give him
a very flattering reception, and as soon as the ceremonies of meeting
weie over made him sit down lower than himselt Khoja Yahia, finding
die murza had left die town, was alarmed and left it in turn* He also
waited on Shdbaid, who did not rise to greet him, but said some severe
things to him. The Khqja*s example was followed by Jan Ali, the son,
of Kbqja Ali bi, who was at Rabat Khoja, ''so that,* 8a)-8 Baber, *the
wretdied and weak woman, to get hersdf a husband, gave the fimuly
and honour of her son to the winds, nor was she well treated, for
Sheibani did not value her as much as his own wives and concubines.")
Another account attributes the fidl of the place to the quarrds
between Sultan Ali and Ids patron the Khoja, and tdb us how Shdbani,
who knew of diem, ^ wrote to the princely puppet asking him whether
he was not tired of the guardianship of the Khoja, and bade him do
homage to the star of Abolkhair, now in the ascendant, and also
proposed to his mother ; and accordbgly one Priday Sultan Ali left the
dty fnrtivdy on one side, idiile the Khoja, ignorant of what was going
on, was at prayer in a mosque on the other side."!
Thb capture of Samarkand took place in 906 (i>., 1500), and it is £rom
this date that the Tarikhi Tfanuri and the Tarikhi Abulkhair Khani
date Sheibani'i acoesskm to the throne.f After his surrender Sultan AH
IVtmbnjftSS* f AMfhasi, 903. Nota,s. m6,<oo. Note, i.
696 HISTORY OP THS M0N<30LS.
MozialuidqaarteriasfigiiedlobimiiearTimvrSalUii. SomeofhisfrieadA
wkhed him to escape^ but be xcfosed. Accocdin^ to Baber he was p«t
to death threo or four days altar in the meadow of Kalbdu* The anther
of the Shcibaiii Namdif who was apancfyiistof the Usbeg% says he was
aoddeataUy drowned whiie riding ahmg the hanks of the Koheks or
Zarefthan.t The Tarikhi Timuri says he died at Kan i Gul, on the
banks of the same river4 The Khoja Yahia was soon after kiHed with
his two sonsi whUe on their way to Khorasan. He was probably
pilvy to the murder, although he denied it and laid the blame on
Kamber hi and Kepek bL| Sheibani was now master of .Samarkand.
His ioQowers were no friends of dty life^ and after occupying the dty for
some timoi he encamped with seven or eight thousand troops near
Khcja Didar, two thousand others were posted near Samarkand, under
Hamsa Sultan and Mehdi Sultan, while the city was only garrisoned
by from five to six hundred men. It was under these circumstances
that Baber ventured on the dashing exploit of surprising it with a
force of only two hundred and forty men. He naturally boasts of the
skill and daring of this foat, which was perfonned when he was only
nineteen, while Sheibani was very skilful and experienced.1
He has himself described the capture. He had previously tried to
surprise the town, but found the garrison on the alert He was now
accompanied by the Khoja Abdal Makaram. They reached the bridge
of the Moghak (U., the hdkm) at the Khiavan or public pleasure
groondsi whence he detached seventy or eighty men, with orders to scalo
the wall oppdsite the Lover^ Cave, to pass round and surprise the
troops stationed at the^Firoseh Gate, which they were to seise, and then
to apprise him of the resttk. They were successfol, killed Fazil Terkhan,
who commanded the guard at the gate^ and iriiile some of his men
broke its lock with axes, and threw it open, Baber came up at the very
time and immediately entered. ** The citisens were fast asleep," he
says, ^but the shopkeepers, peeping out of their shops and discovering
wk/Jt, had happened, offtnd up pcayers of thanksgiving. The rest of the
dtiaens were soon on the alert, and having sided with his people,
pomied the Uxbegs in every street and comer with sticks and ftones,
bunting them down and killing them like mad dogs,'' They slaughtered
about fonr or five hundred in this w^y, the pmamot of the city Jan Vafti«
iMnrever, escaped and joined Sheibanif 6aber proceeded to the college
of Ulu^ Beg and Kanekah, and on reaching the latter sat down under
the Grand Tak or arched hall, iriiere he received the congratulatimis of
the dtisens. Ih the morning he heard that the Usbegs still held the
Icon gat% he immediatdy mounted his horse aiul galloped to the
place^ accompanied by only fifteen or twenty men, but the rabble of the
•Of.cU^l4. t VMibtrj, S53. M«t«,i. 2 AbnlfhMl, aoj Net«,a.
MUHAUMXD ABVLIATK 89IIBAMI KHAN. 6^7
town iHio wa« pMwling aboQl ill «verx lane aad conwr'h^
dke U^iegi away. Sheibani Khan, ^'the fordgn xobbari*' as Baber caUt
him, on hearing what had happirned, went honie^y to the Iron gate
with a hundred or a hondred and Mty horte^ but teeing he could effea
nothing, hastily xetiied. The captore of Samaikaad was followed by
the ili|^ of the Usb^gs from many of the smrocmding districts. Sogd
and Miankal snbmitted to Baber, the districts of Khosar and Karshi to
Bald Teikhan, the late governor of Bukhara, while Karakul was seized
by a force from Menr. BaUuura alone and its surroonding district
remained in the poisession of the Uri)egs. Baber was too weak, howofer,
and the sorroonding princes too unwilling to assist him to enable him
to retam his conquest long*
The following spring the Usbegs again aqptnred Karakul and took the
fort of Dabusi by storm, slan^iteringtlw garrison. At length in Aprtt or
May, i5oi,Baber marched out to Join battle with Sheibani, and encamped
near Sir e pul (ia^ Bridge end). He fortified his camp with a palimde
and ditch* Sheibani went to meet him and encamped about four mUes
away. Skirmishes took piece during four or five days, and in one Sheibani
and his people advanced to the very edge of the ditch and discharged a
voUey of arrows, but finding the place too well protected withdrew* The
struggle was precipitated by the impatience of Baber who ascribes it to
fbttowing an astrological conduslon* The stars Sahdulduz (/^., the
ei^ atars), he says, were esactly between the two armies, while for
thirteen or fourteen days afterwards they would have been fiivourable to
the enemy Without waiting, therefore, for tiie reinforccmenu which
were at hand, he moved out in battle array, his horses being defended
by doth of mail Sheibani was not lodi to meet him. His right wing
was commanded by Mahmnd Saltan, Janfbeg Sultafi, and Muhammed
Thnnr Sultan, and his left by Hamxa Sultan, Bfehdi Sultan, &c. The
Uit>e|^ says Baber, in fi|^iting j^ed great reliance on the Tolghmeh
(iA, turning the enemy's flank), and never engaged without practising this
manoeuvre; another of their practices was to advance and charge in firont
and rear, discharging theb arrows at full gallop pell mell, chiefs and
cemmon soldiers, and if r^ulsed in like manner retiring at full
gaDop. As they greatly outnumbered Saber's people, the Uzb^ had
no difficuky in outflanking them on the left, and his forcfes being
pressed in firont and rear, and being at the same time deserted by
the contingent firom Moiigolistan, which b^^ marauding, were com-
pletely routed, only ten or fifteen people remained with their chief, with
whom he plunged into the river Kohik dose by. When halfway over
the fold their horses sank beyond their depth, and they were forced to
swim them for upwards of a bow-shot, both horses and men being
encumbered with umoor, but they plunged through and readied
Samarkand before nightfall.* In regard to his impetuosity, which htd
3Q
69S HISTOEY OF THE ICOHOOL8.
broi^lfat 00 this ditastroui battle, Baber wrote a couplet wluch Is good
philosophy even now-*
R« who impatlMit bMte Isjrt hit buii m bto twottf
Wm •it«w»rdi gnaw that hud with Ui Itilk liOD ffcgrtt
Baber was now deserted by his relatives and £urweather friends, who
were scattered in varions directions. He was not daunted^ however, bat
smnmoned a cponcil of such Begs and officers as stood by him, and it
ihtf determined to put the place In a state of defence, and to resist to
the death. He had a public tent (chader sefid) pitched for hknself m the
arched portal of Ulugh B^s Cdlege, m the midst of the dty, and
aitigned his various officers their posts at the gates. In two or three
days Sheibani arrived and posted himself some distance from the city.
Thereupon, says Baber, the idle and worthless rabUe assembling from
every district and street of Samaiicand came in large bodies to the gate
of the College, shouting aloud, *' Glory to the Prophet !* and clamorously
Tf>ffr/>h#wi out for battle, in spite of the old and^experienced veterans, who
were only, abused ior counsdling prudence. On one occasion when they
had thus gone out in their bravado diey were assailed by a body of
Uibqifs* Baber had sent some of hie troops to cover the retteat When
the mob was bn^sen and scattered the brunt of the fight (fell on these
soldiers. The Uzbegs seem to have pursued theu: advantage dosdy, and
Baber describes how he and his companions eventually Stopped them by
discharging their crossbows from the top of the gateway.* On another
occasion the Uzbegs made a false attack, whkh divided die attention of the
garrison, while they made a real assault between the Washing-green
Gate and the Needkmakers' Gate. They planted twenty-five or twenty-
six scaling ladders, on which two or three men could mount abreast,
and were already clambering on the ramparts when the vigour of a few
of the garrison threw them over, and repelled the attadc The Prince-
historian also describes as an incident of the siege a sortie in which
some of his men succeeded in dismounting some of the enemy, and m
bringing back s€V4ral hiods. The distress in Samarkand became very
great. The harvest was ripe and had not been gathered, and the poor
were driven to eat the flesh of dogs and asses, a great degradation for
Muhammedans. Horses had to be fed on the leaves of trees, and it
was ascertained from experience, says the historian naively, that the
leaves of the mulberry and black wood (Kara igfaaj) answered best*
Sheibani meanwhile blockaded the town from a distance, and sent at
nights a force, with drums beating, to alarm the garrison. Baber com-
plains that he was not assisted by his relatives, especially by Sultan
Hussein Muna of Khorassan, and dtes an aphorism to diow the hope*
lessness of resistance, to the efiect that to maintain a fbrtressi a head
(f .^., a good captain), two hands (f^., two rdieving armies), and two feet
*lfeinoin,sS
MUHAMMBD ABULPATH SHfilBANI KHAN. 699
lU,f wftter and stoves) are needed.* His soldiers and even his im-
mediate attendants began to desert him, while the provisions were
eihansted. Sheibani tbereapon proposed terms, a capitulation was
agreed npcm, and he left the town at midnight with his mother and some
other ladies. His elder sister, Khaniadeh Begim, was, however, captured
by the Usbegs. Baber hastened away, and at length reached Jisak,
where he says he foond nice ht flesh, bread of fine floor wdl baked,
sweet melons^ and excellent grapes in great abundancey thns passii^
from the extreme of famine to plenty, and from danger to peace and
ease.t It would seem from the Tarikhl Rashidi that Baber^s sister, in
fact, married Sheibani, and that this was a condition of the treaty. By
her he had a son, Khnnam, to whom he gave Balkh, bat he died yovng.
He alterwaids divorced her, being jeaions of her partiality for the
interests of Baber, whose favourite sister she was.t The second capture
of Samarkand by the Uxb^gs toc^ place about September, 1501.
Sheibanif who was now master of die beautiful country of Sogd, seems
to have quarrdled with his old patron Mahmud, the Khan of Tashkend
and Shahmkhia, and we read that in the winter he crossed the river of
Khcjend on the ice and ravaged the district of Shahrukhia and Tash-
kent Baber, who was a( Dehkat, one of the hill districts of Uratipp%
marchfd against him. He describes how the violent icy wind Hader-
wish iras then blowing, and how in consequence some of his people
perished from cM. When he arrived at Beshkent he found that
Sheibani had rethed.1 In the spring of 1503 Sheibani made a raid
upon Uratippa.1 At this time Sultan Ahmed Tambol having become
r^ieUious, or in the words of Haidar, having begun to shoot the
arrows of discord at the target of sovei%ignty, broke out into revolt
against Mahmud Khan. The latter and his brother Ahmed, wiio
was joint-Khan of Mongolistan, inarched against him. The Khans^
army numbered about lo^ooo ment and they ordered Baber to make a
diversion by way of AkhsL The details of the strategy on either side
are described in some detail by Baber, but do not concern us at present
The result was that Tambol was very hard p r e sse d, and sent to Sheibani
for help against his snaerainsi ofTering to hold Ferghana as an appanege
under hiin.Y
Sheibani was not loth to accept the invitation. The two Khans had not
time to assemble their various contingentSi and had only ispoo men with
them, with whom they rapidly retired. They were also accompanied by
dieir n^hew Baber. They had recrossed the river of Khojend, and were
loitering near Akhsi, when Sheibani came up, having evaded two covering
armies which the Khans had planted, one at Tashkend, and the otfMr
at Uratippa. He had marched by way of the latter places which
*/4.»97. t//^9>* tSnUot'tlaOiczs^ Htl*. |/(i«iM»
I Id., lot. % B»bw*i If MMin. si4»
700 HISTORY OF THJB M0K00L8.
he made a show of attacking^ but at nightfall he raised his- camp and
went on. The expresses who were sent with the news reached the Khans
c<mcurrently with Sheibani. The latter had 50^000 men with hhn, toge-
ther with his relatives Kuchkuhji Sultan, Suiunich Sultan, Janibeg Sultan,
&c. The enemy had barely time to draw up in confusion. They ofidned
but slight opposition, and were completely routed. Both iChana, thdr
horses being wearied out, were captured, while Baber escaped to the
hills south of Ferghana. On the news reaching Tashkend, its garrison
under Muhammed Sultan, the ion of Mahmud Khan, made all haste to
withdraw to Mongolistan, while Muhammed Hussein, the £tther ci
Haidar, retired with the forces of Uratippa towards Karatigin.* Sheibani
behaved with considerable generosity to his ilhistrious prisoners, but he
seems to have insisted on three intermarriages ^th his own family as
the price of their release. For his son Muhammed Timur Sultan he
claimed the hand of Doghlat Sultan Khanimi, the sister of the two Khans;
for himself the hand of Anba Sultan Khanum ; and for Janibeg Sultan
Kuruz Khanum. He also incorporated 30,000 of the Khans' followers
in his owA army.t Sheibani also insisted on the surrender of Tash-
kend and of Shahrukhia, in which latter town the mother of the two
Khans was commanding.t The famous transkctions which I have just
described took place apparently* in June, 1503.I Haidar tells us that
the younger Khan on reaching his house in Mongolistan was taken ill
and died. Haidar himself was told by the Khoja Taj ud din Muhammed,
whose £unily held the post of hereditary Sheikh ul Islam there, that
when the Khan was very ill with dysentery, the Khc^a having told him
that it was reported that Sheibani had mixed noxious herbs with his
food, and that if so he would procure the precious teriak or antidote
against poison from Khita or China, he leplied, ''Sheibani has indeed
poisoned me. He has raised himself from the lowest state of abasement
to such a height that he has taken us two brothers prisoners and then
set us at liberty. This disgrace is the cause of the disease in my frame.
If you have any antidote for this it may be useful"! Sheibani seems to
have treated one of his prisoners with harshness, this was Baber's fnend
the Khoja Abul Mokaram. Having been thrown into prison at
Tashkend he made his escape^ and as a disguise consented to have his
beard cut ofi; a great' disgrace in Mussulman eyes. He was discovered
dining in a cottage and taken before Sheibani. The latter on seeing hhn
faiquired ''Where is your beard," to which the Khoja answered in two
Persian verses, ''He who puiCi at the lamp which God has lighted singes
his beard.*' The graceful aUosion availed hhn nothing and he was put
to death.^ Having placed Uzbeg garrisons in the chief towns of
•Tar.RMb. t T*r. RmIu BnWne, op. cH^ I. i«5, 186.
|M. Vtmbtf]r,t5». |BrtHBe.iS4. Nttt. ! Tar. Rath. EnUoe,x9o.
n Bnldae, 185, m.
MUHAHMBD ABULPATH SHBIBANI KHAK. 70I
Fei||;hana Shdbaai, returned. When he had prostimted hie rivals in the
north) the Uzbeg chief turned hii anns to the south of Mavera un Ndir,
where Khosni Sliah, a Turlc of Kipchak, had in these times of con-
Ittsion seized upon Hissar, Khatlan, Kunduz, and Badakshan.* Sfaeibani
during the winter of 909, probably in October or November, 1503, made
a raid into his dominions and then turned upon Balkh, which was
governed hy Badieszeman, the son (^ Murza Hussein, of Herat Having
besieged Balkh during the winter he returned ohcemore to Samaifcand,
and then proceeded to attack Andijan where his fonner /r^^/i^ Tambol,
who had probably aroused his jealousy, still ruledt When SheibanI
reached Marghinan Tambol concentrated himsdf at Andijan. He had
3j000 men with him.
The si^e had lasted forty days, when one day he perceived in
Sheibani's trenches Muhammed Hussein Doghlaty of Uratippa, the father
of Hiudar» who had been his foster-brother, and who had recently been
driven away from Hissar by Khosru. He thus addressed him from the
wall :— * My Murza, do not foiget me, and think of the times iriien we
sucked inilk from the same breast Tdi me what I should do, and I will
doit" The Murza sorrowfully counselled him to surrender. He accord-
ingly came out accompanied by his brothers. They were all put to death
by the UsbegSy while it was forbidden to plunder .Andijan.^ Sheibani
now settled at Samarkand, gave Tashkend, with the provinces ruled
over by the dder Khan, to his paternal uncles, Kuchkui^i Sultan and
Smunich Sultan. He appointed his cousin Janibeg Sultan governor of
Andijan, his brother Mahmud Sultan governor of Bukhara^ while the
office of dan^faa of Shahrukhia he gave to the amir Yakub, one of his
chief nobles.|
Shetbuii himsdf^ who was getting very inflated vrith his success, and
in the rhetorical phrases of Haidar, "had put the foot of ambition in
the srirrup of daring," returned to Samaricand, where he prepared to
attack Hiisar. ** He would have little trouble with Khosru, the ruler of
that land," he said '' he would drive him away like a fly from a dish,
with a wave of his hand." He marched, and Khosru, according to Baber,i
without battle^ or effort, abandoned his territories and fled. Hissar,
the capital of the country, hdd out bravely under one of his officers
named Shirim Chihrih, but it was surrendered after a while on honourable
terms. Sheibani, meanwhile, despatched his brother Mahmud against
Kmidnz, the prindiml fortress of the country, where Khosni had laid up
stores and prorisions to serve for a twenty years* siege. As I have Msddf
he did not wait to test the fortress, but fled precipitately, and it was
surretukred to the Uzb^gs. Sheibani gave the command of Hissar to
• Vantarr, sst and «s(* t EibUm's India, iSS-iSS.
ITar.RMk. Brridat't Hlit ol lodto. 1. 189.
iB«ber'tM<flioirt,it5. Hiti.ofUidte,i. 189. I Mtmoirii ill.
702 HISTORY OF TH8 MONGOLS.
Hamta Sukan, and of Cheghanian, to Mehdi Sttkan, and retired leisurely
home.* ''.After we reached Buyeh,* says the princely narrator, Haidar^
''I was sitting one day about noon in the audience pavilion. Only a few
were present, when a man arrived in great haste, with a fece of terror and
dismay, and laid a letter at the foot of the throne. After reading it, a
great change came over Sheibani; he retired to pray, and then mounted.
It became known that Mahmud Sultan (Sheibanf s brother) had died at
Kunduz, and that they were bringing his body. After advancing some
distance, we saw a great crowd as of mourners covered with blade,
drowned in grief and lamentation, who had laid down the bier, and
were standing behind it in rows. Both sides raised cries of mourning.
On a sign from him, the sultans dismounted, and on another the people
with him formed themsdves into a line and stood still, while he rode
alone till his horse's head was over the bier ; on another sign all ceased
weq;ring, tearing their clothes and beards, and having asked some
questions from one of Mahmud's Amirs, he remained silent for an hour,
showing no alteration in his visage, and uttering no groan or sigh. He
then said, 'Twas well that Mahmud should die ; men said the power
of Sheibani was supported by Mahmud* Now let it be known
that Sheibani depends on no man. Carry him away and bny hinu'
All were filled with astonishment at his sternness and compoeure.*^
Sheibani returned to Samarkand and commenced at once to prepare lor
the invasion of Khuarezm, which was subject to Khorassan. He had
now about y>fioo so-called Mongols in his sendee ; they were the subjects
of the elder Khan Mahmud, and were undoubtedly Turks by blood.
They were turbulent and dangerous subjects, and Sheibani detennined
to disintegrate them by destroying their chiefs. He seems to have ghren
timely warning to two of them, namely, to Haidar^ father Muhammod
Hussein and to Sultan Seyid, the third son of the younger Khan. '' The
rest of the Mongol chiefs," says Haidar, *' he sent to their eternal home,
or to hopeless imprisonment.'* Such was the strong hand and iron grip
of the Uzbeg chief. Having incorporated the Mongols with his army,
he now laid siege to Urgenj or Khiva, the capital of Khuarexm, which
was defended with great bravery for ten or eleven months by its governor,
Chin Sufif who governed it for Sultan Hossehi Mursa, of Herat or
Khorassan. As no succour canie, the inhabitants apparently grew
wearied of the siege, and treacherously surrendered the walls. Chin
Sufi was killed by an arrow, which put an end to the struggle, and the
place was taken. Baber calls him Hussein Sufi.t It would seem diat
Chin Safi*8 chief hope of succour had been from the fugitive Khosm Shah
who was about this time, however, made prisoner and put to death, with
700 of his followers. Mirkhond says he fdl alive into Sheibani's hands,
«^Tw.lUA. BnUAt'tHittofIodi«,i.909.s«4. t /i;ta4*toS;
XTar.IUib. BnUnHf op. cit, tS7# sjt. Bab«r,z7St
MOflAMMED ABULPATH SHBIBAMI KHAN. 703
and having been dragged at a donke/s taU tbxoogli the stnets of
Kiindii% was then executed. He describes him as sevtie and just as a
rnter^pioasasaMuhammedanybatcnielandttngratelblasanMn.* When
he had put Khuarezm under the contr^ of Knchnk bi, Sheibani retumod
to Samarkand. This campaign took place in the year 1505. Having
wpeat the winter at Samarkand, and being how master of al) the country
bci^ween the Oxus and the Jazartesy as well as of Ferghana, Khoareini, and
Hissari Ac., he now determined to conquer Kh<»assan, ruled by the
fiunous Httssein-Muna, who was then a very old man. He first made
an attack on Baikb, which he captured, and then withdrew again to
Samarkand. Hussein thereupon summoned the neighbouring princes
to his assistance, but he almost immediately afterwards died.
Thb news did not stop preparations. Baber continued his march
from Kabul to assist his relatives, and after a progress of 800 miles
joined the sons of Sultan Hussein Murza at thefa: camp on the river
Ifurghab. Two of these sons had been jointly raised to the throne,
a subject of cynical comment, by Baber, who quotes the passage
from the Gulistan, that ^ although ten dervishes can sleep on one rug, a
whole division of the world is too small for two kings.'' He was not long
in quitting the murzas, who were given up to luxury and dissipation, and
returned ^o his own dominions. Meanwhile (i>., in the spring of 1507)
Sheibani once more crossed the Oxus. Baber tdls us that Shah Mansur
Bakhshi, who governed Andikhud, was treacherous, and sent to tell
Sheibani to hasten his approach, and when the latter came near that place
''he dressed himself very fine, put a plume on his head, and taking akmg
with him a peshkent and a present of his choicest curiosities, issued
forth. The Uzbegs, who had no officer of rank with them, flocked
round him and quickly plundered him and his people of all their finery.*^
Having captured Andikhud, Sheibani advanced to Baba Khaki, where
the army of Khorassan lay under the joint rulers of that province, Badiaez
leman Murza and MozafTer Murza, but indecision, uncertainty, discord
and intrigoe reigned in the camp. In June> 1507, Sheibani crossed the
Mmghab, and advanced against Baba Khaki, where the army of Kho-
rassan lay. Having crossed the river and marched to Siraks he attacked
the camp of Murzas. No preparations were made. When Sheibani
anived a stampede ensued. One old chief, named Zulnun Arghun, who,
infiktuated by the statements of certain astrologers, firmly believed he
was to win the title of Huzeberulla, or Lion of God, and to defeat the
Uzbegs, kept his ground at Kara Rebat against 50^000 Uzbegs, with lop
or 150 men.** He was captured and beheaded.^ The Muizas fled to
Herat, where they rested only a few hours and then fled again, leaving their
modiers, sisters, and families to find shelter as they could in the adjoining
fort of Ekhtiar ud din. Sheibani pursued and at once took possession of
* Yantery. <59- Note. t Bmbor'i Mtmoiit^ a«x« aaa. I Bahn, aa«.
704 HISTORY OP THE MONGOLS.
the city (Haidar says it is not known how it fell). Two or three weeks
after die fori also sttneoderedi and with it the harems, treasurest Sk^
of the muTzas. ^More generons tiian the former conqaeronofthedty,*'
says Vambery, ^ Sheibani contented himself with levying a contribotien
of loo^ooo tengasi and spared this celebrated seat of science and art the
faifliction of a visit fiom his plundering Uzbegs. He took np his abode
outside ^ city ; the members of his fugitive adversary's £unily were
presented to him, and although himself at that time fifty-eight years old,
he foil so violently in love at first sight with the bride of Musaffiur
Hussein Mmza, that in spite of all representations and the assurance
that she was already the legal wife of the above-named Timurid, he
determined to marry her. The treasures of the fomily, including an
enonnotts quantity ci gold and silver plate and vahia]^ rubies, onyxes,
pearls, and diamonds, were brought out to the camp. The family of
Bediaezzeman was treated with every mark of respect and consideratiofi,
and all the people who from fear of the Uzbegs had hidden among the
rocky defiles of the Badgiz hiDs gradually returned and resumed their
ordinary occupations.*
After the ciqpture of Herat; each of the Timurid princes retired to his
own government. Sheibani sent detachments of his army against them.
The contest was not prdonged, though several battles were foughi in
different provinces. The victorious Uzbegs mardied in every dh'ec-
tion over Khorassan which was soon prostrate before them. All
the murzas fell in action, or were put to death when prisoners in
the course of the next year or two, except Badia-ez-zeman Murza,
the eldest, who fled to Shah Ismael, of Persia, and after various
adventures died at Constantinople about ten years later.t Baber
thus describes Sheibani's doings when at Herat : *^ In spite of his
supreme ignorance he had the vanity to deliver lectures in explanation
of the Koran to Kazi Ekhtiar and Muhammed Mir Yusu^ who were
among the most celebrated MoUas in Khorassan and Herat He also
took a pen and corrected the writing and drawings of MoUah Sultan AUf
and Behzad, the painter. When at any time he happened to have com-
posed any of his doll couplets he read it from the pulpit, hung it up in
the charsu (or public market), and levied a benevolence from the people
on the joyful occasion. He did know something of the reading the
Koran, but he was guilty of a number of stupid absurd presumptions,
infidd words and deeds, such as I have mentioned.*^ This is the
testimony of an enemy. Vambery, judging from such of his compo-
dtions as are stil extant, says, that both for ideas and language
they are among the best productions of eastern Turkish literature, and
show a thorough knowledge of Turkish, Persian, and Arabic Sheibani
was now master of the whole country, from the deserts of Jitteh to the
* Vtaibwy, oy. dt^ j&i. 1 BnUiM*t Hift. of ladU, i. aSo. J Iftmoir^ SS4.
AfUHAIflCBD ABULIATR 8HBIBANI KHAN. 70$
Hindu Knsh and Pta«mis«a mountains, and the farthest limits of
Khorasan. He now torntd his attention to Kaadahar idiidi had only
recently been conqtmred by Baber. At this time Mahammed Hussein,
the &ther of Haldar, who had escaped from Uratippa, as I have men-
tioned, had afterwards stirred up a rebeliion against Baber at
Kabul, was pardoned^by the latter, and allowed to return to Khorasan.
Before he reached FmnA he met crowds of fufitives, who reported how
Sheibaai had scattered the mursas. Having halted theie three months,
Sheibuu sent for him, and treated him with great distinction, and he
afterwards acceflApani»d hhn to Samarkand.*
Meanwhile Sb^baai marched rapidly upon Kandahar, which at once
surrendered, its garrison retiring under Baber's brother Nasir Mursa^ into
the citadel. Hem Hhey were hard pressed by the Usbegs, who ran mines in
▼arioos directions^ and Nasir Muna was wounded hi the neck with an
arrow ; but when the fort was on the point of surrendering Sheibani hastily
retired, the cause being that his haremf which he had sent to the strong
fiart of Nirehtu, east of Herat, had been surprised by some hill tribes
and capturedt He now employed himself in hunting down the remain-
ing members of the ftonily ef Sultan Hussein AC ursa. Spreading his forces
over Khomsan, he fought actions during the summer of 1507, at Meshed
Nishapur, Asterabad and Turshts, in which the armies of the Timurid
princes were uniformly beaten and completely sp^tered. He then
returned to Mavera un Nehr to repel an invasion of the Ka2aks4
During the summer of 1508 we find him putting an end to Mahmud
Khan, of Tashkend. After his brother's death, Mahmud surrendered aH
the country, from Kashgar to the borders of China, over which he had a
joint audiority to the hitter's children and himself, nomadized in the deserts
of Mongolistan. After spending five years in this way he was persuaded
(findii^ himself hard pressed) to trust himself in Ferghana, where Shei-
bani then was. The latter ordered him to be seized at Khojend, where
he was put to death, with five of his sons. He was buried in the
mausoUum of Sheikh Masilek uddin. Khojendi.f According to the
Tarikhi Seyid Rakein, Mahmud Khan had nuuie an invasion of Sheibani's
dominions, with the intention of capturing Andijan and even Samarkand,
when he fell with his fiye sons in a fierce tMittk on the banks of the
Khoiend. This was in 914 he). (/.#., 1 508). I|
About the same time another unruly person, namely, Haidar's father,
Muhammed Hussein Miurza, was sirmmoned to Sheibani's presence, and
his escort it seems received orders to put htm to death. He was buried in
the mausoleum of Amii Seyid Husseini. Sheibani also ordered Haidar to
be drowned, but he escaped IF Vambcry says the province of Jorjan lei)
into %eibani*s power this same year. The year following we find him
* EnkiM, op. dt, 357. t 6aber'« Memoin, 233. I Tar lUak. BrtUiie, J95, §96.
f BnUa*, 191, tofl I Vtinktxr, op. dt, 163. Nou,t ^Tsr.RMh.
3*
7o6 msTOEY or trs momqols.
crossiiif swords mih a more potent enemy, namdjt the Kasaks of
Berendnk Khan, who weie so dosdjr rdated m blood to his own Uifoegs.
At this time^ as I have shown, Kassim was the dt faOo ruler of the
Kaxaks, and his army numbered 200,000 warriors. Haidar tells us that
on the approach of winter each took up his quarters where there was
food for his cattle. Sheibani planted himself at Kuruk, whence he sent
people to ejqi^lore. One day they learned that Kastm Khan was dose at
hand. The rumour was a folse one^ and had been spread by Pulun
Sirkhas, one of the Kasak amirs* The Usbeg detachment did not wait,
but abandoning the booty it had captured, hurried back to inform
Shdbani, who thereupon beat the drum for retreat ** Nothing was
attended to," says Haidar. ^ He that sUyed stayed, and he that went
went,'' and the Uibegs reached Samarkand in disorder in the end of
winter. Sheibani went on to Khorasan, where he waited till the spring.
These events happened in the winter of I509>ia* This was the first
serious break in the hitherto triumphant career of Sheibani, and was the
harbinger oif much more serious disaster at hand. In the beginning of the
summer of 1510^ he marched against the Hazarahs, robber tribes,^Rdio were
descendants of the Mongols ci Khulagu Khan, and who lived in North-
western Afghanistan. They were not to be found, having withdrawn into
the recesses of the mountains. He, therefore, withdrew. His rarest lay
through the predpitous defiles throi^ which the river Hdmund flows.
There his people su£(ered terribly and lost many cattle. It was difficult
to descend to the stream at all, and even where a descent was practicable
the paths were so narrow that it was impossible to bring water up by
them to supply such an army, and it accordingly returned in a shattered
state to Khorasan. As winter was approaching and his two divisions
had suflered severely,he gave a general leave of absence to his men from
diefixmtier of Irak to those of Turkestan to return to thdr homes.t
Shah Ismael, according to his flatterers, was a descendant of the seventh
Imaum, but, according to Vambery, he was of Turkish descent. He
had created by his prowess a considerable power in Persia proper, Ker-
man and Iral^ and had inherited the blood as well as the position of the
Great Turkoman, diief Uzan Hassan. His mother was that chieftain's
daughter* When Shdbani ravaged Khorasan, he was imprudent enough
in hU wantonness to pillage Shah Ismael's borders, and especially the
province of Kerman. His arrogance was sharpened by religious zeal,
for Shah Ismad was a Shia, and had given that sort a great ascendancy
hi Persia, while Shdbani was a Sunni. The Shah remonstrated with
Sheibani for this attack upon what he called his hereditary dominions.
To this he recdved the jeering answer, that suverdgnty descended
through the father and not the mother, through males and not fomales.
That the unequal match between his family and the females of Uzan
*Ttr.Ktih. Bnkia9,«p.citii.sotf. t Tar« RMh^ ao8. EfiUBt»op.dt.,S97'
MUHAMiaD ABULFATH SHSIBANI KHAN. 707
Hassan could confer no right He reminded him of the saying, the son
should follow his fiither's trader the daughter her mother's, and insulting
sent him as a present a b^fgar^s staff and keshkul {ia,^ a dish made of
half a coooanut in idiich the dervishes collected alms), adding, ** If thou
hast forgotten thy Ctther^s trade this may serve to recall it to thy
memory, bat if thou wonld'st (Aace thy foot on the steps of the throne
Bt tkai wo«kl daap to hk breMt rogrally M hit brii*
MMt noo btr ia tht btttl« firagr athwan ibarp adaittft.**
In conclusion, he remarked that he intended shortly to make a pilgrimage
to Mekka and would visit him on the way. Shah Ismad sent a dignified
answer which concluded with some spirit
BoMi not tlqFttli; O v»ia yovUw of tfaur fitbar wIm to daad,
Prida aot tlqraatf oa boaaa aa if thou wart adog.
He said he too meditated a pilgrimage to Meshed, and would there wait
on the Khao. In return for his present he sent him a spindle and
distaff, andy alluding to the quotation about the wooing of royalty, he
said, ** I have tightened my girdle for a deadly contest, and placed the foot
of determination in the stirrup of victory. If thou wilt meet me face to
face in fight like a man our quarrel will at once be decided^ But ^ thon
would*8t rather shirk into a comer then thou mayest fiad what I have
sent of some use.*.
Wa havaapanad iMf aaoofh laC vaaaw axchiafa hard blowi io tha Said,
Ha who Irfto bofsa dowa ia tha oaMbat lot him fUl.*
This answer was qidddyfoUowed by the march of the Shah. Thescattered
Uib^ detachments letiied and concentrated at Herat Sheibani did
not leel strong enoai^ to oppose him having so recently disbanded his
army. He therefore retired to Merv, in Northern JQiorasan, leaving a
garrison In Hent which was soon obliged to follow hint Shah Ismael
first vi^ed Meshed and the tomb of the Imaum Risa, and then pursued
the Usb^^s. Near Tokerabad a wdl-contested battle was fought in
which they were defeated and driven under die walls of Merv. Shah
Ismael intched his camp close to the city. Meanwhile Sheibani sent
messen^^ers to summon forces from Mavera un Nehr and Turkestan*
Fearfiil of having to keep up a long blockade in a desert country, fearful
also that effective aid might come to his enemy, Shah Ismael wrote a
scornful letter to the latter saying he had been more punctual in his visit
to Meshed, than the latter to Irak ; but that Sheibani had shut the door
in the face of his guest, that he was now returning home but should still
be glad to meet him when he went to Mekka* He then drew off his forces
wluch were 40^000 strong. Shdhani, stung with these scornful words,
followed him with 20,000 horsemen and a number of the chiefo and
grmdeesi who had johied himi nor would he take the advice of those who
wished him to await the arrival of the conUngents on their way firom
*XfaUaa*aIadia,i.90Q. Vanbefyf op. dt, sM.i6S.
7«S HISTORY OF THB MOKOOLS.
beyond the Oxiis. He wcmldnat,hesakJI»lefct]ieaslM«emtheeveiiuis's
pliiiider»to<losowoaldbealo8sboth]icieaadhexeafier. Shah IsmaeFs
retreat was apparently only a ruse ; for be e^t his fisrces in battle array
at Mahmudabad of Merv. The Uzbegs were attKkcd both in rear and
front They fought with great bravery, bnt were brokcft. S heib a ni with
his retreat cut ofi; attended by about 500 nien» chieiy the sons of sultans,
heads of tribes, &c., was oUiged to take shdter in a cattle-pound. This
had no gate on the further side. When all hope seemed gone of retriev-
ing the day, he and the other fugitives attempt e d to escape by lei^ing
orer the wall of the enclosure towards die bank e£ the rirer, but they
fen in heaps on each other, and the Khan was oveilaid and sm o th ered
by the numbers who crowded after him. After the contest his body was
disentangied from the heaps of slain by which it was covered. His head
was cut off and presented to Shah IsmaelytHio ordered the lifeless trunk to
be dismembered, and the limbs to be sent to different parts of the empire
to be exposed to the popular gaze. The skin of the head stuffed with hay^
was sent in scorn to Sultan Bajozet, the Turkic emperor of Constant
tinople, who was an ally of his brodier Sunni, the great Uzbeg leader.
The skull set in gold was made into a drinking cup, which the Shah was
proud of displaying at his great entertainments.* The same author tdls
us a ghastly anecdote about the end of the great Uzbeg leader. One Aga
Rustam Rozefzun, the ruler of Maianderan, and who stiH held out
against Shah Ismael, had been in the habit of saying that his hand was
on the skirts of Sheibani's garment, an idiom meaning that he dung to
him for anistance and protection. One day, when he- was sitting in
state at a grand lisstival, a special messenger from Shah Ismael
advanced fearlessly into his pffeeance» and wiih a loud voices
delivered a message from the Shah. ^ Though thy hand was never op
the hem of Sheibani Khan's robe, yet his is now on tfaine^" and with
these words he flung the rigid hand of the Uzbeg chief on the skirt of
the princess robe and withdrew uninjured through the midst of the
stupefied assembly.t In Central Asia Vambery sajrs the story is cunent
that Sheibani's remains were buried in the splendid college he had built
et Samarkand, where hia grave it held in great reverence as that of
a martyr. Such was the tragic and peihaps becoming end of the
adventurous chieftain; the Turkish Ishmael, whose life was a long
and bitter struggle against his neighbour^ and whose admtoistimtive
skill had so far made compact his robber subjecu that they easily
survived the disaster when he was killed, and are found still rulinur in the
border lands of Persia. Vambery justly remarks that Sheibani was the
Ust of the great desert leaders who succeeded in ibrming a formidable
power hi Central Asia, and that henceforth the Sunnis of the West
and those of the East were effectually separated, the Safi dynasty
* BnkiM't Hist, of Iadi«. i. 304. f M
MUHAMIIBD ABULFATH SiiUBAMi KiUN. 709
having driven a wedge of Sliiai betwteft thum, mluk tiM Oaoit became
once more the boundary between Iran and Tuian. Shoteni was
notable patron of learned men, and built mae^yei and . cotteges at Samar-
kand, Bukhara, and Tashkend. He took into hia semsce many colli*
vated men who were left hom e l es s and datlitute by the dMith of Sultan
Hussein Muna, and gave them liberal lalerieti and he wat always
accompanied even in his campaigns by vadous ISMMd men who exer*
deed great influence over him, and we am tokl thai when the MoUah
Binai, Sheibani's poet laureate, handed to thn fjlnloeophen of Herat the
summons for the surrender of the to«m> they weatta Shettwni's camp,
and it was entirely by their influ^ioe that he cqntenied himself with
imposing only a money contribution upoa them» In these respects he
whs sharply contrasted with his rude imsophisticated nomad followers.*
When the news of Sheibani's death amved as Menr, eimy roan who was
able fled with his wife and family, while many who had ne means of trans*
port left them to tLeir fate. Ubeidulla Sultan of Bokfaera, and Muham-
med Tlmur Sultan of Samarkand, the nephew and sonof Sheibani, who
had arrived at Merv with, the troops of Mavera un N^nr, which were still
lUibroken, entered the fort| carried off the dead duefs harem and what
valuables they could hurriedly collect, and hasted away the same night
Numbers, however, were left behind. All the Uzhegs fimnd in the place
were put to the sword by the Persians^ and the womea were carried into
bondage. The inhabitants of Merv were indaded in the general
maBsacre.t The Mongol auxiliaries in Sheibani's service, by whom we
must understand therecent subjects of the elder Khan Mahmud, now
separated from the Uzbegs and set out fer Kundm, plundering as they
went The Uzbegs abandoned Khorasaa, and Shah Ismael took pos-
session of Herat, and commenced a severe persecution of the Sunnis*
Haidar tells us how he ordered the chief men to assemble in the Melkan
mosque, and there to read the Khutbeh in his name, and to pour curses
on the companions of the Prophet and the faithful Aisha: They
assembled, but remained dumb till Hafiz Zems ed din, who was the
preacher (Khalib); was placed in the pulpit Having poured out praise
and thanksgiving to the Giver of all good, when he came to the com-
memoration of the holy companions of Muhammed, "the hand of zeal
and faithfulness to Islam, seizing the collar of manhood of Hafiz, made
him spurn all regard for the deceitful life of this worid, and press forward
to the real and substantial enjoyment of the worid that is to be, and he
said, ' For many years have I read the prayers for the prince in the legal
and orthodox fashion ; shall I change it now, when the sun of my life is
about to set, and my old years have come. If I hesitated doing so in
the morning of life, what could I benefit by becoming an apostate when
its evening draws near. God forbid that I should do it,' and so saying he
•TsBibtnr.iTX. tTar.IUdi. BrtUat't Hlit of India* i. 309.
710 HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
xtpetiXtd the lonniiU in praite of the Pxophet and his companions in the
orthodox &shion. The accursed Kisilbashis— God curse them"— says
Haidar, **all rose, and dragging him down from the pulpit cut the hoary
old man to pieces."
Shah Ismael then summoned the Sheikh ul Islam, and bade him also
curse the Prophet's OHnpanions. He replied in scomlia terms, whereupon
Ismael shot an arrow at him. Dragging it out of his body, the old man
nibbed his face and beard with blood ftom the wound, saying ** Praise be
to God, that after a life of eighty years, at length, because of my defence
of the faith, and opposition to false rdigion, I have been able to see my
white hair bathed ted in the blood of martyrdom." Ismael, unmoved,
drew another arrow, shot it at him, and ordered his people to hang him
on a tree and then to cut the tree down. They did so, and tiien took
him and burnt him on the Maiyc Basaar. The persecution of the
Sunnis lasted as long as Shah Ismael was in Khorasan *
Directly after the fatal battle of Merv theUzb^s withdrew, as I have
said, across the Anm Daria or Oxns, and abandoned Khorasan. For
some time there was an interrcgnunii and Janib^ Sultan apparently
acted as regent* A lew days after the battle a messenger with the news
reached Kabul, with his kct frostbilten and his strength exhausted by
crossing the snowy mountains* When Baber heard the news be deemed
it a good opportunity to recover his ancient dominions, and to dissipate
the broken power of the Uzbegs, and made an immediate advance upon
Hissar. The Uzbegs were, howevoTi by no means crushed Under
Janibeg Sultan, who hdd a kind of Interim auAority, they put to death
a number of so-called Mongols (ie^ Kashgaiians) in Mavera un Ndir,
and gathered themselves together. Hamza Sultan and Mehdi Sultan,
who were in command of the district, having a garrison at Hissar,
advanced on Waksh, Baber having reached Desht Kulak, one of the
chief towns of the KhuUan, he and Hamza Sultan tried respectively
to surprise each other, and each occupied die ground abandoned by the
other. Both, it seems, expected to find his enemy weaker than he was,
and when the truth daw|ied on them thev withdrew from one another,
Baber towards Kunduz and Hamza to Hissar. Both at the moment
believed they had made a great escape, and each in a few days heard of
the flight of the other.t While Baber was at Kunduz an embassy was
sent to him from Shah Ismael, escorting his sister Khanzada Begim, who
after marryii^ and being divorced from Sbeibani, had been mamed to
Seyid Had4, a member of a religious family who had been killed at Merv
Baber received her very gladly. He took the opportunity to despatch
an embassy in turn to Shah Ismael to congratulate him on his victory
and to ask for hU assistance to reconquer Mavera un Nehr. This was
granted, and a contingent of Persians soon joined his forces. Notwith-
* Tar. Rath., joS, ftc t BrtUiia, op. dt., 307, 308.
MUHAIIMXD ABULFATH SHUBANI KHAN. 7II
Standing which, however, the Uib^ were not daunted^ and when Baher
reached Pal Sangin, or the stone bridge^ on the Suigfaab^ Haasa Sultan
from Hissar had already oco^ied it He Ibimd the enemy very powtrfiil
and v en tures ome, ior they crossed the river lower down by swimminf ,
and tried to turn his position. He therefore retired in all haste by very
ardnoos roads towards Abdera, and reached a position which ivas
deemed very stiong. About midnight news readMd his camp thai the
Uzbegs were advancing in force* Baber rode out to reoonnoitn^ and
noticed there was only one narrow road by which the enemy could march
on his position. The Uzbegs, neverthdess, made a determined assault
and continued tb'e ^tmgi^ till nightfoU, when, having to withdraw for
water, Baber^s peoflt were encouraged, made a genend chaifs^ and
routed the enemy. Hamza Sultan and Mehdi Sultan were captured
and taken before Baber. Their fote is condensed in Haider's grai^iie
phrase, ''What they had done to the khakan of the Mongols^ and the
sultans of the Jagatais, that did he to them." The Uzb^s were pursued
unceasingly as far as Derbend Ahinetn.* By this victory the country of
Hissar, together with Kundns, Khutlan, and Khosar, apparently foil into.
Babel's hands, fresh troops now joined him from Shah Ismad and the
neighbouring tribes, and his prestige grew so n^dly that hit army soon
numbered 60^000 men*t He>determined to follow up his yictoty quiddy.
The Perdan detachment was commanded by Ahmed Sultan 8c£ (who
was related to the Shah All Khan Istijhi) and ShahnU Khan Afofaar, of
whom the two former had served with distinction against the Tkiffka4
Baber marched on Karshl ^idiere Ubeidulla Suhan, who hdd the
ai^Muiage of Bukhara, had fortified himsdf. By die advice of his offioen
he determined to pass the fortress by, and to hasten on to Boldiara;
Ubeidulla, when he learnt this, also left in haste for the same ptaoe^ but
Baber forestalled him and arrived there first, whereupon the Usbcgs
passed by and retired towards Turkestan, plundering in rmtU. The
Usbeg sultans who were at Samarkand beiiig alarmed also withdrew
towards Turkestan, and thus Mavera on Nehr was once mote dear of
these marauders after they had occupied it nine years,!
Meanwhile they were equally unfortunate elsewhere, for Sultan Said
Khan and Haidar*s nnde Syed Muhammed Murza seised And^aa and
secured Ferghana. The Uzbegs who had marched against them, having
learnt of Baber's victory were discouraged and withdrew.
Baber was recdved at Samarkand with great rejoidngs, and duly
mounted the throne there on the 8th of October,-xs7i. The dominions
of Baber now stretched fitmi *'the deserts of Tartary to the forthest
limits of Ghazni, and comprehended Ghazni, Knnduz and Hissar,
Samarkand and Bukhara, Fefghana, Tashkend, and Sairun.'^l He pro-
* Tar. Rash. t Tar. Rath. Babar^ Mtmofaa, S4a. I BraUaa, op. dt, 515.
^Tar.RMh. £nldiia'khilia,L'3i5fS>*> I Bftkiat, opi dt, 3xS aal 319.
y\7 nsmv op the uokools.
ooBBKi CO caiw OBC wp^nM^tm lor on rBaniTOii nccie swsre ot ok SKHt
tMMoe be wst to tave of the grett^r paxt of duu wide tnct
Altorl^ Tklofy Baber teemi to ta»re disnined his Peiran an^^
bat he dkl aotvitlkbftw finm Qoder the thtdow of his patron. One
aothanQry the Mufia Sekandery aays dM Khsthefa was actnaOy said iii tiK
Shah^BBBe. He is said to hate adapted the Penhm dress, aadetdsfed
his tioops to adopt U ite, aad paiticalarff the Persian cap, dtstiaguirind
bf twdvo points finhirmaHf. of lim twidve Imanms, and bjr a loof
atrip of red deth issiihig torn die centre and hanging down the bade,
whence tiie Perskn aeobriqaet of KItilbashis or Red Heads. ThkcoaB-
pjarenry towards tiie Shias aroused bitter aaimosity in tiioee centres of
otthodoaqryS i i n a ihamU ndBBMia fa iand B aberspeeday lost his populaiity.
His position was an «wfcwardone^ for he codd hardljliope to oppose
the Uab^gs sacoessfoDf wiihoof the hdp of his patron, Shah Ismad*
This stata of tiiingafrsadffodlitatedte campaign wluch the Uxbq:s
now reneagML In liw qnteg of 151s one of their arinies marched
towards Taridcend, while another nnder their famotss leader, Ubetdnlla,
went towards fiddnsn. Baber liaving sent a contingent to the assist*
aaoe of Tashhend- massed Ids rtmainiag forces to crush UbddaUa, 1H10
tiiereapoB wiAdrsw. He was orertaken at Kd Mdik, where a fierce
and iaapoftant bal^ ensoed^ The candid Haidar, who was Baber^s
coosin and Ubeidn&a's brother-in-kw, and was a Snnni, says the
Ufbegs only numbs red 3/x)o men, while Baber liad 40,000 with him, and
he adds, "God rai se s wlMm lie pleases and depresses whom he pleases
without f«0ard to nombers.'' Bd)er was in foct defeated* and fdl bade
on S a n u a ton d, This batde was fought on the i8th of April, i $13. To
Samarittnd Bdiar was ^iMy followed, and as the granaries there
were empty and Ihepeepie iU^disposed to him he withdrew and retired
to Hissar, wfae^iee he aent messengers to Shah Ismad to tdl him of his
misfortoae and. to aak assistance. Meanwhile a number of Uzbeg
sultans and chieftains aet out firom Detbend to assail him there. He
seemed to have barciaded the streets and prepared to defend himself
brttdy. When the Usbegs saw this they withdrew again.* Shahlsnuid,
on hearing of Ua prwttiglfs position, ordered the Amir Yar Muhammed
styled Niyim Sani (U^ the aeoond star), his Minister of Finance, whom
he had intrusted widi the settlenient of Khorasan, to inarch to his
assistance* Tlieae combined forces amounted to about 60^000 men.
This army ovenan Khosar, then attached Karshi, which the Ncjim
cdled Ubeiddla's fanr, and which was strongly fortified. It was besiegod
and carried by stofa; ^le gofemor, with dl in the phtce, whether Udiegs
or cttiiensi to the nnmber of 15,000, were slaughtered without reference
to age^ sex, or sanctity. Among the victims was Mevlana Binai, the poet»
who was a great wit ; with hhn fell many Seyids and bdy men, ^ and from
* Bftbeft Mf«iolrt» 30s.
KUCHKUNJI KHAN, 713
that time forward Masa Sekander Amir Nejim proiperod in none of Us
nndertakingi.** Tliit act of Shia fanaticism dtsfustedBaberi who detached
himself from his ally. The Persians contintied their advance and
i^proached the fort of Gijuvan, into which Ubeidnlla and Muhammed
Timur Sultan^ the Uzbeg chiefsi threw themsdves. A fierce battle ensued,
intensified in its bitterness by the religious fiiry of tiie combatants. In an
hoar, says the Sunni narrator, Mirsa Haidar, ^the infiuence of Islam
began to prevail over heresy and infidelity, victory declared for the true
foith; the invaders were routed, and most of them foil in the field, and the
arrows of Qjuvan revenged the sabre of Karshi ; Mir Nejim and aO the
chief officers of the Turkomans were sent to hell firc^f The Persian
historian, who widded a friendly pen, in describing Nejim*s luxury says,
^ 100 sheep, an innumerable number of chickens, ducks, and geese, and
40 cwt of dnnamon, saffron, and other spices, were used daily in his
kitchen, and the dishes were all either of gold, or the richest porcelain.*'}
By tills famous battle, one of the most important in its consequences
in the world's history, Baber was finally excluded from Mavera un
Nehr, and had to turn his ambitious view elsewhere. It is said, the
Persians, disgusted by the insolence and haughtiness of the Amir Nejim,
did not assist him cordially— whence his capture. The defeat was a great
bkyw to Persian prestige, and it was ascribed by their partisans to the
treachery of Baber, who is even reported to have shot an arrow into
the town with one of his caustic couplets attached to it, in which he
indmated his hatred of his aQies.|
KUCHKUNJI KHAN.
The internal history of the Uzbegs, after the death of Sheibani, is com-
plicated, and has been msch misunderstood. We are greatly hidd)ted
to M. Veliaminof Zemof for the light he has thrown upon it In the
first place their government was not an absohite sovereignty, but, as in
Russia, in medieval times^ it was broken up into a number of appanages,
each under its own Khan, and aQ subsenrient to an over*chie^ who was
styled Khakan, and answered to the Grand Prince in Russia, who had a
similar feudal authority over the appanagod princes. On the death of a
Khakan the appanaged princes met together to choose a successor ; and
their choice, as is usual in the East, genendly feQ upon the senior repre-
sentative of the house, not necessarily the heir by right of primogeniture,
but the oldest living representative of the senior line. It has foUowed,
in consequence, that in many notices of Bukhara there has not been a
sufficient discrimination between the line of Khakans, or chief Khans, and
those of the appanaged princes, and the two lists have been confosed
* BnUat* op. cit, 314.
tInkiM,sa4«5>5* | V«mbtry*t BoUiarah, 376. | BrtUnt, op. dt.. 325* ssS.
3«
714 mSTORY OF THE MOMOOLS.
togetlMT. I win try and steer more dearly, with my very leaned friend
^L Vdiaminof Zemof for a guide.
The victory of Gijavan secored for the Uzbeks the control of
Mavera tm Ndir, and we are told by Hafiztanish, in the AbduUa
Namdiy that a meeting of the various Uzbeg chiefi was held, and
Janibeg^ who had beer a quasi regent, redistributed the appanages.
Kuchkmgi received Samaricaady and Muhammed Timur, the son of
Sheibani, was given joint authority with him; Kuchkunji's brother
Suiunich, was given Tashkend. UbeidoUa, the son of Mahmud
Sultan, and nephew of Sheibanl, was given his father's appanage of
Bukhara, together with Karakul and Karshii while Jambeg reserved
ior himself Miankal (which in Sheibani's reign had belonged to
his own son Muhammed Timur) and the Soghd of Samarkand, with the
towns of Kennineh and Nur.* The same author goes on to say that
this same year (m., in 918) the Sultans proceeded to elect Kuchkunji as
Khakan of the Usbegs. Kuchkunji, according to Vambery, means nomad
or vagrantt He was also called Kuchum.} Althou^^ Knchkunji was
de jun ruler, Ubeidulla, the prince of Bulduura, had the chief authorityy
and was the most famous leader of the Usbegs at this time. WhenBaber
retired from Samaricand he had with him a number of the turbulent
eastern Turks, called Mongols by Haidar. Having some grievance
against him they attempted to waylay and kill him. He, however, escaped
tothefortofHissar. They then took up a position on the hills of Karatigin,
whence they wasted the district round Hissar. Their exaoions and
ravage were so great that a famine followed in the city of Hissar. This
was succeeded by a pestilence, and thousands of women and children
were sold into captivity among the Uzbegs. To add to the general horrors
the winter was very severe.} On hearing of this Ubeidulla marched from
Bukhara to punish the marauders. Knowing they could expect no help
from Baber they took up a strong position on the hills of Surgfaab and
Waksh, where they were protected by mountains on either flank, and by
deep snow in front. A sudden thaw opened a way for die Ud)egs. Many
of the so-called Mongols rushed into the river, and ''thus reached the
flames of hell through water," says Haidar, whUe many who escaped
this went in the same direction by the sword. Some were captured, and
others retired to Andijan. Hissar thus fell again into the hands of the
Uzb^s, and Baber, leaving Khan Mursa in Badakhshan, wididrew
towards Kabul.]
We must now revert, somewhat WhenUbeidulla marched against Baber
at Bukhara, his great uncle, Suiunich, moved against Tashkend, which he
besieged and captured. As we have seen it was assigred to him as an
appanage, in the summer of 1512 Sultan Said Khan, who still ruled in
•VfUgfrnoCCoiM of Buklur«,ac» 353.355. t0^dt,^4. H«U,i.
tVal.gtiMiColato£B«ldiaf«,33laad3s$, 4 BraUai, cp. cH., 3«7f sa8» |T«r.RMh.
KUCHKUNJI KHAN. 71$
Feighana, mafthed agamil Snhitticli wit^ 5,000 men. The Uib^;s met
him with 7,000, and a struggle ensued at Beshkend, in whidi he was
defeated and wounded, and dien retired to Andijan. After tiio battle of
Gijuvan Suiunich advanced against him, Suhan Said thereupon put
strong garrisons in Andijan, AUisi, and Maighinan, and then repaired
to the hill country to the south, so as to be prepared to harass himshould
he lay siege to any place.* Sultan Said, in his distress, now appealed
to Kasim, the powerful Khan of the Kazaks, who controlled an enormous
force in the deserts of Kipchak. Ho was eager to accept the o£fer. The
governor of Sairam surrendered the keys of that fortress, and he then
marched on towards Tashkend, plundering the country on the way,
after which he withdrew. The attack, however, and the fear of its
repetition kept Suiunich quiet during 1513 and 15 14. During the summer
of 1514, when Kasim Khan was absent on a distant expedition, the Utbegs
proceeded to assail Ferghana in force. Sultan Said Khan and his
amirs deemed it hopeless to resist them, and determined to cross the
mountains towards Kashgar, and to carve a new kh^dom for themselves
therci which they accordingly did, and he ruled over Kashgar ftv many
years. Thus was Ferghana added to the dominions of the UsbefS.t
Let us now turn our attention to Khorasan. AcconUng to the Tarikhi,
Akmarai, Ismael, after his victory over Sheibani, in which the latter fdl,
intended to invade Mavera un Nehr in person, and had advanced as far
as Meimeneh and Kara Robat, when he was met by envoys from
Muhammed Timor Suhan, SheibanFs son, and other chieft, bearing rich
presents and offers of peace. As Shah Ismael wished to repair to Ajer-
baidjan and the frontiers of Turkey, where he had important business, he
readily agreed to this, and it was arranged that all the land south of the
Oxus, induding Khuarezm or Khiva, should belong to th;: Shah.} When
Shah Ismad sent Nejim Sani to the help of Baber, this pact was clearly
broken, and we accordingly find that after the battle of Gijuvan,
Ubeidulla crossed the Oms, near Chaijui, with Janib^, the chief of
Kermineb, and being joined at Murghab by Muhammed Timur Sultan,
Sheibeni^ son, who had advanced from Samarkand, fay way of Keiki,
they proceeded to attack Meshed. Other bodies of them advanced by
way of Termes as far as BaUch, devastating the country.1 Shah Ismael
nowmarched to the rescue, whereupon the Usbegs retired. He caused
several officers to be executed for having deserted Ncjfan in the late
battle, idiile he laid a heavy hand on some of his Sunni subjects, who
were accused of encouraging the Uzbegs and of persecuting the Shia?
This was in 1513 1 For some years the Uibegs seem to havo remained
quiet They were probably restrained by foar of the famous Shah. That
potent chief died in 1523, and was succeeded by his infant urn, Shah
7l6 HISTORY OF THX MONGOLS.
Tahmatp. Thit favourable opportunity was not neglected by UbeldoUi,
who crossed the Oxus, and entered Khorasan. Dumiish Khan Shamla,
beglerb^ or governor of that province^ took shelter in Herati where the
Uzbegs besi^ed him for several months, but finally raised the siege.*
Durmish Khan died in the following year. The governor of Meshed
having been killed in a civil strife, and a sharp contention having arisen
among the Amirs, there was confusion in Khonuan, and we accordingly
find that in 1525, Ubeidulla crossed the Ozus at Charjui, and captured
Merv, where ten or fifteen peasanu were killed. Passing on to Sirakhs,
he found thirty or forty Kizilbashis, who refinsed to surrender the place,
but the inhabitants, being divided in their afiections, a friendly band
opened one of the gates ,* the Uzbegs entered, and put the Persians there
to the sword. They then advanced to Meshed, ^ sacred city of the
Shias, which bdng defenceless, submitted. Tns was now blockadfid for
eight months, and then, in spite of the capitulation entered into, all the
men in the place were massacred, and the women carried off into slavery.t
Varabery adds that concurrently with this attack, Abusaid, the son
of Kuchkunji, made an attack on Herat, which failed.} The Uzbegs were
more successful in another direction. Under Kara Kitin they laid si^;e
to Balkh, which still belonged to the Persians. Two officers in Baber's
service went over to the enemy, who soon afterwards captured the city,
and then made a raid upon Baber's own dominions, reduced Ibak,
Sarabagh, and Khuram, places sit ated in the valley of the river
Knulm, while the garrison of Gbnri, on the river of the same name,
panic-stricken at the fall of BaDdi, also surrendered.! This was in
1535. After capturing Meshed and Tus, Ubeidulla advanced and
secured Asterabad, where he left his son, Abdul Azis, as governor, and
himself went towards Balfch. The Persians having received laigt
reinforcementafrom Aserbaidyan, the young prince withdrew, and joined
his father. The c o mbined forces gave the Persians a severe defeat
near Bostam, which again pat Asterabad in his power. He now con-
fided it to Renish or Zinish Bduulur Khan, and went to iqpend the
winter of 933 at Ghurian.1 During 934 Ubeidulla pressed the siege of
Herat, which resisted bravely for seven numths under its govemori
Hussein Khan Shamlu, when news arrived that Zinish Behadur had
been defeated. We are told that the governors of Sebsevar and
Asterabad attadced him near Damghan. At first they were successful,
but he afterwards won a complete victory, when both of them were killed.
Meanwhile Shah Tahmasp, at the head of forty thousand men, came to
the rescue of his people, utUrly defeated the Uzbegs at Damgfaan, and
killed Zinish. In their sweefung course, says Erskiaerthey routed a
second Vthtg detachment, which accordingly fell back on Ubeidulla,
'IctUaei i. 457- 1 Ertkine. i. 457. Btb«^ ||«aioiri, 342«S44- tOpudL^STS.
fBaer.3S0. Brtkist, op. ciL, 458. I Ertkine, 4S9.
KUCHKUNJI KJIAN. JIJ
wIm) was stUl besieging Herat He raised the siege, and withdrew
towards Merv, where he sommoned the varicms Uzbeg princes of
Mavera ua Nehr, &C| to a general rendezvous. Kuchkunji Khan
came fnm Samarkandi and with him his sons, Abusaid Sultan and
Pulad Saltan, and the sons ci Janibeg Khan ; Suiunich Khan from
Tashkendy the sons of Hamia Sultan and Mehdi Sultan from Hissar,
and Kitin Kara Saltan from Balkh. Thus was collected the kigest
army hitherto assembled by tiie Uzbegs. Baber says they numbeied
one hundred and fifty thousand, Mir Yahia Saifi, the author of the ^ Leb
al Towarik,*' one hundred and twenty-one thousand, and the ^ Afim-arai
Abasi," eighty thousand veterans, exclusive of other troops.* So great
an- army, says the. Persian historian, had not crossed the Amu dnce the
days of Jtngis Khan. The Persians, according to Baber, numbered
forty thousand men, but they were veterans, disciplined in the Turldsh
fitshion, and had seen hard service against the Ottomans. They also
had a body of two thousand artillerymen, and six thousand matchlock
men,t iHiile the Uxbegs were armed with their primitive weapons^ and
this difference was no doubt an immense moral as well as physical
advantage.
Shah Tahmasp having visited Meshed and other holy places, intrenched
himself strongly in a position near Jam, on the way to Herat. The
Uib^gs, idio interpreted this as a sign of weakness, adv^ced to attack
Meshed* Their pkhf says Erskine, was singularly illustrative of th6
superstition of their age and tribe. While the main army encamped at
Meshed, twenty thousand horsemen were to scour the country round the
enemy's camp, and not to allow a man to show outside his trenches.
Meanwhile thietr magicians were to work their enchantments and to
make the enemy spdl-bound, so that hot one of them was to escape.
But Shah Tahmasp did not wall for these preparations to be complete.^
He advanced to meet them, and the two armies met on the 2$th of
September, 1529, at Jam. Vambery says ii as on the vigO of the ninth
Midiarrem, on which the Shia Muhammedans keep the anniversary of
tiie tragic end of Hussein near Kerbela with every demonstration of
woe. Ht tells us Jam is no^ the first place one enters on Persian
territory ip coming- from Herat, and is a miserable village, whose
inhabitants live in mortal terror of the Turkomans.! The Persians had
their gttos in the centre, protected by twenty thousand chosen troops
under the personal command of the king. The Uzbegs, as usual with
them, outflanked the Persian army, and having turned bodi flanks, got
Into die rear and began to plunder the camp, but the Persian centre
stood firm, and at a fitvouraUe moment, the chains connecting their guns
being dropped, the troops stationed behind rushed forward. A furious
•M..490. Nottt. t BrtkiM. i. 491. I Babtr't Mtaoin, i90. BrtkiiM, op. ctt., 490, 49^.
I Op. dt.i 2f^
7lS HI810KT OF THB MOMOOLS.
haiid-to>liaiid fight ensuedy in wUdh a bodf oi three th cmsa n d Partun
cuirassien greatly distinguished tfacmsetvet. The strug^ terminated
in the defeat of the V^beg$ with a dreadful slaagfater, fifty tfioasand of
them are said to have lain on the fidd of battle. Tiventy thousand
Persians lay beside them. Erskine says these numbers are probably
much exaggerated. Several of the leading Usbcgs were slain. Kuch-
kunjiy the Grand Khan, and UbeiduUa escaped, but the latter was
wounded. ** Janibeg Khan, who had pursued the flying troops of the
Persian wings to a great distance supposing the victory secure, retamed
back the same night, and guided by the fires and lights of the camp,
wliich he thought were those of UbeiduUa, came upon the encampment
of Tahmasp. The Persians pursued him but he escaped. Tahmasp
shortly after his victory had to turn his attention to his western
dominions,*^ where the Osmanlis, own brothers of the Uxb^gs, were a
constant menace to Persia. That the defeat was not overwhelmii^ we
gather from the fact that directly Tahmasp retired, UbeiduUa prepared
to revenge himself. He crossed the Amu and went to Meshed. Thistown
he bk>ckaded for two months, and then went to Herat, which capitulated
after a seven months' si^ge. Erskine says that in the invasion UbeidaUa
did not faU to pay back the Shias for their crudties to his co-ffeligionists.t
Next year his people advanced to Farra, which he attacked for some
time, but was eventuaUy obUged to raise the siege, and on hearing that
the Persians were advandi^ in force he abandoned Herat and withdrew
to Merv.
Let us now turn elsewhere for a sheit tHMi Shah Tahmasp's victory
revived Saber's hopes of recovering Maveraun Ndir, and he encouraged
his son, Humayun, who governed Badakhshan, to make the atten^it
The scare produced by the defeat of UbeiduUa had it seems caused the
Uzbeg sultans, who were ruling at HIssar, to abandon that place, where
they left Chalmeh, the son of Ibrahim Jani, as governor.) Humayun
having collected an army of fifty thousand men, and accompanied by
Sultan Weis, now marched towards Samarkand, whUe the letter's brother,
Shah Kuli, occupied Hissar, and Tursun Muhammed Saltan marched
from Termes and captured Kabadian.| It is curious that while his son
was thus invading the Usbeg country with Saber's connivance, he himself
was entertaining the ambassadors of Kuchkni^i in India. They were
present at a grand €nst he gave at Agra. We are told the KixUbash
or Persian envoys were housed in a tent to the right of his own, and
Ynnis AU was sdected from the Amirs to sit amongst them, wfaOe the
Ud>^ were housed in a simUar tent on the left, and AbdnUa was tokl off
to look after them. At the imst, which is described in great detafl,
the ambassador of Kudikui^i wu psessrtHiJ with Siricamash robes of
muslin, with rich buttons, and a dmm of honour suited to his rank.
ABU8AID KHAN. 719
He was alM tmwmud widi a ceruin weight of fokL* This embeny
kft Beber on tlw 3itt ol Jamuu7» 15^9. He t^t is he pieMiited Amin
Mane, the envoy of Kuchkunjiy with e dagger and beh, an ekphaat
knifed a nSkk of brocade^ and seventy thoqgand taagaa {li., mall iihrer
coins of the Take of a penny). To the MoUi^ Taghai, the rcfMosentative
of Abusatd Sultan {U^ the Khakm'ii son)| and to the servants of
Mdmhan Rluttiim (ix, his wile) and her son Pnladi vests richly
ornamented with battens, kaftans of rich doth, &c.t He sent Chapok
badcwiA them, as his envoy to the Usbeg chleft4 Babei^s health was
at tUs time fiuling, and Homayon, who did not wish to be far away
Ikom the capital* does not seem to have prosecuted his campaign fiirdier.
Kachkm^ died in 1530, hb death preceding that of Baber, whose
career ended at Agra, in the December of the same year, by only a few
months. Ki^chkanji, accordmg to Vamft>ery, spent most of his life in the
society of ascetics and dervishes^ He left diiee sons, all of whom
afterwards became Khans of Bukhara. They were Abusaid, Abdolla,
and Abdul Latit Coins struck during his reign are extant They bear
no iOian's name, but are dated within the period of his rule, and were
strudi at Saauukand and Bukhanul
ABUSAID KHAN.
According to Hafixtanish, when Kuchkunji was nominated Khakan,
his brother Suiunich was appointed kalga or next heir, and his nephew
Janibeg Saltan, the son of Khoja Muhammed, the next after hhn, but
both these princes died before KuchkuiyLf On the letter's death the
eldeM of his sons, Abusaid, was elected Kbakan. This is what Kasvini
says,** in whidi he is confirmed by Hafiftanish.tt The seat of the
Uzbeg empire during his reign, as during his fether'Si was at Samarkand,
and Ubddulla, Uie ruler of BuUiara, continued to control the forces of
theenq»ire. I have described how the latter retired before Shah Tahmasp.
Having arrived at Merv he summoned a council of the Uzbeg chiefe to
prepare measures of defence. At thii^ ofHuions weie divided, and
Abusaid, who was now on the throne, set his fece against the war, and
advised UbeiduUa not to undertake it The Khakan was supported by
some other chieftains. Ubeidulla thereup<m withdrew fitmi Khorasan and
^the fish standard of Persia once more gleamed over the whole province.''
Tahmasp put his brother Behram Muna there as his viceroy, and then
returned to IralL{| In 1531, although unsupported by the other sultans,
Ubeidulla made a raid towards Meshed, but was driven back by the local
'A^iSSS* t /A, 399,400. lid. $Op.dt..i0o.
. I Fnthn Rm., 438. Vtl. ZtraoC Coini of Bskhtra, sS4i 335*
^V«LiEtrMf,Coiaiof BikliMa,S4S. •" /i; 3M tud S44. ^^d,,U^
720 HISTO&T or THE MOMOOLS.
foicei. In 1532 lie lenewed the vunmoa wkh a laigtr amy. He
maxdied hiinsdf on Herat, hk son Abdul Ads on Meshed, Kamisii*
ogfalsn (the Boy of the Bushes) on Asterabad, and Khankeldi Behadur
on Sebsevar.* The coontry was wasted in various directions for a year
and a hal( during which the UdMgs pressed the siege d Herat, where
terrible distress ensued* Impure food, tiie flesh of dogs and cats was
eaten, and the disbress was so great that overtures for a surrender were
made to Ubeidulla, on condition that he withdrew his troops a march or
two so as to let the garrison escape unmolested. This he refused, and
insisted that it must deiUe under bis tent rc^^es, and in consequence the
si^ proceeded Meanwhile, Shah Tahmasp having quelled the revolt
in Azerbaijan, hastened by forced marches towards Herat. A party
he sent out surprised the Usb^ at Asterabad when bathings put them
to death with little resistance^ and sent hint five hundred heads. The
Usbegs at Sebi ef a r retn^ fighting to Mishapur and then to Meshed.
Abdul Aiis hurried from thelatter place with seven thousand men to hdp
his father at Herat Ubeidulla dared not meet Tahmasp in the fidd;
he was probably not very cordially supported by the odier Usbcf diieft.
At all events he retired to Bukhara, and for two years Khonsan was finee
from Usbeg attack. Abusaid Khan diedb 839 (iV., isyi-H, after a very
short reign. Periiaps Ubetdnfla had a hand in his death, as Vambery
suggests. Noneof his coins are apparently known.
UBEIDULLA KHAN«
On the deadi of Abusaid Khan die overldianship of die Usbeg pikices
did not ptss to his brother, who was his heir, but to UbeiduUa, the son of
Mahmud and nephew of .SheibanI, whose prowess in die Persian wars
had doubtless secured hbn the position. His private qipanage^ as
I have sttd, was BuMiara, and diat dty during his reign was the
capital of the Usb^s. He mounted the throne about the yaftr
1533. Shah Tahmasp had appointed hb brother Sam Mursa to be
governor of Khonsan, and for two years d«e was peace diere. In iS3S>
Sam Mursa having inarched agahist Kandahar, Ubeidulla deemed it a
good opportunity to renew his incursions. A body of fire or six
thousand UdMgs entered and bid waste Northern Khorasan, but dxy
were defeated by Sufian Khalifo, die governor of Meshed. Further east
another attack was made upon Guijistan. Khalifo Sidtan Shamhi*
who governed Herat in Sam Muna's absence, having inarched to meet
the ktter with a motley and ill-assorted army, was attacked, defeated,
and killed, upon which the people of Herat summmied Sufian, who had
so lately been successfiil, to the rescue.
UBBIDULLA KHAN. 7^1
The attacks just named weie mere desultory raids, but they encouaged
Ubeidtillaf who the next year crossed the Amu Daria with an immense
army, and threatened Meshed. Sofian was sent for hastily from Herat.
He affected to despise the enemy, promised to be soon at the holy city
and to send UbeidoUa's skin to the King staffed with straw, and set o«t
from Herat with only three thousand horse, and on the road, says
Erskine, filled a bog widi hay, lest die Uib^gs, by not leaving a blade oC
grass around Meshed, might defeat his boast He routed the first
detachment he met, but on getting near the town was obUged to shelter
in an old min, where he obstinately defended himsdf for serend days,
subsistmg his followers on the flesh of dieir horses, bat was eventually
taken and put to death.*
The deputy whom Sufian had left at Herat bdiaved so harshly there
that some of the people summoned die UsbcgB Co their relieC Ubeidulla
went and besiqced the place for five months, doriog which the inhabitants
suffered terribly. At length 300 UsbegshavmggafaMd access to a bastion,
probably by treachery, the dty was taken, and the garrison retired to the
fortress of Ekfatiar ed din. The city was plundered^ and the citadel was
afterwards surrendered en condition that the fMrison was to be allowed
to march out with its propertyi but as they left the fort they were
all stripped naked and sent to Bukhara, die greater port perishing
miserably on the way. Ubeidulla retained possession of Hsiat for four
months, and persecuted the Shtas severdy. At length Shah Tahmasp^
having his hands more free, went to the assistance of die mnch-eoflering
province of Khorasan. UbdduDa wished to resist him, but the other
Uzbeg chiefr counselled a retreat, and, ahhoogh it was winter, they set
out on their return by way of BaUdi, and Tahmaip look po ssessi on of
Herat unopposedt UbelduDa seems to have made two or three other
inroads into Khorasan during his life, but none of tasy Importance^ and
the province remained in possession of die Persians^ and ei^^^y^ com-
parative tranquilfity.t
Meanwhile the Udiegs had founded an independent prindpafity at
Khnaresm, or Khivat whose history will occupy as in die next diapter.
At this dme matters were in a state of pcmfei^ diere, and Ubeidulla
determined to fish in dm troubled waters. We are told he was joined by
Borrak Khan, of Tashkend, otherwise known as Nanrus Ahmed Khan,f
by Jevan Mard AH Behadnr, the son of Abosaid Khan, and now Khan
of Samarkand, his fether^ appanage^ and by the grandsons of Hamsa
and Mehdi Saltan of Hissar, and that they marched npon Urgenj. The
princes of Khuaresm, too weak to resist this iavasiol^ retired towards
Kur. On aniviog at Urgenj, UbeaduHa sent in pursuit of diem, and
Avandc Khan, the ruler of Khnaresm, witb all his people^ were captnrsd
at a place called Begat Kiri, north of Vesir. The Khan was handed over
^Bnktet.iLios. 1 74., 103, 104. il4U,to6, iVid$imf^g,
722 HISTORY OP THK MONGOLS.
to Omar Gazi, whose ^ther he had killed, and who now put him to
death in turn. UbeiduUa gave Urgenj to his son Abdul AnSa who took
up his residence there. The Sarts and Turkomans were not disturbed,
but the Uzbegs were divided into four sections, of which one was assigned
to UbeiduUa ; a second to the princes of Hissar ; a third to the princes
of Samarkand ; and a fourth to the princes of Tashkend. When they
retired from the country these several ponces, who had placed deputies
in chaiige of these various contingents, took the latter home again
with them.*
Meanwhile Din Muhammed Sultan, the son of the Avanek Khan
above mentioned, continued to hold authority at Derun, which he had
received as an appanage. A number of fugitives from Urgenj repaired
to him, and it was at length determined to recover possession of the
Khanate. They marched against the town of Khiva, which was captured,
and its darugha, with a few of his men, were put to deatlu The darugha
of Hazarasp fled. On hearing this news Abdul Azis retired from Urgenj
and went to his father. UbeiduUa was not long in taking up arms, and
advanced with some four thousand men. Din Muhammed, who had
only three thousand, determined to risk an encounter. Three times his
beks urged upon him the reckless nature of the enterprise. Twice he
took no notice of them, but the third time, having dismounted, he took
some earth in his hands, and scattering it on the coUar of his shirt, he
said, '' My God, I confide my soul to thee and my body to the ground**
Then, turning to the beks, he said, " I myself am dead; as to you, if your
lives are more precious to you than mine do not go forth with me; if the
contrary, then go." He then mounted his horsey and was foUowed by his
enthusiastic people, and took up a position at Guerdin Khast, west of a
lake which was afterwards known as Shikest KuU (il^, the lake of the
defeat). It was night when news arrived Uiat the enemy was approaching*
Din Muhammed divided his men into twe divisions, and placed them in
ambush. Presently the van of Ubmdulla's army appeared, preceded by
forty men carrying flambeaux. This division was suddenly attacked on
other side and routed, several beks being kiUed and others captured*
The slaughter was terrible ; Kun Tughar Behadur of the Kungrat tribe,
boasted he had himself kiUed sixty. After the battle the beks idio had
been captured were presented to Din Muhammed one by one. One of
these, named Hafiz, was charged with having openly said that the people
of Urgeiy were infidels, and not Mussulmans. Being asked to explain
this, he repUed, '^ We are about to test whidi are infidels and which
Mohammedans," a happy phrase under difficult circumstances, which
afterwards passed into a proverb among the Uzb^s. Din Muhammed
now proposed an exchange of prisoners against those who had been
oiptuted by UbeiduUa in the previous campaign. This was acceptedi
* AMffeast ssS-a40.
ABDUL LATIF KHAM. 723
and they were allowed to return to BuUiara with Hajim Khao, who was
charged with negotiatiiig the exchange. He was wdl received by
UbeiduUa, who restored him the prisoners in his chaige, as well as those
belonging to the princes of Samarkand and Hissar.* This campaign
took place in 946 ($^^ 1539-40X and was almost immediately followed by
the death of Ubeidnlla, who died, according to Kasvini, from chagrin, in
the fifty-^th year of his age, and was buried in the chapel of a college
h^ had himself builtt Coins of Ubeidulla, struck at Bukhara, are extant,
but most of them apparently do not bear the Khan's name.)
Haidar says of him that during the previous one hundred years
BO prince had equalled him. He adds that he was pious, meek, religious^
abstinent, and just, pre-eminent for generosity and valour. He could
write seven hands, but especially excelled in the Naski. He copied out
the Koran more than once. He possessed divans of th.e Turkish,
Arabic, and Persian poets, and was a good musician. During his reign
his capital Bukhara recalled to mind Herat during the reign of Sultan
Hussein Muna.(
ABDULLA KHAN I.
Ubeidulla was more or less an usurper, and on his death the throne
was again occupied by a son of Kuchkunji, namely, by Abdulla Khan.
This is expressly stated by Kazvini,| and also by Muhammed £(Kendi.f
lyHerbelot and De Guignes have confused this prince with the great
Abdulla, son of Iskander, who will occupy us presently. Abdulla, the
son of Kuchkunji, only reigned six months. Apparently no coins of
his are known. He doubtless held his court at Samarkand.
ABDUL LATIF KHAN.
Abddhi was succeeded by his brother Abdul Latif, who also ruled from
Samarkand He began to reign in 947 (<>•» '540-i)> and according to
M. VeL Zemof continued to do so till 959 (1./., i55i-2).
I have described how in 1526 Balkh was captured by the Uzbegs. It
was afterwards constituted an appanage, and given to Pir Muhanuned
the son of Janibeg. Kamran, the brother of ^ the Great Moghul'
Humayun, having rebelled against the latter in 1547, fled to Balkh,
where he was well received by Pir Muhammed, who entertained him in
his palace, and supplied him with troops, with which he recovered
Ghuri and took Baklan. Pir Muhammed accompanied him on this
expedition, and when his proUgi was master of the open country, he
^Abalghttzi, a4Z-^* M^^^MA* NoU, i. Vtmbery,a8x.
I Yd. Ztrnof^ Coins of Bukharft, Ac, S30. FnelmRMn438. f TtrUdii Ruki^i,
I Vd. Ztraof; Coin of Bokhart, )08. f/i^s^S*
734 RisroitY or tbb momoqia
zetnnied to BaUdi, leaving a oondafent of Utbegi with bim.*
naturaUjr aroosed the animosity of Humayim, and in 1549 we find himi
while profietting other objects^ really setting out on a campaign against
Balkh. We are tdd that when he readied Istali^ Abbas Snltan^a young
Uxbeg^ who had married Hnmayun's youngest sister (Gulshehreh
Begim), suspecting that the expedition was directed against his people,
disappeared without taking leave. Humayun went on by Anderab
and Talikan to Nari, and crossing by the pass of Nari, reached the
beautiful valley of Nilber, where he was met by several dependents, but
not by KamnuBi who had made friends with him, and had promised to
assist Having arrived at Baklan, he ordered an attack to be made on
Eibek, a fertile and populous district in the territory of Balkh, which was
defended by a strong castle. Pir Muhammed's Atalik, with a number
of officials, on hearing of the invasion, had hastily thrown themselves into
the fort, which was not provided either with provisions or water for a
prolonged sitg^ and which surrendered to Humayun, after a short attack.
At a feast, given on this occasion, he asked the Atalik Khoja Bagh what
was the best way to conquer Balkh. The latter, embarrassed, replied
that ** he was but a poor judge^ as he was an enemy.'' But on Humayun's
praising the honesty of the Usbegs, and his honesty in particular, he
replied, ** If you would conquer Balkh, cut off our heads, hasten on to the
capital, and it will be yours." When objection was made to thus killing
good Mussulmans, he said there was yet another alternative. ''I have
much influence with Pir Muhammed. I will undertake that the country
on your side of Khulm shall be yours, that the Khutbeh shall be said
there in your n^me, and that Pir Muhammed shall send one thousand
of his best men to accompany you when you go to Hindostan.'' This
advice was also rejected, and Humayun, keeping the Atalik with him
sent the other Uzb^ chiefs back to KabuLt
After a few days halt he went on by way of Khulm. On reaching
Astaneh (u^iere was the shrine of Sh^^h AvliaX >u^d while the audience hall
was still disananged, and die people in the basaar wen: busy with their
loads, and the Emperor, who had been visiting the shrine, was in his
private tent, a sudden attack was made in the direction of the camp
bazaar by a party of Uzbegs, under Shah Muhammed, Sultan of Hissar,
the son of Berenduk Sultan, whkh a^tured a chief officer, named
Kabuli, whose head was carried off as a tit>phy to Balkh. This warned
Humayun that the Uzbegs, from beyond the Ainu, were arriving.} When
they neared Balkh, he also began to suspect that his brother, Kamrau,
as he did not come, was meditating some attack on Kabul in his absence.
Nevertheless his people attacked the van of the Uzbeg army, under
Abdulla Sultan and Khosru Sultan, the sons of Iskander Sultan, near the
Takteh pul, and drove them across the bridge to the Balkh side of the
*InUM,tt.M347- iUtV,»i' lU.tSfO'Vt.
ABDUL L4TIP KXUM. 72$
Stream. Wkin tiiejr naaved tlie dtjr a coqncil iMt tannioiied, and In
view of the possible treachery of Kaman and the reported iqpproadiof
Abdnl Asis, the son of UbeidnUay wiA the troops of Bdduira, it was
determined to retreat, and take up a position near the entrance of the hiMs
at Dera-Gesi a valley with nancow defiles, easily deteded, and whence
both Kabul and BaM could be watched. The council broke up at mid-
nighti and orders were given for a retreati whidi instantly c o m men c e d.*
This is the account given by Bayesid, who i#as pioient with Humayun's
forces. AbuUasly who is foUowed by Ferishta and oUm» makes Abdul
Asis join the Usbq^s before the retreat, and describes a general action in
which the btt« were defeated and driven into the town, although diey
had thirty thousand men ; and Abulfosl adds that Humayun proposed to
improve the advantage by an hnmediate advance^ which was not, how-
ever, doiie.t To return to Bayesid's story» At dawn the retiring aiiny
veached the broken ground on the banks of the river flowing throi^^h
the Dera-Ges. Here apanic seems to have seised it (as it often seises an
irregular force), caused partially by the nmiours that Kamran had attacked
Kabul The Uzb^ were quick m pursuit The rear-guard was broken
and dispersed, an arrow even struck Huauiyun's horse in the chest, and
aD attempts to effisct a rally were unavailing. The Emperor's adventures,
says Erskine^ for some succeeding days, when he sought to repass the
mountains by unknown or little*frequented roads a prey to thirst, hunger*
and fetigue, and guided by the barbarous inhabitants, are related in the
liveliest and most picturesque manner by Bayezid, who was a sharer in
his flight He at length reached Kabul on the zyd. of September, 15494
In the rout many of the amirs, including Shah Bidagh, fell into the hands
of the U2begs. The Atalik and his companions^ who had been allowed
to return to Baikh, gave such a favourable account of the handsome
treatment they had received, that Pir Muhammed returned these prisoners
in a most handsome manner.f Although Kamran had not seized on
Kabul, he tried to improve his fortune in these troublous times, and on
Humayun*s retreat he made an unsuccessful attack on Badakhshan and
Kunduz. He then turned to the Uzb^fs for assistance, and entered into
a treaty with them. They supplied him with a contfaigent which helped
him in the si^e of Kunduz. Its commander Hfaidal Muna thereupon
foiged a letter in Kamran's name, in which suggestions were made for
overreaching the Uzbegs. It was contrived that this, should fall into the
latters* hands. Whereupon they abandoned him, and returned home.
He (Kamran) now raised the siege and marched against Sullman Murza,
the governor of Badakhshan. When he reached Rostak a large body of
Uzbegs, who were plundering in the neighbourhood, under Said, attacked
and plundered his camp without inquiring whose it was. When Said learnt
what had happened he apologised for the mistake, but the blow was a
^Id^V^Sfy t/4.,379. Note. lU^V^ fi».
7)6 HI810KT or TBI IIOMOOLS.
ernihSng one for Kamran nevertheless.* According to Bayeiid, the Utbeg
commander on this occasion was Mir TanlonUzbegi and not SakLt This
fight took place in 155a Kasvmitellsusthatafter the accession of Abdul
Latif the Uzbegs did not cross the Oxas, and Khorasan enjoyed com-
parative tranquiliity.} The fact is, they were too mnch occupied at
home. The system of appanages was bearing its natural fruit in inter-
necine struggles among the difierent princes. In these struggles the
descendants of Janibeg, who, as I have said, was r^ent on Sheibani's
death, were pitted against the other Uzbeg princes. In956 or 957 Abdul
Aiis, the son of Ubeidulla, who held the appanage of Bukhara, died, and
was succeeded by Muhammed Yar Sultan, the son of Suiunidi Muhammed
Sultan, the son of Sheibani Khan.
On the latter's accession, Pir Muhammed of Balkb, son of Janibeg, went
to Bukhara on pretence of paying the last debt of respect to Abdul Aii%
but in reality to secure the place for himself Thereupon the Khakan
Abdul Latif, Nauruz Ahmed, of Tashkend, and Burgan Sultan, the grand-
son of Ubeidulla Khan, with other princes, marched to the assistance of
Yar Muhammed, and invaded Miankal, which belonged to tiie £unily of
Janibeg. The princes of Janibeg's family thereupon dispersed. Rustem
Khan, with his son Uzbeg Sultan, tied to Bukhara ; Izkander Khan left
Kermineh and went to Andkhud ; Kermineh itself resisted, and after a
siege of twelve days, terms were agreed upon, and Abdul Latif and
Nauruz retired respectively to Samarkand and Tashkend, and during the
next year (i>., 958) Pir Muhammed gave up Bukhara to Yar Muhammed
and withdrew once more to Balkh. Soon after Burgan Sultan was
nominated joint ruler of Bukhara with Yar Muhammed. Abdul Latif
died in 959 {i.e., I55i-2).| Coins struck by him at Samarkand, and
bearing his name, are well known. |
NAURUZ AHMED KHAN.
According to the Abdulla Nameh, on the death of Abdul Latif his
specUd appanage of Samarkand fell to Sultan Said Sultan, the son of
Abusaid Khan, while the empire of Mavera un Nehr (i>., the khakanship)
fell to Nauruz Ahmed Khan.f He was the son of Suiuinich Khoja Khan,
who, as we have seen, held the appanage of Tashkend. At thb time
Abdulla, the son of Izkander, the son of Janibeg, who afterwards became
so fiunous, had ah:eady begun to show his prowess. Having inherited
the small di3trict of Kermineh, he first took Kesvi from Khudai berdi
Sultan, the son of Abusaid Khan, and then began to molest the district
of KarshL Thereupon, to prevent a struggle, Khudai berdi exchanged
• i5^, 377. 378- t/i<..379. Notf. I/<'.,i77.37«.
% Vcl. Znnci, Coias of BnUura, 366, 367, Frt ha Rtt.. 439* 400.
|V«Li?tnMCCoiM.ofBttktara.s;3- ^'A,Vff*«*
NAXTRUf ARMSD XHAM. IV
appanages with KiHsb Kara Saltan, the son of Kisten Kara Snhan and
cousin of Abdulla, who had previoaslf ruled at Sagraj. Abdulla had as
little respect for his cousin as for his more distant lelative, and occupied
Karshi and also deprived Gashhn Sultan, the son of Berenduk Sultan
(who ruled at Hissar) of the town of Kesh or Shehr i Sebi.* When
Naumz Ahmed mounted the throne, having collected a krge army from
Tashkend, Turkestan, and Khojend, he marched against Abdulla and his
partisans. He made an ineffectual attempt to seiie Samarkand, and
then laid siege to Kesh, whence he summoned Bnrgan Sultan and Yar
Muhammed Sultan, who ruled jointly at Bukhara, to his help. Abdulla
iqspealed to his unde Pir Muhammed, but before the latter could arrive
with the contingent of Baikh, Burgan had reached Kasan and was
phmdering the district of Karshi. Abdulla went out to meet him, and as
a portion of Pir Muhammed's men came up at a critical moment, the
battle was decided against the Bukharians, Who withdrew. AbduUa and
his uncle now marched to the relief of Shehr i Sebx. Nauruz did not
wait for jheir arrival, but having raised the si^e of Kardii went home
again to Tashkend. Abdulla returned to Karshi and Pir Muhammed to
Kilef, the capital of Balkh.t This campaign took place in 960 hej.
Next year Nauruz Ahmed renewed the struggle, and captured Samar-
kand from Sultan Said, who was apparently a partisan of Abdulla.
Through the intervention of Muhammed Sadik he afterwards made
peace with the young prince, to whom he promised that he would
deprive his late ally Burgan Sultan of Bukhara and give it to him. It
would seem that Burgan had incurred his displeasure by the murder of
Muhammed Yar, his co-ruler at Bukhara. He first, however, punished
the descendants of Janibeg, and invaded their appanage of Miankal.
Iskander Khan, the father of Abdulla, fled to Balkh, while the other
sultans of the house of Janibeg gathered round Abdulla at Karshi.
Miankal was speedily conquered, and Nauruz Ahmed proceeded to
divide it among his relatives. Kermineh he gave to his son Dost
Muhammed Sultan; Dabusi to Abdul Saltan, son of Abdul Latif
Khan ; and Shehr i Sebz to Gashim Sultan, son of Berenduk Sultan of
Hissar. He then ordered his son Baba Sultan to march against Abdulla
at KarshL He fought with the latter and won a battle, in which
AbduUa's unde Rustem Khan was killed, while he himself with his
troops was forced to cross the Oxus and take shelter at Balkh. After
this and in the year 962 Nauruz went against Bukhara. After sustaining
a three months' siege, Burgan Sultan appealed to Abdalla, who was then
living at Andkfaud and Shabiigan, for help. The latter was delightedi
and although it was very sultry went with three hundred companions, and
soon reached Farab on the Oxus, which belonged to Burgan. There he
was shortly after bekagured by Sultan Said Khan and Dost Muhammed
•/<..3W. t/rf..slfc
7a8 HinoRY or ths nowooLa
Sohasi tbe son <tf Mwinui with 22,000 mm. Although his Ibice was
80 ridiculoasly small ho veatuxcd oa a sortie^ wUoh was tucctisfiil.
His opponents vrere beaten, and tiiefogitives on xoachiag the can^ of
the Khakan Nanmsi so dtstnrbod his men that he broke op the siege of
Bukhara and returned to Samarirandy* where ho ordered Sultan Said to
be anested and to be sent prisoner to Rashid Khan at Karaigutak (? in
Kashgar). Abdulla after Ms victory went to Bukhara. Buigan Sultan
went to Shehr i Sdx to meet him, and conducted him to the city, which
he gave up to him accocding to his agreement, and himself went to
Karakul He was not long content there, however^ and having made a
demons tr ati o n against Bukhara, Abdulla marched against him, but the
hater's army left him and went over to Burgan. Abdulla had once more
to seek shelter at Balkh.
In the sgmg of 963 Khalkman bi of the Durmans, having quarrelled
with Burgan, incited the amirs at Karakul to rebel They did so^ and
invited Abdulla to go to thent Burgan thereupon again aj^ealed to
Naurus Ahmed, who we are told collected a vast anpy. He was joined
by Buigan, and the two went on to Bukhara, which they beleagured.
Terms were at length conceded to Abdulla, who was allowed to withdraw
to Chechket and Meimineh. Burgan now returned to Bukhara and his
patron to Samarkand, an^ thence to Rabat Khoja, at the sources of the
river Diigem, where he gave himself up to debauchery, fell ill, and diedt
Tluswasin963hej.(i>., 1556). Nauruz Ahmed was sumamedBorrak, as
is clear from Hafistanish.) Vambery calls him Borrak Khan and makes *
him a son of tlie Jagatai Khan Mahmud* His account of Bukhara at
this period, like that of all other authors except M. Vol Zemof, is very
conftised. Herberstein calls him Borrak Sultan, and makes him the
Khan of Urgenj and brother of UbeiduUa ;{ both of which are mistakes*
Naurus Ahmed has left coins struck at Bukhara.!
It was in the rdgn of Nauruz Ahmed that the intercourse between the
Turks of Constantinople and their very near relatives the Utbegs
became more cordial They were both Sunnis, and had therefore a
common grievance against the Persians. In a letter of Sultan SuHman,
written to Nauruz, he says he was on terms of close friendship with the
hitter's predecessors Ubeidulla and Abdulla. During the reign of Abdul
Latif, Suliman, it seems, sent a body of three hundred janissaries and
some artillery to his assistance. This arrived after the accession of
Nauruz. The latter wrote to his friend to tell him how the sultans of his
family who n kd at Dabusi, Kufin, Kermineh, Kesh, Karshi, and Khazar
had been rebdHoos, and had occupied his time in suppressing them,
which accounted for his not having made a diversion in his fovour, and
he promised that when he had taken Bukhara, which still hekl out, that
•/4^SSX.SSS. 1 /il., S93-5N. Iti^ih* 1 0». dt. tt. 75-
I VtL Ztm^, 0^ cit, S7S>
rat ICUHAlOaD KHAN.
7t9
he would invade Khomea Two numdis hler^ aaoady, in Febnutty,
i5S6y his envoy Nisameddin Ahmed Chauthbeg went to annotince to
Sulunan the capture of Bukhara. Thia was Ibllowed by a third letter.
The Sultan wrote in cordial termsy but said it would be impossible for
him to unite in a campaign against Persia then, as the two countries had
roadepeace.^
PIR MUHAMMED KHAN.
On the death of Naurasy Fir Muhammad of BaUdi, the son of Janib^,
who was the iddest of the appanaged princes, was nominated Khakan, and
his name was duly put on the cdns. On the accession of his uncle,
AbduUa left ChecMcet and Bleimindii where he had taken sheher, and
moved upon MiankaL Dost Muhammed, the son of Naurus, who reigned
at Kerminek, fled, and presently AbduUa also CMptmtd Shehr i Sdx from
Gashhn Sultan, and assisted Kedai Sultan, sen of Abdul Latif, and
Jivan merdi AH Khar tiie son of Abusaid, to take Samarkand from the
sons of Nanrui Khan. The next year^ i*4,, in 964, he began a campaign
agati»t Buigan Sultan, the ruler of Buldiara* The latter, feeling hissself
too weak to resist, sent the holy Khoja Juibaieh to sue for peace. The
same evening that the Khcja left Bukhara, Burgan was entertained at the
house of the Murza Eke bi, where he was treacherously assassinated,
and at dawn his head was put upon a pike and sent to Abdulhut ' Vam-
bery calls the assassin Mursaki Kuslyi (the bird catdier)4 AbduUa now
went to Bnkara with the Khoja, where he speedUy overcame aU resistance*
This victory made him one of the most powerful princes of Mavera un
Nehr, and increased hisambition* He now prepared to invade Khorasan,
and first went to visit his unde, Pir Muhammed^ who was* at Shabirgan.
An exchange of territory was agreed upon between then^ AbduUa
surrendering Bukhara and accepting Ballch (which was nearer Khorasan),
in lieu of it. They had aheady commenced the nuitual surrenderi when
Din Muhammed, the son of Pir, rose in revolt and seized upon Balkh.
While Pir Muhammed went to repress the rebeUion, AbduUa ordered his
brother Ibeidulla not to give up Bukhara. Having hastened there, he
sununoned his father Iskander from Kermineh, and had him thereupon
proclaimed, to use the inflated language of Hafiztanish, " Khakan of
the whole world." Pir Muhammed, thus dethroned, retired to hb own
appanage, madi peace with bis son, and died in 974. The mler of the
appanage of Balkh was styled Kalkhan, which Senkofrki suggests may
be a corruption of the Turkish, Mongol, and Manchu, Kalkan a buckler
Balkh being looked upon as a kind of buckler to Mavera un Nehr. One
of the rulers of Khuarezm, as we shaU see presently, was caUed Kalkhan
Khan.(
* Vm HuuMf, Otn. Gmm ii. 255, lifi, t Vol. Zeraof, 388. 319.
tOp.dt^284. Neu. SMikolUd, op. du 79. 80.
730 HI8IORT or THB MONOOLS.
A coin of Pir Mnhammed, ttnick no doubt when he was Khakao, is
described by M. VeL Zernof.* Pir Muhammed, like his predecessor, had
intercourse with the Turkish SuUan Sulunan.t
IZKANDER KHAN.
Izkander Khan was only nominally the ruler of Mavera un Nehr, and
his son Abdulla had the virtual control of the State. Izkander became
Khakan in 968 {ui^ 1561). It woukl seem that Abdulla had made some
raids or razzias,-^'' alamans,^ as the Turkomans call them— into Persia ;
but while Shah Tahmasp lived the Uzbegs were restrained from
venturing on more unbitious schemes. On his death anarchy ensued
in Khorasan under the disorderly rule of his sonsy and the Usb^^g
accordingly poured over the frontiers. In 974 (f>., 1566), Muhammed
Murza, the son of Tahmasp, narrowly escaped capture by them, while on
his way to Herat with 15,000 men.t Abdulla was in command of these
plunderers* Meanwhile he was hampered by a pressing danger nearer
home. On the death of Nanruz Ahmed^he was succeeded in his aj^anage
of Tashkend and Turkestan by his s<m Baba Sultan, who also inhented
his Cither's animosity against the house of Janibeg. When Abdulla
was absent in Khorasan, Baba Sultan invaded Mavera un Nehr, and
advanced to Samarkand, whence he carried away Khosni Sultan, the
son of Yar Muhammed, and grands<m of Janibeg, who ruled there^ and
whom he put to death. This was in 975 (/x, I567).{
In an inscription, which still remains en a slab of rock in the Pass of
Jilan uti, on the way from Jisakh to Samarkand, we have the foUowing
record of a victory gained by Abdulla over Baba Sultan in 1571. It
reads tinis : ** Let passers in the waste, and travellers on land and water,
know that in the year 979 hej. (^., 1571), there was a conflict between the
army of the lieutenant of the Khalifate, the Shadow of the Almighty the
great IQiakan Abdulla Khan, son of Izkander Khan, consisting of 50^000
men of war, and the army of Dervish Khan, Baba Khan, and odier sons
of Borrak Khan. In this army there were fifty relatives of the Sultan,
and 400,000 fighting men from Turkestan, Tashkend, Feighana, and
Desht KIpchak. The army of the Sovereign, by the fortunate con-
junction of the stars, gained the victory, having conquered the above-
mentioned Sultans, and gave to death so many of them that from the
people who were killed in the fight, and after being taken prisoners
during the course of one month, blood ran on the sur&ce of the water
in the river of Jizakh. Let this be known.'*!
Pir Muhanuned, the ruler of Balkh, died, as I have mentioned, in 97$,
* op. dt.» 386. t Von Hkmner, Otm. Get., 0. 271. j Vambeiy, 186.
S /4n tS4. I Scboyler't TorketUo, i. 311. jts.
UKAHBBlt KUAM. 731
and was succeeded in his.appam^ by his son Din Muhammedy who
reigned till 980^ when Abdulla, having some grievance, marched against
him, and captured Balkh after a siege of ten months. Abdulia appointed
the Atalik Nazarbi of the Naiman tribe iu governor. Din Mnhammed
was pardoned^ and given the district of Shehr i Sebz as an appanage.
Nazarbi ruled at Balkh for ten years, when he was recalled, and Abdulb
put his own son Abdul Momin there, and the latter ruled Balkh till
Abdulla's death, in 1006.*
At this time Juvanmerdi, the brother of Sultan Said, and the son of
Abosaid Khan, held the s^panage of Samarkand. He had two sons,
Abulkhair Sultan and Muzzaffiu: Sultan, who were constantly at feud
with one another. The former allied himself with Baba Sultan against
the latter, who was ihtproUgi of Abdulia. He was defeated, whereupon
his father Juvanmerdi took his side, and we are told AbduUa determined
to rid himself of both father and sons. Juvanmerdi and Musaf&r were
taken prisoners, and executed at Samarkand, and a similar £ue soon
after overtook Abulkhair.t Abdu^ Sultan, a son of Abdul Latif Khan,
also raised a revolt at Zamin. He likewise was defeated by Abdulia, and
took shelter in the hill country of Hissar, whence he continued to harass
his opponent till he was taken prisoner and executed, in 98S (/^., 1580).}
In 983 Baba. Sultan was severdy punished and driven across the
Sihun.} Abdulia apparently installed his elder brother Dervish Sultan
as ruler of Tashkend.
In 987 (f>., 1579}, Baba having occupied Tashkend and killed his
brother Dervish, AbduUa, who was tiien living on the confines of
Khokand, attacked and defeated him near Tashkend.| Baba fled.
Shortly after a spy came to report that he and his brother Buzakhur and
his nephews, the sons of Khuarezm Shah Sultan, had taken shelter
among the Kazaks, who had done homage to them on the banks of the
river Talas. Abdulia sent an explor^'party, consisting of Isfendiar
Sultan, Abdul Baki bi Durman, and others, to Sairam to inquire.
Having found that the story was n^t true, and spent some days in the
deHghtfel neighbouriiood of Sairam hunting, he went to the Talas, had an
interview uith the Kazak chiefs, as I have described,^ and rewarded
them with presents. They siurrendered to him Ubeid Sultan, a son of
Baba Sultan, whom they had captured, together with Jan Muhammed
Atalik Nkiman, and Shah Gazi bi Durman, with a number of leading
men.**
Baba Sultan now c^^parendy made terms with Abdulia^ who returned
again to Bukharsi but matters were at peace for only a short time
Baba Sultan, it wonM seem, made a demand for the district of Andijan,
•VtL2flnioi;CoiMofBtklMn,ftcn994« t Vftaib6ry,4i9i* ird, Nolti.
Mdn^m* .|Vd.Zeniof;KhMitofKBtIiBOi;ii. S79. ^ Ami$,^si>
** y«l. gtraoi; Ktant of KaiiiDoi; 279.«ls.
732 HISTORY OF TUB MONGOLS.
and at the same time, probably aware that .this would not be granted,
allied himself with the Kazaks, to whom he surrendered Yassy and
Sabran, and concerted common measures against Mavera un Nehr. The
Kazaks imder Sarban Sultan were to cross the Jaxartes and to make for
Bukhara, while Baba Sultan and his brother Buzakhur were to devastate
the district of Samarkand. The plan was carried out, and both divisions
retired carrying off large stores of plunder.* This took place iii 1579
and is8o.
We toow find Baba Sultan having a bitter feud with the Kazaks, in
which he killed several of their chieft, as I have described. He shortly
after defeated their leader Shiga! Khaiii and returned with the booty
he had made to Tashkendt
In 1581 Abdulla again marched against his inveterate rival. He set
out from Samarkand, and went as for as Uzkend. While encamped at
Karatau, near the Sir Daria or Jaxartes^ he was visited by Shigai, whom
he rewarded with the town of Khojend. He then returned to Bukhara.}
There he held a grand feast, in whichikis son Abdul Mumin and Tevkol,
the son of Shigai, engaged in athlaift: sports, in which the latter dls*
tinguished himself.
In the spring of the foUowiQg year AMuUa, having determined to crush
Baba Sultaoi pursued him into the'^deserts of Kipchak as £ur[as the
Ulugh Tagfa Mountains, as I have men(ioned.$ On this occasion
Abdulla erected a memorial pillar opposite the one put up by Timur.l
Finding that Baba Sultan had withdrawn among the Nogais, he
returned homeward, again crossed the Sarisoy and then Uud siege to
Sabran. Meanwhile he had sent an advanced body of tioofis in pursuit
of his indefatigable enemy. Shigai and his Kazaks defeated a body of
them near Seraili and Turaili.Ti They also deiiMted one of their chieft
named Kuliah bi Dunnan, and o^tured an enormous number of sheep,
horses, and camels. This was a very welcome supply to the main body
of AbdttUa's army, which had begun to suffer want
At length, after much fatiguing manoeuvring, Isfendiar Sultan, son of
Khosru Sultan, AbduUa's cousin* with the Kazak ehief Tevkel and
others, fell upon the spoor or footprints of a large force. After six
or seven days' march they reached the river Sauka, where, they
came up with the enemy. One of the Kazak chiefs asked that the
Khan's aimy might advance first, for the enemy woukl fear it most, while
they would fight desperately against the Kazaks. They attacked and
comi^ely defeated them, and Baba again took refuge among the Manguts.
I have already described his subsequent career and end*** His brother
I Scokoltki, 27. Vambery, s8s*
f Three rivers Serili spring ia the Ulogh Tagh range. One of them fUlt iato Uit Itbim
and the other two iato the Tobol. (Vel. Zemof> ii. 30S.)
** AnU, 6s7 *nd 7.
ABDULLA KHAN U. 733
Bozakhur found refuge at Sairain» where be seems to luve died. Let
us now revert to AbdulU' After a tvro months' attack Sabran was
captured. During the siege Tagir Sultan, another of Baba Sultan's
brothers, was surprised by the Kazak Tevkel, who was pasturing his cattle
at Ak Kutgan. He captured him and handed him over to Ibeidulla^ the
brother of Abdulla.* Abdulla now speedily conquered Suzak, Shah-
rukhia, and other towns, together with Turkestan or Yassy.
Next year (i>^ in 1583) he .44)parently conquered Fei|^iana and
Andijan, in which he was assisted by the Kasak TevkeL We are
ei^ressly told that after the fall of Baba SuUan the towns of Turkestan
and Tas hke nd acknowledged the authority of Abdulhi who appointed
and removed their rulen.t Thus the appanage of Suiunich Khan was
annexed to Mavera un Nehr, and the line of Usbeg princes who had
so long reigned north of the Sihun was suppressed. The name of
Abdulla occurs so prominently in all these transactions, that it quite puts
in the shade that of his fetther the Khakan hkander, who died in 1583.
His capital was doubtless Bukhara. Several of his coins are extant.}
He was a mere puppet in the hands of his son Abdulla. We are told
he was a skilful falconer and devoted to religious exercises.}
ABDULLA KHAN IL
Abdulla was the greatest of the Abulkhairids. He was bom in the year
940 (/./., I533).|| The Khoja Kasani is said to have foretokl a great
career for him, and to make his* predictions more efficacious he bound
the camePs-hair girdle he wore round his own waist round that of the
clukl Abdulla.f We have ahready described the earlier part of his
adventurous career. On the death of his fiuher he determined to be
dejun as well as de facto Khan.
When Izkander died Abdulla was not at home^ and we are toki the
Khofa Kalian, the head of the clergy, witii others, after burying the
Khakan, rq>aired to Khojend, where Abdulla then was, and whom they
met en route. He summoned them to a council (the Mongol kuriltai) to
ccmsider the question of the succession* The Khoja was not long in
proclaiming him as the fittest for the post of Khakan. Thereupon they
took a piece of white felt, which had been dipped at Mekka in the waters
kA Zemsema, upon which he was raised aloft* The amirs having presented
dieir coi^;ratnlati<ms and presents, they went to Zamin, whence news of
AbduUa's accession was sent in various directions.** Thus the apple
wUch had been so long in ripenmg fell on his knees. Under cover of
^ V«l. Ztraof, U. s<i» Sis.
t VtL ItfBOi; op. du 0* 339« | VtLZ«»oi;CQiaterBaldian»tenSSS-dgi7*
I Vaabery. tSj. | AbolfbAsir 193* NoU,t. 5 Vaat try, jH
** Vtl. ZefBoi; Coins €f BikkAn, )g|^ 4Q0»
734 HISTORY OF THS MONGOLS.
his father's shidd, he had crushed or displaced all his various rivals from
the deserts of the Kazaks to the frontiers of Kabul, and the Uzbegs were
for the first time subject to a single strong grasp, instead of being broken
in pieces among a number of appanages.
AbdoUa having consolidated a homogeneous power, 'was now in a
position to threaten Kfauarezm and Khorasan. His campaigns against
the former I shall notice in the next chapter. In regard to Khorasan^
after the death of Tahmasp, the province was torn by internal dissensions,
which were only terminated on the final success of the great Shah Abbas,
^e greatest of the Persian rulers of modem times. This state of con-
fusion in Persia was naturally inviting to the Uzbegs, who made very
profitable raids across the frontier and retired again at the approach of
the Persian forces. In 1585 they made a very famous attack while Shah
Abbas was engaged in a war with the Turks. Herat fell after a si^;e of
nine months, and its Governor All Kuli Khan Shamlu, and several
other chiefs, were put to death, while the city was plundered.^ A large
number of prisoners were carried oif to Bukhara, and the north-eastern
part of Khorasan was laid waste. Wiiat follows is well told by
Vambery, and I shall abstract his notice. He says that "it was on this
occasion that the guardians of the tomb of Imaum Riza, who were at
this time wardens of the numerous benefices, fields, gardens, and other
possessions of the venerable Alid, addressed a letter to Abdulla,
inquiring how he made it accord with his religious feelings to destroy the
goods of Imaum Riza, and thus to waste the substance by which so many
thousand pious pilgrims, including many Sunni, were supported ? The
Transoxianian mollahs present in Abdulla's camp replied by a long con-
troversy on Shiaism in general, alleging that according to their principles
and their fEuth, the disciples of Shia were worse than the unbelievers,
whose destruction was ordained by God himself. If it was the duty of
every Moslem to wage war on unbelievers, how much more was it his
duty to fight against those who had wandered from the right path, and,
in spite of their connection with the saint whose bones rested in the
midst of them, had fallen into grievous sin. As regarded the reproach
cast on them for destroying Imaum Riza's fields and gardens, they were
well aware that they were devoted to pious uses, connected with the
shrine of Imaum Riza. But it was an open question who had most right
to the enjoyment of them — the warriors fighting for the cause of God
and right, and deprived of all means of subsistence, or those who had
sinned against Allah and treated with contempt the most exalted
guardians of the faith. The Shia mollahs were of course ready enough
with a rejoinder. They had the tact to begin by proposing a sort of
general council of an equal number of Sumu and Shia philosophers,
who were to decide whether the Shias were traitors to the faith for
• Mtloobn't Pmia, i. S24*
ABDULLA KHAN II. 735
declaring the three first khaltfs usurpers, and asserting the hereditary
rights of AIL Shiaism was as old as Iriamlsm itself and if At adherents
of this sect were really so abhorred, how came Imatim Riza to settle
down in the midst of them? why did he nol rather go to Transoxama?
.&c These discossioiis had no more definite results tiian the comidl
of Sunni and Shia iMosophers, convoked 150 years later by Nadir
Shah at Bagdad.* Whilst the two parties were thus striring to settle by
the pen a schism which the sword had for centuries failed to qiidl>
young Shah Abbas advanced with an army from Kasvin, and Abdnlla
retfaed by Merv to Bukhara. Abbas, as is rightly observed by Malcolm
in his History of Persia, effected this diversion rather with the object of
increasing his own prestige than with any definite intention of driving
out or conquering the Uxbegs, for he only remained a short time at
Meshed, and then hurried to Georgia, where the Osmanlis threatened him
with hostilities, and soon after defeated him. As had often before been
tiie case^ the echo of the Ottoman victory in the West resounded in the
East, and Abdulla had no sooner received the intelligence than he made
a second attempt to conquer Meshed, and intrusted the vanguard of his
army to his son Abdnlmumin Khan, the viceroy of BalldL
'^Abdulmumin, a savage warrior, and a cruel and ambitious man,
hurried ftnrwards with Din Muhammed and a large force, to which Kul
Baba Kukeltasb, the faithful servant of Abdulla and governor of Herat,
had attached himself. Theirfirst attack was directed against Nishapun A
lew Uxbegs vrere taken prisoners in an afiidr of outposts, and set at
libtfty again in order that they might let their young commander know
that Mishapor was simply a part of Meshed, and that if the latter were
taken the former would be sure to submit. In consequence of this
information Abdulmumin now dhected all his efforts against Meshed,
sparing no sacrifices and no pains to subdue it The commandant of the
fortress, Ummet Khan Ustajlu, had done all in his power to repel the
attacki but the panic became general ; many of the people ft^m the
surrounding country took refoge in the city, which was but imperfectly
provisioned, and the consequence was that famine came to the assistance
of die Uzbegs, and finally, at the first assault, caused the surrender of
this holy dty of the Shias into their hands, with all its treasures,
monuments, and wealthy bazaars. When Abdulmumin's troops entered
the town, they found that the inhabitants of both sexes, and the numerous
holy and learned men, had all congregated in the outer court of the
shrine of Imaum Riza, in the hope that they might be protected there by
the sanctity of the spot ; but the Uzbegs, in their blind fury, cut down
and destroyed everything that came in their way ; even the supposed
•^Msdk it nppOMd by noden Penkot to luve been bimtelf a SooBite at hetn. He wm
dtar-cickNd cnoogli to petc«hre the denser thrcateaing all Iilam tnm thk echieao^ aad
WMbed to brine about a tettlement. He 11101010004 a tort of council at Bafdad, bat It came
to ao ftaalt, in conteqoeQce of the bittemett on both tidet. ( Vambeiy, Hiat. of Bukhaia, 487^
736 HI8T0RT OP THB MONCMMJ.
detcoidaiits of Imaum Rii%who were dinging to the hdy shrine ctihdt
ancestor, were there pitilessly massacred, ft is said that Abdnlmmnin
himself lodced on from the court of Mfar Ali Shir, whilst his soldiers were
nundering children and old men, common people and learned philoso*
l^iets indiscriminately, and that even the shrieks of a thousand Tictinii
and their dying groans were unavailmg to move his pity. Not only the
poblic streets but the holiest precincts of the mosque and the shrine itself
were deluged with Mood, and in the general sack of the town the grave
of the Alid suffered more than most parts, coetly offerings of pious
pilgrims, which had been accumuhiting thlbre for three centuries, fidlieg
into the handt of the conquerors. Amongst them were enormous
massive gold and silver candelabra, whole suits of armour in precious
metals, splendid single stones, buttons, studs, and other articles of
jewellery richly ornamented, and, most TahiaUe of all, the magnificent
library with its celebrated copies of the Koran, marvels of the art of
ealigraphy, the gifts of the former Sultans : all these were dragged away,
torn up, and comfdetely destroyed The vengeance of the Sunni
conquerors did not even spare the very dead, for die ashes of Tahmasp
were torn from their grave by the side of Imaom Rka^ and scattered to
the whids with curses and eiecrations* In order to gratiiy another
Sunni enemy of the Sefids by the report of this deed, Abdnlmumin
despatched his chamberlain Muhammed Kuli to Constantinofde to
Sultan Murad IIL with a letter, in which, after describing in Uie most
bombastic style his victories in Khorasan, he gives an account of
scattering the ashes of Tahma^ and goes on to say that, in order
completely to annihilate the godless set of Shia heretics, he should
soon march upon Irak, and solicits the assistance of the Sultan in thia
enterprise. This plan came to nothings for two reasons. In the first
place, the Ottomans not only declined to help their co-reDgiooists in the
extreme East, but did precisely the contrary, promising aseinance to the
Persians, as they began to be uneasy at Abdulk's victories, and to think
that his ftirther successes might prove inconvenient to themsdves. In
the second place^ Shah Abbas, who had been detained at Teheran by
Illness during the sack of Meshed, had now recovered, and was taking
the most energetic measures of defence. For the moment, however,
Abdulla was completely victorious, and had got possession of a great
part of Khorasan, inchiding the towns ci Herat, Meshed, Sirakh^ Merv,
Kbalf Jam, Fusheng, and Ghurian, all which he retained very nearly
tin his death.''*
In 15S6 the Kazaks, having heard that Abdulla and the main body of
his army were absent in Khorasan, invaded Mavera un Nehr under
Tevkd Khan and his brother Ishim, as I have describedf After
defeating the army of the Usbegs, Tevkel was ahurmed by the prepara*
* Vambtfy, Hitt. ol Bokhara, «66-a90. t Anttt 6j7,
ABDUUA KHAN U. 737
tioos made by Il)ddtiU% broUier of AbduUa^ whom he ha^
al Samarimwd, aad when the hitter marched against him^ and readied
the distria of Tashkead, he inihdrew once more to the steppes.*
The latter years of AbduUa's reign were disturbed hy the ambition and
reddessneu of his son Abdul Mumin. * I have described how the latter
was made governor of Balkh. It ^as half in ndns when he took
possession of it, but in six months it was in great part rebuilt The
beantiM domes covered with kashi or enamelled tiles^ the fine portal of
the pahure^ the basaar Babajanbaz, and the tomb of Ali, are all
attributed to him.t Abdulla had allowed him, as heir to the throne, to
assume the title of Khan, thefather being known as Ulugh Khan, or the
great Khan, and the son as Kuchuk Khan, or the little Khan. We aie
told he was of a ruthless and adventurous disposition, and scoured the
country round with his predatory bands. He apparently subdued a huge
part of Badakhshan, Akbar, the Emperor of India, having withdrawn any
attempts at ruling the country nortii of the Indian Caucasus.!
He was ambitious to control 'all the Uib^ possessions south of ^he
Oxus« and wished to turn Kul Baba Kukeltash, the governor of Herat
andafaithful retainer of AbduUa's, out of thatpost He had just defeated
Nur Muhammed Khanof Khuarezm (see next chapter), and now marched
against Kul Baba. Abdulla ordered him to lay aside all scruples,
and to resist thd prince as he would any foreign enemy.| This aroused
Abdul Mumin's hatred against his father, and while the latter was hunting
on the upper Oxus, in 1595, he was warned that his son was marching
against him irith hostile intentions. He accordingly hurried back to
Bukhara, and Abdid Mumin withdrew to his appanage ol Balkh;
after which some bloody encounters took place between the two princes.|
When news of these dissensions reached the Steppes of Kipchak, we
are told by Izkander Munshi that the Kasak Sultans, who had hitherto
feared the power of Abdulla, and lived peaceably, b^an dieir
aggressions again. Theh* great chief Tevkel advanced upon Tashkend.
Abdulla, dfsiMsing him, sent an insufficient army to oppose him, which
was defeated in a sanguinary struggle between Tashkend and Samarkand,
and a large number of chiefe were killed. The rest fled to Bukhara hi a
very broken condition. This defeat greatly distressed the Khan, yrho
had been weighed down by his son's ill-conduct; but he summoned his
people and advanced to Samariumd to meet the Kasaks ; his health, how-
ever, failed.f To add to his other misfortunes, Shah Abbas, in alliance
with the Usb^[s of Khuaresm, re-conquered Meshed, Merv, and
Herat** Thus home down by disaster, Abdulla, at the end of his career,
aa# die greater part of hb liie-woik undone. He died, according to
•^V«l.rfmol,op.dMLsMi t Vavbtiy. t«7. No»,i.
IYtMCstfuqfiadtlMWa3rTIUtter.U.S4*' I Vambeiy.ags.
^Vtl.gtfMtIteBiorKaiiflMi«.94>. •»Vimb«7.*9«.
3W
733 HISTORY OW TBI IfOHOOLS.
Vambery^ on the 6th of Febniaiy, 1597. Munshi tays he dUed, m tiie
8txty->eighdi year of his 1^ on the last day of X006, which would be in
1598. His tomb still remains at Kermineh, which was the chief town
of the appanage of his funily.
He was a bigoted Sunnii and with his Uib^ had caused terrible
devastation in Kborasan, and Munshi^ who is a panegyrist of his,
speaks also of his cruelty and yindictiveness, and reports a story of
him which ought perhq>s to be assigned to his son, that when th^
walls of Baikh were being constructed (which work was completed in mx
months), he seittd the shiggards and built their bodies into the waOs
with the bricks, and that some of their bones were still visible when
he wrote.
ABDUL MUMIN KHAN.
Abdulla was succeeded by his son Abdul Mumin, one of whose first
acts was to seize on the venerable Ku! Baba Kukeltash, universally
honoured for his many virtues, and who had been the governor of
Herat We are told he took hmn prisoner there, and dragged him
about on foot after him, heavily laden with chains. He then hastened
to Bukhara, where he was proclaimed Khan. Many did homage to
him from terror, and few from real regard. Having taken possession
of his father's treasures there and at Samarkand, he set off to visit
personally all the places where any of his father's old servants were
filling posts in the government ; to reward their services by death under
the hand of the executioner. This he did at Uratippa, Khojend, and
Tashkend, in which last place Kukeltash was put to death, with his
nearest relatives. He then went to Andijan and Akhsi to get hold of
Uzbeg, the son of his great uncle, Rustem Sultan, who had acted
as governor there for some time. Uzbeg resisted, but died a few days
after the beginning of the siege. As Abdul Mumin did not make any
mystery of his murderous intentions, a report soon sprdui that he would
never rest undl he had killed off all his Other's servants and friends.}
A conspiracy was foimed against him. Its object was tersely expressed
in an amUguous phrase by an old Kazak soldier, named Abulvasi bi,
<' Words are useless, we must havt deeds." Lots were cast for who
should do the deed. It was July, and Abdul Mumin, to avoid the heat,
travelled in the night As he was going through a narrow pass, between
Uratippa and Zamin, with his torchbearers, where there was only room
for two horsemen to ride "abreast, a shower of arrows met him and he
fell His head was immediately cut off. AD passed on so rapidly that
it was not discovered till daybreak, when some of the stragglers in the
• Sdnqrler's TttrkMtta. 0. 114. t StolMiiki, a. ; Vunberr, tf» dt., 196.
PIR MUHAinCED KHAN II. 739
rear of the trmy comuig up tumbled over the bodies of himself and a
companion, nHio had shared hlsfatetand recognised the headless body
of their chief by his clothes,* Abdul Mumin had reigned but six months.
No coins of his are apparently known.
PIR MUHAMM£D KHAN II.
On Abdol Mundn'^ death matters were left in terrible confusion. As
Mansld says, most of the royal princes of the Usbegs had perished in
AbdttUa's vaif ons wars, had been executed as rebels, or died in obscurity,
and there was no one among the surviTors fit to occupy the thronct
It was reported, says Vambery, that Abdulla's widow had brought
forward a second son, whom she had always kept in giris* clothes, and
that one party was disposed to recognise hhn as prince, others wished
to prodaim an infiuit son of Abdul Mumin% who was but two years old.
Another section of tiie Usbegs at Bukhara set up Pir Muhammed, the
son of Sulhnan Sultan, who was btother of Iskanderi and who was, there-
fore, AbduUa Khan's first cousin.} At Baikh, Abul Amfai, who was given
out to be the son of IbddnDa, the brother of Abdulla, was produced by
IbeiduUa's widow, who with the assistance of the Amirs, assumed au-
thority in his name. He seems to have acknowledged Pir Muhammed's
right to the Khutbeh, and to have put his name on the coins. At Herat
and in Khorasan Din Muhammed, the son of Abdufla's sister, and of a
bmous emigrant fimn Astrakhan, called Jahibeg) who will occupy *us
further presently, and who was also named Tilim Sultan, was nominated as
Khan. Din Muhammedi during Abdulla's reign, had ruled several towns
in Khorasan. On Abdulla's death, Abdul Mumin having put his lather
Janibeg in prison, he revolted, and planned the seizure of Herat That
town was then governed by Khaji Bi, a lieutenant of Abdul Mumin,
who refused to surrender. When the news arrived that Abdul
Mumin had been mnrdered, and that the Persians were determined to
reconquer Khorasm, and had invaded the country, Khaji Bi, and the
others with him, opened die gates of the town, and admitted Din
Muhammed, whom they proclaimed Khan there. Meanwhile Yar
Muhammed, styled Kari, or the Grey, on account of his great age^ who
was Din Mohammed's grandfather, having returned from a pilgrimage
to Meldca and Medina, Din Muhammed wished that the Khutbeh should
be said in the latt^s name, which was also to be stamped on the coins.
At Merv, Kasim Sultan, who is called a relative of AbduUa's, had set up
authotity. He was speedily put to death, and the government of the
town was assumed by Vali Muhammed, a younger brother of Din
Muhammed, in the name of Yar Muhammed. Fortune did not long
* Vaaibffsr, S9& ♦ H i rt o fttl i y. I Vtl^ZtnioOKhAmofKAdaof.acHif.345,346.
740 HISTORY or TBE MQNOOU.
favour Din Mohammed. The Persiansy who isfaded Khoratan, lader
Shah Abhasy in Jvly, 159S, defeated him near FnH Salary tn the
neif hbourliood of Herat^* and he escaped wounded to the Turko«
mans. In this campaign Abbas recooqnered Sebaetar and Meshed
and captured Heratf When the news of Abdnl Mmnin's death
reached the Kazalc Steppes, Tevkel Khan deemed it a good opportunity
to invade Mavera un Nehr. Matters were utterly confused, and there
was no one to make head against him. He speedily conquered Tufkestan,
Akhsi, Andijan, Tashkend and Samarkand, and marched with seventy
or eighty thousand men on Bukhara. Pir Muhammed and his Amirs,
Who had only fifteen thousand men with them, fortified the town, which
was duly beleagured by the Kazaks. For deven days the gairison made
repeated sorties. On the twelfdi they came out and gave the Kasaki
battle, completely rooting them as I have mentioned.} Tevkd retired
to his brother Ishim, at Samarkand. Meanwhile Pir Muhammed and
his adherents proceeded to recapture the various towns whidi had been
taken by the Kazaks. A general muster of the warriors of Mavera un
Nehr took place to aid him in expdling the hated robbers. They met
the enemy at Uzun Sakal, in Miankal After the banning of the fight,
Bald, the brother of Din Muhammed, arrived with the news of the
terrible disaster at Puli Salar, and reported how his brother had perished
in his fiightf It would seem that the latter having found his way, after
the battle, among the Karai Nomads, near Andkhoi, he was recognised
byhisroyal dress and slain.| Bald, who became a ftunoos person in later
days, and was apparently a brave warrior, now had several struggles with
the Kazaks, in one of which he captured Abdul vasi bi, one of the con
spirators against Abdul Mumin, who had joined the Kazaks, and who
had encouraged Tevkel to invade the country. After a month's unin^or-
tant skirmishing^ matters came to a crisis, and a sanguinary battle was
fought, in which Said Muhammed Sultan, a relative of Pir Muhammed's,
and Mohammed Baki Atalik were killed, and Tevkd himself was
wounded. He, thereupon, fell back on Tashkend, where he died Pir
Muhammed rewarded Bald Sultan with the government of the district of
Samarkand, and then returned to Bukhara. Soon after, through the
intercession of the Sheikh of Nakshbendief, peace was concluded with
theKazaks.if
Baki Sultan was received with great rejoicings by the people of
Samarkand, who went out to meet him, and cheerfully submitted to his
anthority. He seems not long afler this to have quarrelled with Pir
Mohammed, and to have had amlMtious views in regard to the throne.
His prindpal supporters were his uncles Rakhman Kuli and Abbas Kuli,
and his brother Tonun Muhammed Soltan. Ae presently rebelled,
ViL gtfMi; KhsM of KmImC tt. S49-SV. tVastofy.siS. lAMt^t^
^V«l.2«nol,U.sso. I Vaab«ir. 906. N«tt. t Vel Ztnof, U. 350^ 3Si-
PiK WnUJOiMD KHAN II. 741
invaded Miaakal^ and c^iCored the Ibrtieas d Jhbnut and kiUed ito
gofenior Mnhammed Sherif Sultaiii a rdathre of the Khan» Thelattcir
sow appealed for aid to hit deputy at Balkh, Abdul Aodik The two
dieieiipott went to Samarkand with 40^000 men, and besieged it, hot the
Khan was defeated and killed. Hitannydiqpened. Bald Mnhanuaed now
repaired to Bokhara where he seated himself on the throne.* Thus was
an end pot to the dynasty of the AbolkhairidSf which had reigned so long in
Mavera un Hehr. Before we continue this history it win be convenient to
survey with Vambery the condition of Mavera on Ndir daring the epoch
we have been describing. I shall abstract the following passage from his
work <m Bukhara. He say% '^Dnring the q^och of the Shdbanids (i>.,
the Abolkhairids) the process of separation of the east Islamite world
from western Islam was completed and Mohammedanism assumed the
character in which it is met with up to the present day between the
eastern frontier of Iran and China. There was naturally nothing like the
amount of culture existing under the Timurids to be found under the
Sheibankis. These rough warriors, who believed in the powers of their
Yada tashi (magic stone) to control the elements^ cure diseases^ and
insure victory in battle, were sincerely devoted to thefar rdigkm and to its
priests. In the time of the Mongolian occupatumi a few remarkable
moUahSi in* virtue of their spiritual powers, had been practically rulers
of the land, controlling by their veto the will of the most imperious
deqiots^ and this experience was repeated under the Sheibanids. The
teachers of godly wisdom not only eajoyed the complete devotion of the
people, but the princes vied with each other for their favour, and, whether
we ascribe it to superstition or to fear of popular opinion, it remains
equally a most remarkable manifestation, how the mightiest princes of
this dynasty invariably bore themselves towards the mdllahs, not only
with respect but with all the marks of the most abject humility. Two
of these moUahs were most especially honoured, and invested in their
lifetime with the odour of sanctity.
^ Makhdum Aazam, more usually called MevUna Khojhaki Kasani,
a pupil, under the Timurids, of the celebrated ascetic Khoja Ahrar, is
said to have distinguished himself by a most holy life, to have been
endued with miracnkHis power, and to have been treated by aQ Ae
princes of his time with a respect bordering on foar. He died at
Samarkand on the 2ist Miiharrem 949 (1542), and his tomb, a league of!
at Dehbid, is to this day a much frequented place of pilgrimage. Kasim
Sheikh Azizan, a pupil of Khudadad's, celebrated fike the former for
sanctity of life rather than for any profound lean||ngf was held in high
respect, as is best illustrated by the following anecdote .—Sheikh Aiisan
was living at Kermineh and heard that Abdulla Khan, then at war with
Juvanmerd AU of Samarkand, intended to pay him a visit The ■beikh
WW* m9ttttmf 9^ citn ii. 39^ S^S*
743 HISTORY or THS IfOKGOLS.
was friendly disposed to the prince, and went a litde way out of the town
to meet hint He soon saw a long train approaching headed by a man
walking bareheaded, with a cord round his neck, the other end of which
was hdd by a horseman. To his great astonishment he recognised in
this abject creature the mighty Abdulla, the ruler of so many countries.
He asked why he appeared thus in the garb of a penitent ; and Abdnlla
repliedf * I have imposed on myself as a penance to go in diis ftshion
from the Kham Rabat to the khankah (convent) of the Sheikh.' Sheikh
Azizan was deei^y afiected by this, himself placed the prince on horse-
back and put his mantle on him, and the two returned thus togethw to
Kermindi. Abdulla of course desired by this act of humility to implore
the help of the Sheikh in his enterprise against Samarkand ; he obtained
it and got possession of the jAact. Shefldi Asiian died about three years
afterwards, in 989 (1581).
'* Theological studies were alone pursued at this time with any ardour.
Amongst the most distinguished scholars were Mevlana Isam-eddin, the
son of Arabshah, who first lived at the court of Sultan Husein Mursa at
Herat^ and afterwards went to Bukhara ; he was much in favour with
UbdduDa Khan. This prince, notwithstanding his warlike propensities,
was not averse to poetry, and tried himsdf to make verses. Being
doubtful as to the right interpretation of an Arabic quatrain, he one day
asked Isam-eddin to explain it to him, and received from him in the
course of a few hours 656 different readings of each line of the quatrain
in question. This story is told by his panegyrist Seyid Rakim. He died
in 943 (1536), at Samarkand; his best known works are: Marginal
Annotations on Tefsir i Kazi, and on Jami's exegetical works. Mevlana
Sadik, a learned exegetical scholar of Samarkand, who made two
pilgrimages to Mekka and wrote valuable commentaries on theological
worics and glossaries of some abstruse poetical compositions. In his
later years he lived at Kabul at the court of Haldro Shah, where he died
in the year 1007 (1597}. Amongst other equally distinguished men we
may further mention MoUah Zia-eddin, a learned theologian who died
in 973 (1565) ; and Khoja Jdal Juibari, a pupil of Makhdnm Aazam's,
who was held in high honour both as an ascetic and as a learned
thec^ogian and exegetical teacher. Turkish had now become the popular
language, so that the poets from this time forward were all exclusively
Turks } the most distinguished of them seems to have been the Uzbeg
prince Muhammed Salih, whose father was deprived of the government
of Khuarezm by the Tunurids, and who entered whilst very young into
the service of Sheibani. He was the author of the ' Sheibani Nameh '
(Sheibaniade), a masterly epos which raises him even above Newai.
The other poets of this period were mostly mere rhymesters and con-
coctors of chronograms, but history has preserved the names of Amir Ali
Kiatib and MoUa Mirek, poets laureate to the first Sheibanids. Also
that of Midlah Mushfiki, who wrote chronograms on the various buildhigs
»ARI MUHAMMBD JCHiUI. 743
of AlHliilla, and alto a few soimetsi kis8id% i&d qMgnuni. He died In
094 (1585). Kati Payende of Zattb, a perfect master of langaafe^ M a
work especially detenrias of notice, a poem el eig^rteca strophcei in
praise of the Viner Kul Baba Knlcdtasli, in which there is not a sii^
dotted letter. This Is equtvalent to a poem written In a European
language without using the letters b^ldi,^jyk^a, p^sh^t, tch, er s.
Finally, Shirin Khoja, a poet of the tfane of Ubeldana and Khahr Hais,
a popular singer and muaiciaa at the court of Ahdnlla, who died in 981
(1573). The architectund monuments of the time of the Sheibanlds owe
their origin in addition to the public spirit of AbduUa lOian, diiefly to tiie
theological and Suffi tendencies of the spirit of the times. Numerous
mosques, convents, alleges, halls, and numsoleoms were buOt in memory
of deceased saints. Amongst them may be mmtloned, a mosque built at
. Samarkand by the Vhrfer Kukdtash in 934 (iS^)> to whidi Kuchkunji
Khan gave a pulpit of white marUe. The coflege of AbdnOa Khan,
which is in good preservation to this day, has a high portico, and over it
a text of the Koran inlaid in enamelled tilts with letters more than two
feet long, so that it can be read at an enormous distance. Abdul Axis
Khan restored the Mesjidi Mogak, formeriy a Farsi temple, and buih
the convent at the tomb of Khoja Bahaeddin, a short league from
Bukhara. Finally, Abnsaid built a college at Samarkand, and the
milfionaire Mir Arab another at Bukhara, whidi is to this day the most
richly-endowed school in all Central Asia."*
The period of the Abidkhairid domination in Mavera un Nehr was
contemporary with the domination of the £uDMms Sefid dynasty In Persia,
during whose rule Persia reached its culminating point of prosperity and
culture^ and with that of the great and fiunous Moghul emperor of Indit^
Akbar. We wUI now continue our story.
The jANros or Astrakhanids.
BAKI MUHAMMED KHAN.
With the accession of Baki Muhammed we make a fresh start in the
hiatory of Mavera un Nehr. He introduced another royal race there.
The diange was not so great as is generally supposed, for the new stock
seems to have acquired its rights to the throne through intennarriage
with the fiunlly of Abulkhair. We will make a short retrospect in order
to make the matter dearer. KuchukMuhammed,thefiunousKhanofthe
Golden Horde^ the Cither of the Khan Ahmed, had, besides the children I
liave mentkwed,t another son named duvak Sultan who was the &tlwr of
• Vaabify,»itotyofBa]dMf».i99i4Qi« *Aia$,$^
744 HISIORY OP THS MOHOOLS.
Miwgmhlil^ wliote son was Muhamiiied Suhaiii called Yar Muhammed
Sultaa by Abotfl^iaxiy wliote eon was Jaa or Jaaibeg Sattan.* This Jan
may be looked iqNm as tlie fiMmder of the new royal race of Mavera
on Nchr«
A ftw yean after die captareof Astrakhan by the Rttssians, Yar Mv-
hammed, who fike his ancestors had Inred there^ removed to Bukhara,
where he took shelter with Idomder Khan, who gave his dangjiter Zdira
Khanmn hi marriage to his son Jan Sultan. This settlement took place
apparently in 975 (^1567). Yar Muhammed^ en account of his advanced
i4(e» was called Kari(itf^ the GveyX I have described how in his old age^
iHien retnming from Mdda^ he was prockhnedat Herat by his grandson
Dfai. Muhammed, who had been intrusted by AbdnUa with Vissa and
Baveifdt His authority was Umited to Heritt and the district hi Khorasan
d q wnd c nt en it, and he was a mere tool in the hands of his grandson Dm
Muhammed, Yar Muhamnwd with his son Jan probabfy perished at or
after the terrible battle of Puh SaUr, in which the UdMgs were so badly
beaten by the Persians. I have described how Din Muhammed himself
€A into the lumds of the Karai Turkomans, by whom he was put to death.
His wife only escaped by the sdf-sacrifice of a brave servant named
Khaki YasauL He had placed her and her two sons, Imanm Kidi and
Nadir or Nasr Muhammed, in bags on either side of his saddle, and then
galloped away. A bnlkt struck Nadir Muhammed in the foot i^uch
lamed him for life.) Din Muhammed has been numbered among the
Khans of the Jani dynasty, but he only had authority over Herat and iu
neii^bourhood. On his death his brother^ Baki Muhammed and VaK
Muhammed, escaped to Mavera un Nehr, the former at length
succeeded in securing the throne of Bukhara, the Udiegs no doubt
looking kindly upon him because his mother was the sbter of their
great chief AbduBa. He was in reality the first Khan of Bukhara of
the new dynasty.
I have mentioned how on the death of Abdul Mumin, Balkh was
seised by the widow of Ibeidulla, the brother of AbduUa Khan, who put
her son Abdul Amin on the tLrone, and how he recognised the suze-
rainty of Pir Muhammed of Bukhara.} I have also mentioned how he
went to the succour of his suzerain egainst Baki. When the latter had
mounted the throne of Bukhara he marched towards Balkh. Meanwhile
his nephew Sultan Muhammed Ibrahim, the son of his brother Tursun
Muhammed Sultan, who had lived for some time at the court of Shah
Abbas of Persia, made an alliance with Abdul Amin, and marched
to his assistance with a Persian army, the two having agreed to
divide Mavera un Nehr between them. But the very day Ibrahim entered
Balkh, Abdul Amin was given up to him by his people, who did not
« Vel. ZwBof, i. Kole.Sj. t SrakoCrid, 32. I/«f.«33.
BAKI BfUHAlOfSD KHAN.
745
care for hin, and he put him to deadi, and sent his mother, the widow of
Ibeidulla, to Mekka.* Ibrahim's rdigious views were not those of his
snbjectSi for he belonged to the Persian sect of the RifidSi and lie seems
to have behaved in a ruthless fiuhion, and some months after his
accession men were found hanging in the principal streets and squares.
These clandestine murders were attributed to him-t Idamder Mun^
teOs us that he died of drunkenness. Thereupon the people of
Baikh seem to have set up a ptinct named Sultan Ubeidulla. Mean-
while Bald, who was besieging Ifissar, sent his brother Vali against
Balkh. Ubeidulla came out to meet him at the head of his soldiers, who
were defeated and dispersed, and he was not again heard o£ His chief
tributaries, the Sultan Yehanghir Muna, son of Seyid Muhammed Sultam
from Shabuighan, and Muhammed Selim Sultan, son of Pir Muhammed
Khan, from Andkhad, fled to Shah Abbas, and Baki entered BaOdi
in triumph, which was added to the dominions of Bukhara.| The
fugitives, it seems, tocdc widi them the femous diamond wbkh Abdul
Mumin had stcdeii from the mommient of the Imaum Risa, where it was
once more solemnly placed.|
In i6o3 Bald Mulummed marched against the Karai IHutoman^ in
Kundux, with the avowed object of revenging the murder of hb brother
Din Muhammed The Uibcgs attacked thto ancient enemies mer-
cilessly. Many of them shut themsdves up in the fort of Kundus. ''It
was not tni large portions of the walla had been undermined and Mown
into the air, together with hundreds of the garrison, that the foftrtas
could be taken by storm. None of the prisoners were tatei alive. The
power of the Karai tribe of the Turkomans was broken in this war; and
it has never re c o ve red itseH"! These Turkomans were the allies of
Shah Abbas, who marched hastily to punish the invaden. He captured
the towns of Shaburghaa and Andkhud, and wasted the country with
fat and sword as fiur as Biluk Akchi, devastating that part of lOiorasan
claimed by the Usbegs.f When the Persians neared the tomb of
Baber Abdul, near Balkh, their army was attacked hy an epidemic
While thus suffering it was assailed on both sides by the U^egs and
badly beaten, and Shah Abbas barely escaped with a few thousand
followers. Vambery remarks that the usually diplomatic Persian
dmmides confess to this defeat; stating that the extraordinary heat and
thirst so tried the Persian troops that it was difficult to resist the
Nomads, who broke in upon them from every side.** The same year
Bald Muhammed*^ nei^iew, Bedius Zenuu rd)el]ed and retired into
Karat^ghi, but his 47ong fortress Mesdia was captured, and he himself
was put to death. This rebellion was followed by that of Muhammed
Zeman, the governor of Badakhshan, whose father had had Bedhis
•v«i.g«Mi;u.sts.
t
i/A,S09.
S4* IVel.2<rBO^o^cit.,iLjfl«t.
SX
74i6 HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
Zeman executed, but that was also repressed At length, after a reign
of seven years, namely in 1605, Baki Mahammed fell ill No sooner was
this known than the Kazaks began to ravage the land. Everybody
turned to the saint Sheikh Alim Azizan " whose miraculous powers were
expected to restore the prince to health ** *< As the Sheikh pre-
scribed the fresh breezes of the Oxus, Baki Muhammed Khan was
carried in a litter on board ship, in which he floated for several days on
the river. The pious man had, however, failed in his diagnosis, for the
patient died soon after, towards the end of Redjeb, 1605.''* Frsehn
has published one of his coins struck in 1602-3 at Bukhara, on which he
styles himself Baki Muhaomied Behadur Khan.t
VALI MUHAMMED KHAN.
Vali Muhammed went from Balkh to visit his sick brother. When
the latter died, he mounted the throne, after defeating two of Baki's
sons near Termez4 We are told he gave himself up to drinking
and the most scandalous debauchery, and made himself detested by his
cruelty, injustice^ and exactions. He confided the government of Balkh
to a bey of the house of Fuladchi (Vambery says to his vizier, Shahbeg
Kukeltash), and also gave him charge of Imaum Kuli and Nadir, the
young sons of Din Muhammed. His cruelty was revolting. We are told
he made small embrasures in the walls, through which he had his victims
drawn by oxen. Others were put in cauldrons of boiling oil, or had their
skin scraped off with woollen cards.§ Dostum Argun, Shah Kuchuk, and
Haji Naiman, three viziers of Baki Muhammed, were among the victims
of the monster. U A powerftil party now rose against him, headed by
Imaum Kuli, who seized on Balkh. Kukdtash was put tc death with the
same torments he had inflicted on others, and Imaum Kali then marched
on Bukhara. His brother Nadir, with another body of troops, marched
there by a different route. Vali, who was hunting in the beautiful
neighbourhood of Karshi, knowing that he had few friends on
whom he could rely, fled to Persia,1[ where he was received by Shah
Abbas with great distinction. The latter went three days' journey to
Dauletabad to meet him. About 20,000 musketeers formed the lane
through which the refugee entered the city. The houses and shops in
the bazaar which he passed were adorned vrith costly carpets. Poets cele-
brated his entry inlcasids. Not long after the Shah sent him towards
the Oxus, escorted by 80,000 Persians. Imaum Kuli sought counsel from
the saindy Khoja Muhanuned Amin, a descendant of Makhdum Aazam.
Vambery graphically relates how little disomcerted the holy man was at
*• Vambny, sto. t Fmhn Rm., 441. Z ViohnT, sio.
«SMd»tti,96,37' | VambRy. 310. Not«. ^ ScnMild, S7i^
SEY1D IMAUM KULI BBHADUR KHAN. 747
the sixe of the opposing: force. ^ Hanging his bow and quiver on his
clerical robes, ht himself shot the first arrow, and, after he had thrown a
handful of dust against the enemy, which had the effect of enveloping
them in darkness, he gave the signal for the general assault ; a fierce
combat began, and the chronicler gravely describes how the darkness
defended the Uxbegs as it were with a wall, while it rendered the hoftile
camp, pitched beside the lake of Magbian, indefensible.'' As a hd the
Usbegs were successful in the battle, Vali Muldonmed fell alive into
Imaum Knli*s hands, and, after a reign of six years, was beheaded
by order of the enthusiastic Sheikh.^ Vah^s two sons, Rutem and
Muhammed Rahim, escaped to Persia, where theur descendants, Munshi
tells us, stin ruled when he wrote over Vh6 and Shiflan, whi^ the
Persian king had assigned to thenut Vali Muhammed'i death took place,
according to Vambery, in the beginning of 1020 (1.^., 161 1)4 Senkofski
and Vd Zemof date it in 1608.$
S£YII> IMAUM KULI BEHADUR KHAN.
The mother of Imaum was the daughter of the murza Abu Talib, the
last of the descendants of Ali, whence the rulers of Bukhara now b^an
to add the title Seyid to their names.|
The first act of Imaum Kuli's reign was to nominate his brother Nadir,
or Nazr, as he is otherwise called, as governor of Balkh.f
The ydung prince proved himself an admirable ruler. He is described
by his panegyrist, as just, disinterested, active, and pious, and both his
pobhc and private life were exemplary, he loved the society of literary
men and poets, and distributed in largess the presents he received from
his grandees and poq>le, while his personal habits and expenditure were
sinpit. He kept few horses in his stables, and when he went to war
his people, who were much attached to him, readily supplied him with the
necessary horses.^
On the side of Persia there was peace for many years, the strong arm
of Abbas restraining both [Jihtgs and Turkomans from making their
predatory raids.tt Imaum Kuli's hands were not, however, altogether idle,
for he was kept busy in watching his northern neighbours the Kazaks.
Yusuf Munshi tells us how in 1031 (£/., 1612), Imaum Kuli advanced
into Turkestan against the Kasaks and Kalmuks, and marched as far as
Asl^faara and Karatagh where he defeated these hordes, and forced them
to withdraw to the most sterile mountains, and left his only son Izkander
in charge of Tashkend, but the latter having committed some indiscre-
♦ Vmraptrr, 3". t SeokcfSki. 38. I Op. cit., 31a.
I Scakoftiri, 3B. Vel. Zemoit Coiai of Bakh4ra, 403. | Vel. Ztrnof, id., 403.
% Seakofsiri, 3B, ** /^. 38* 39' tt Vftmbery, 3ii.
74B HI8I0RV Of THE MONGOLS.
tkokSf there was a ttvdt against him, and he was killed. He therenpoii
inarched with all his troops against Tashkend and sununoned his brother
Nadir to join him from Balkh. The inhabitants prepared to resist him^
and he swore^ in hyperbolic language, not to stay the carnage till
the blood of the Tashkendians reached as high as his stirmpt* He
ordered a general assault* The town was cacptxxttd and given np to
pillage. After some hoars of slaughter, his officers who knew him well,
went to mtercede for the lives of the rest of the inhabitants. Wavering
between his oath and hb Undly feelings, he hesitated what to do, when
hb embarrassment was sohred by a fetva of the Imaums. These
interpreters of the law, who like others of their craft were great casuists,
dedared that the oath would be satisfied if he made his horse enter a
tank where the water was red with the victims of his vengeance, and that
his conscience would then be pmged since in fact the Uood of the
Tashkendians would reach his stirrups. The Khan gladly seised upon
the subterfiigeand ordered the sknghter to cease.* The Tarikhi Alim
ari Abbasi reports, on the contrary, that Imanm Kuli was beaten <m this
occasion,t but the story of Munshi is too circumstantial to be doubted,
and it would seem that the former author has confused the account with
one of a later campaign. The Kaxaks apparently succeeded during the
next f<^ years in gaining possession of Tashkend, and we find Imaum
Kuli negotiating in 1621 with the Kazak Khan Tursun for peace. It was
then, apparently, that he conceded Tashkend and its district to them4
The greater part of Imaum Kuli's reign, however, was free from such
disturbing elements, and the historian of the times fiUs it up with more
interesting anecdotes. Vambery has translated several of these which' I
win relate. He tells us, ^he often exdianged the robe of the prince for
the mantle of a dervish. He wandered about the dty, accompanied by
his raier, Nexr Divanbegi, and his fovourite Abduhrasi, so that he might
learn how things were going on. Of the learned men of the time he
chiefly associated with the MoUah Turabi and the Mollah NakhlL He on6e
rewarded a kasid composed by the latter with its wdght in gold. Several
successful poems of his own have been preserved.** The foUowii^
anecdote regarding his idventures when incognito is worth relating. ^The
young moOah of k toflkge was madly in love with a beautiful creature,
but he was poor, and the object of his affections required a decisive proof
of his passion in the form of a new dress for an approaching festival
The mollah's soirrow^^d melancholy knew no %o«nds, and in his
desperation he called to mind die Muhammedan principle, 'The
pioperty of the tinbelievers belongs te The believers.' He determined to
break into tift shop of ah Indian jeweller by night and so procure the
*ain
* Seakofjild, 99-41. t Vet. Zaraol, Khans of KwimoC, ii. 375*
t ^d^ 974* 975- It it possible that this Tvrsvn Khaa, whom wt previomljr notictd (aiUi, 6^9),
wa% tbs Tnrsvn Moiia oua«d, bfoihsr of BakI, already naoiod 7 (Amt$, 744.)
SBirm naox Ktiu jsraoub kham. 749
mm^ wlOth iM to ntgnalf nttded. Dukm/uiim. Tte mollah
mfft to the bMMir n^covpimied by tm tnMHMiKlhr torvantt and forced
hift.way in thxougk thftdtor, ioqpcdictly aecmtd on acoonnt of Ae much
viiiatodaocitBtjroffiopertar. He bad vogainod the strtet with n ouket
of jpweit in bk band, when the HindB^ nunhened by the noiie, raiaed an
alafiBi and canght the moUah by the ooUat Jait aa the watchman came
op widi a teicb in his hand. The moQah baatily knocked the torch out
of hia hagdt and therv concealed by the darimeaaieB rdaim ed,* Ah I ^^r
Diraebegi Uum hast made a foolish joke.' To this cane the answei>
<Yo«r M^estyv it was not me but Abdnlvasi KtiijL' As it was well
know» thai Imanm ^jdi wandsccd tooognito with fersons bearii^ these
name% te taorified witdimatt sup po s ing behadspifledsoiiiejestofbis
painca^anoffaafast ashecoukL What foUowed is easily told. The
i^juied Hindu iqn^ealed to the juatice of the pnno% and compkined of
nei^ of duty on the part of the watchmaP' The lattcfi when sum*
iQoned, soppoaed he waa going to be punished for too much seal The
whole affiur came to light. The moUah was called on to return the stolen
pfoperty, did 90, and on his appeanape before the Prince, was not only
p a rdo ned hia oftncc but withal racerwed a present**
In 1620 the Bussian Tsar, Michel Feodororitcb sent Ivan Khokhlof
on a mission to Imaum Kuli. He bad strict ordera how to conduct
himaolU If any dues or payments were demanded of him in order that
he diould be admitted, he was not to pay them, buttoretum,aQjd>f in-
vited to the Khan's table he was onlyto acd^ the invitation on condition
of no other-envoya being there^ or if any should be there that they shouUi
ait below him. He went to Samarkand, where he waa received by the
yi>«n On enterinflr the nfil afT . one of the offi^rialff wished to take the
Tver's letter from his hand, but he refused to give it up. On presenting
the Tmr's compliments, and notidog that the Khan did not rise at the
menticm of his name^ he observed that on such occasions it was usual for
an kings to rise. Imaum Kuli complied, excusing himself for not doing so
before on the ground that it was so long smce a Russian envoy had been
there that he had foigotten, and declaring that he meant no indvillty^t
At this time the throne of Delhi was occupied by the fomoos Emperor
YehiMBgbir, to whom Imaum Kidi sent envoys to announce hia own
accesakm- Yehanghir was much devoted to love making with his
charming spouae Nu^ihan (1^., light of the worldX and he condescended
to ask after the foir ones of Imanm Kuli, which is deemed n great breach
of Muhammedan good manners. The offended envoy replied that his
master waa fime from earthly passions, and did not concern himsdf with
the things of this world. Yehanghir replied, ^ When has thy prince seen
the world, that it has faisi^red him with so much disgust?* This speech,
wbOL Imported to Imanm Kuli, greatly displeased him, and Ydbanghir
-•▼aakifT.SXSiSM- t adwykr^ Ti i IwU m i, B. ays. NoUkS.
7$0 HISTORY OF THE MONOOU.
having presently sent a skilled pfaysidan as his envoy to finkhara,
bearing a rich tent broidered with gold and predoiis stones* the khan,
who disliked luxury, in the irst place kept the envoy waiting a long time
for an andience, telling his courtiers that if he received him and his
presents he snould put himself under an obligation to him, while if he
received him and declined the presents he should be guilty of incivility;
but| as the- vizier continued to press him to grant an audience, he at
length consented to do so on some informal occasion as on a hunt The
envoy accordin^y dressed his teat'with the other presents, and had it
placed so that Imaum Kuli must see it on his fetum* The Spartan Khan
barely deigned to look, and then turning to Rahim Pervaneji he said|^ake
them. All these have I given to thise." The astonished envoy still had
a present in reserve, however, and on getting an audience the following
day he sakd, '*Two remarkable swords have been left behind by Akbar
Shah. One my emperor has kept (or himself, the other he send^ diee,
his brother, as a token of friendship.^ The Uzbeg prince could not well
refuse this present When, however, he attempted to draw the sword
from its sheath, and found it somewhat difficult to do so, he remarked,
with a reference to Yehanghfr's former project of conquering Badakhshan,
wtdch was never carried into execution, ^ Your swords are too difficult
to draw.* " Only this one," answered the envoy, with ready wit, « because
it is a sword of peace ; were it a weapon of war it would leap readily from
its scabbard." History has preserved another witty remark of this am-
bassador, who afterwards gained the frtvour of Imaum KuH, and was by
him graciously dismissed. On one occasion the two poets, Nakhli (the
Palmy) and Vurabi (the Earthy), competed with one another in poetical
composition at the court of the prince of Bukhara. The prudent physician
was asked to wfuch he gave the preference. '' O prince," he answered,
^Ottt of the earth grows the palm.' In consequence of this decision, the last-
named poet was treated with greater distinction. Yehangbir's embassy
returned home in 1036 (1626). A year later he died, and was succeeded
by his son Shahjihan.* The latter collected a large army with the inten-
tion of invading Balkh and Badakhshan, and advanced as far as Kabul
Having been informed by his brother Nadir of what was going on, Imaum
raised a large force, and himself went to Balkh. His brother Nadir, ac-
companied by his ten sons and the principal people of the place, with a
vast crowd, went out to meet him. They all, including Nadir and his
sons, followed him on foot Imaum Kuli alone went on horseback, and
the road was carpeted with brocades, &c, which the people had spread
out When he reached the city he busied himself with preparing to
resist the invader. Meanwhile he sent the Dadkhah, Haji Mansur, as
his envoy to Kabul Shahjihan, who now realised what a difficult
venture he had entered upon, professed to the ambassador that he had no
SEYID NADIR MUHAIOCID BIHADUR KHAN. 751
waxlike intentioiu, and had oaly fooe to inspect fait provinoet.* fananm
Kali's friendly relations with Persia were chiefly seemed by his faiother
Nadir, who was on friendly terms with the Shias. He had one campaign
there^boweveri during the government of Shah Sefif when, weaie told, that
in consequence of numerous executions, disturbances bnkt out at Mem^
and this tempted the Uzbegs to make an attack. Imaum Kuli is said
to lunre sent fifteen thousand men from Bukhara, and Nadir twenty
thousand from Balkh, under the leadership of the hitter's son Abdul Aris,
but after a prolonged defence they were obliged to retire on the approach
of a laige Persian army.t Nadir in 1621 sent a present of fifty horses of
Turkestan to Shah Abbas, by his envoy Payende Murza.}
Imaum Kuli, after his visit to Balkh, returned to Buldiara, whers he
reigned in peace and prosperity for some years, when he was seized by
an attack of opihahnia, from which he speedily became blind. He
thereupon summoned his brother. They went together to the mosque to
hear the Friday prayer, and when the khatib, after reading the praises
of the Prophet, was about to proclaim the titles of the reigning sovereign
be ordered the name of his brother Nadir to be substituted for his own«
This was received with great consternation and trouble by his people,
but he insisted, and Nadir was duly proclaimed Khan.| This was in the
year 1050 (f>., 1640).! He then determined to repair to Mekka. On his
way he was received with great honour by Shah Abbas II. Fifteen
thousand horsemen accompanied him from Karshi to the capital, and the
Shah went out from Ispahan with his grandees to meet him, and the two
sovereigns rode together over silken tissues into the town. This was in
1052 (i>., 1642).^ Imaum Kuli died in his sbcty-second year, at Medina,
where a public garden and bath founded by him still remain.**
SEYID NADIR MUHAMMED BEHADUR KHAN.
The new Khan was a great contrast to his brother, and the austerity
of manners which had prevailed at Buldiara rapidly altered. Nadir was
master of immense treasures. According to Vambery, it required six
thousand strong camels to transport them, and he had eight thousand
hones in his stables, without counting brood mares. He also had
eig^ thousand sheep of the breed which produced the blue lambs (i>.,
the lambs for making Astrakhan skins of), and four hundred diests filled
with orange<oloured Frengish satin.
Having set out to try and conquer Izfendiar Khan of Khuarezm, a
revolt broke out in hi9 northern dominions, headed by BakiYaz(?). His
son Abdul Azis, who was sent against him, sided with the rebel, and was
prodaimed in his ftuher's stead. Nadir, who was at Karshi, and knowing
«8«BkofUd,4i,43. VM a W y,s«7' f Vmb«]r, 317. Nott.t. l/d,
S M lmfclri. 4a. iVambifv.sis* f M atol«» i. 5i». «*T«mbif7,S]f.
7S3 HISTORY or THE VONOOXJ.
hit son's tumstfiyf ttuitd to Biffch. Thcrs lie oonfenod uw appmme of
G«r on Khosni SahaAi Mdmenefa and Andhod on Kasim Snhan, Gnlab
on Bdnnm Sultan, Sala Guhaijni (the fiord orer the Oxni now known
as Khoja Sahi) on Snbhan Kuli, and Kanduz on Kittlan Sidtan.* Thb
hi 1647.
SEYID ABDUL AZIS KHAN.
After Nadir Mohammed retired be3rond the Oxus Abdul Ads was dtdy
pfodaimed at Bukhara. He dien wrote to his father a penitent letters
and asked that Kodak Saltan might go to him to recdve further
ei^lanationt* When the latter arrived he was persuaded to rebd. There-
upon his brother Subhan Kuli was sent to recall him to his duty, and
was promised, if successfbl, the title of Kali Khani (Is^ commander of
the forces). Kuthik shot himsdf up in Kunduz, whidi was speedily
captured, whereupon Subhan had him executed. Nadir was outraged by
this act, and said he had sent him to correct his brother, not to kill
him, and haying delayed the promised promotion, Siibhan Kuli also
rebelled. Nadb, under these trying circumstances, appealed to Shah-
jSum, the Emperor of Hindostan, f(»r assistance, who greedily setied the
opportunity. He sent his sons Aurengzib and Murad Bakhshi with a
large army towards Balkh. They traversed the defile leading from Kabul
to Balkh. Khosru Sultan, who resisted them, was captured and sent
prisoner to India. Meanwhile Nadir was made aware by a secret missive
firom some one in the invaders' army that their real purpose was not to
aid him but to seise Balkh. Having coUected his treasure, he escaped
in the night by a hde in the garden wall of his palace, and retired
toward Shaburgan and Andkhud« He was^ pursued, but having been
joined by his grandson Kasim Sultan from Meimeneh with some
hundreds of men, beat off the pursuers. Having repaired to Shah
Abbas II.,by whom he was locked upon as a more or less sacred person,
his inoUicr having been a descendant of the Imaum Risa,t he was in con-
sequence well received and treated with prinody hospitality. Meanwhfle
the Jagatai troops, as they are called (i>., the troops of the Great Moghttl),
continued their advance^ and placed governors in the various towns
south of the Ozus, while the Uzbegs retired beyond that river to Mavem
un Ndir. For two years they remained in possession of Balkh.
At length Abdul Azis prqfmred to drive them out, and when the
campaign of^ened it was a savage and severe one. During four moodis
there were continual fights, in which the troops of the Great Mo|^*
were great sufferers. The devastation caused such a famine that an
ass^ load of com cost one thousaud florins. This was aggravaied by a
terriUe winter, during which, in the inflated langiiage of MaasU, ''those
yuabmftm^ t SiilUhM, 44, 4J« Viaibtnr,«ai.ast.
81YID ABDUL AZIS KOAN. 7U
who went oot of their hovses were totta to detthi mi thoio who
xcnuuned in had to scoich themidves on the fivt to keep waim.'^
Thecenpoa Shah Jihan sent to invite Nailir to return, while he with-
drew his f(nrces sonthwaids, and moot ef them perished bom cold and
haoferontheway. The anthor of die TarikhilMdmKhani reports how
the nest year, when he went on a ntoion to India, he saw piles of hnman
bones on the higfaways.t Nadir ICnhanuaed, whose reign reminds one
of the latter part of that of Lo«i% the son of Charlemagne, now
retomed, but the feud with hb sons continued, and he at length deter-
mined to adopt a religious life and to withdraw fimn Balkh. We are told
he wished to be reconciled with his sons and to give them his Ueuing;
but Snbhan Knli refused to accept this paternal gift. He theRopon
set off for Mekka, but died en r^uU in 1061 (^., 1657). His body was
taken to Medina and buried beside that of Tmaiim Kuli.! When the
news reached Mavera un Nehr his sons pot on mnuming and
distributed gifts, while readers of the Koran recited the holy book day
and night for the repose of his soul, a £»rm of conventional r^;ret whidi
has not been unfipequent further west But almost directly after Abdul
Axis sent Kasim Sultan, the favourite son of Nadir, to occupy Balkh,
i^iich was governed by Subhan KulL The latter naturally resisted, and
the town was assailed for forty days and its environs devastated. He
then retired to Hissar for the winter. In the wgmg he went to Khulm
biluk, where a parley ensued. It was agreed he should become governor
of the town, and that Subhan Kuli should succeed him there^ but he was
shortly after assassinated. The author of the Tarikhi Mekim Khani
says none of the Astrakanids was braver, wiser, more generoos, and
courageous than he. He was a good poet and prose writer, and he left
behind a divan of one thousand couplets, in some of which he ^wiit^tfrd
Saib Ispahanll In 1665 Abulghari, the famous ruler of Khuarem^
invaded the dominions of Abdul Axis, and commenced a bloody strife,
which was continued by his son Anusha. Its details will occupy us in
the next chapter.
Vambery has graphically condensed the notice of the latter days of
Abdul Ads contained in the Tariki Mekim Khani, and I shall take the
liberty of appropriating his account He says :
^ In the meantime, however, Abdul Asii^ worn out with constant feuds
with his enemies and sick of the cases of government, owing to the
qyarrds with his brothers, determined to follow the example of his two
predecessors. He resolved to abdicate in favour of Subhan Kuli, to take
up the pilgrim staff and go to Mecca. When Subhan Knli was summoned
to come to Bukhara and assume the sovereignty, he sent the Atalik
Imaumkuli and the Pervaneji Tangriberdi to say that he would willingly
compily with the lequcst when Abdul Azik had himself left the capital.
3V
7$4 HISTCmY OF THK MONGOLS.
This message did not prodaoe a good impression on Abdul Axis, and the
men of Bukhara took advantage of it to dissuade thdr sovereign from
carrying out his intention of resigning. But Tangriberdi, vrho saw that
the interests of his master wttt in danger, went to Abdul Azis Khan and
spoke as follows : ' Lord, with thy permission I will relate a story of
which I am now reminded. When Sultan Ibrahhn from Balkh passed
throogh Nishapur on his way to Mekka, he visited Ferid-eddin Attar, the
wisest man of his times, and stayed with him to supper. But the highly
honoured was, as is well known, very poor. So when evening was come
he prayed to God, and O wonder ! a dish full of good food was suddenly
placed upon the table from which both his guest and himself ate and
were satisfied. The Sultan invited the holy man to return the visit on
the fdlowing day, when he also prayed, and in answer to his prayer
several dishes lull of dainty meats were served before them. Ferid-
eddin, marvelling at the diversity of the heavenly blessing, exclaimed :
^ O God, why have I obtained but erne dish, but the Sultan several ?**
Thereupon a voice answered, ''Ye are verily both my servants, but
Ibrahim hath given up for my way sceptre and throne, but thou only a
shop; as his merit is greater, so is also his reward.* And so too is it
with thee,' continued the crafty Tangriberdi ; * thy pilgrimage is really
worth all the trouble it will cost thee, for it has a thousand times more
merits than that of another.' Abdul Axis, moved to tears by this parable^
was confirmed in his previous resolution. He at once began to prepare
for his journey, for which he started in the year 1091 (1680), accompanied
by more than three thousand pilgrims, who had attached themselves to
his caravan. Like his predecessors, he enjoyed on his way through
Persia the hospitality <^ Iran. Shah Suliman, the son of Abbas XL,
treated him with royal honours. In Ispahan he was lodged in the
charming palace of Giil Sutun. As the fiestival of Noruz was at that
time being celebrated with all the festivities customary on that occasion
in Iran, the Uzbeg prince could take his farewell of the pomps and
glories of the world amid the delightful gardens of Ispahan, then in the
full bloom of spring, and amid all the magnificent splendour of the
Persian court Thence he took his way by Hamadan and B?.ghdad
through the desert, where he had the misfortune to be attacked by a
large band of Bedouin robbers. They demanded forty thousand ducats
as his ransom, threatening in case of refusal to proceed to extremities.
Not wishing to defile his hands with blood on his pious journey,
Abdul Aris promised them half the sum, but as the Arabs would
not abate their demands he at last became enraged. * Have I reigned
for forty years to be now dictated to by robbers?' he exclaimed,
* Up to battle ; if I fall it is in the service of God/ Fortunately the
struggle terminated in favour of the pilgrim prince. He reached in
safety the goal of his wishes, and died soon after in the seventy-fourth
year of his life. He was buried at Medina near his father and his uncle.
tmD SOBHAlf SUU KMAM. JSS
^ Abdul Azis WM A nutn of ranaikiblt miiwilmo, tsd isdMdit wA
to have been the stoutest man of his time. One of hb historians a;voirs
that a diild of foor years old coidd find room hi one of the legs of his
boots. A poet was daring enough to make his eorpolence the bott of
his wit Abdnl Azis heard of it, and sent far the sathis^ who ap pe as ed
before him trembling for his hfft The prince addressed him in the
following terms : * O Mollaht I am toid that thoa hast f o mpo ae d a poem
in ridicile of me s do not the like to others or then may^ see reason to
repent soch condnct' WMi diat he p rese n t ed him with tm thi^fffld
dinars and a robe of hoaonr. The poet replied, ' Lovd, better ha^st
thou had me hewn into ten thousand faeces than thus disgrace me by
tiiy magnanimity/ And indeed he left BnUMua and emigrated into
India, Abdul AsiSy who had proved so heartless in his conduct towards
his £sdiery displayed similar magnanimity on sefend other occasions.
He himself was by no means wanting hi cokure ; he wrote good verses,
and dmring his pilgrimage is said to have written some beautiful hymna
He is also said to have been lemaifcably lan^iar with the celebiated
worie *Bukhari.' Learned men had always free access to hhuy and
caligraphers he so greatly esteemed Uutt he supported for seven years
the celebrated caligrapher MoUah Haji, whom he employed to make a
single copy of * Hafis.' The artist only wrote a couplet a day, and when
on his journey Abdul Aris presented tills copy of ' Hafis' to Shah Sttliman,
the latter was mudi more ddighfed with tiiis one present than with all
the jewels and costiy stnffii given him by the ex-prince of Ttansoriania.
Darii^ in battle^ cahn in danger, Abdul Asia was often inaccessible for
days to the impressions of the outer wotkL This was attri buted by
many to his practice of continned meditation; for the princes of Bukhara,
who took part \xl bloody battles, and strove with then* fothers and
brothers for objects of woridly amUtion, were obliged, by way of
propitiating popular fovour, to spend hours In the society of holy men,
meditating on the greatness of God, and leilectfaig that all earthly
actirity is but mere trifling.'^
SEYID SUBHAN KULI KHAN.
SubhanKuU, on his brotiier'sdepattur^ became tiie ruler of Bukhara.
This was in the beginning of Muharem 1091 (^., 1680). Dhectly after
his accession he appohited his son Iskander, Kafthan of Baikh, but after
retaining the post for two years he was poisoned by his brother Biansur
Sultan. Subhan KuU thereupon nominated his third son Ibeidulla Sultan
to the post,t but Mansur contrived to have bin* assassinated also^ and
retained his hold on BaIkh for four months in spite of his fother. During
•Vambtr7,HiatolBtkfcvt,3«S-Sil. tStahoftti^y.
7|6 HmORY or TBB IIOMOOIJ.
Hm intftkfal he gave a gnad feast, for wfaidi we aie told in the Tariki
Mddm Khani his ministers levied contributions on the merdMUits and
artists tiiere^ so that a collection of ridi stnfis, of broidered tents, and
other woda of art ^as beantifisl as the worlc of the Oiinese or die
EnropeanSy'' was brought tofetiier.* After controOing Balldi for four
montfis a conspiracy was fonned against him, and he was mui dered while
going to visit his amt A fourth son of SubhanKuH, named Sadik Sultan,
was now proclaimed governor of Balkh. He was a ddiaudiee like his
bi9ther,whoee murderess he had flayed ahve and torn limb from hmb. This
caused an outbreak and great disorder in Balkh.t In the beginning of 1684
tiie^GreatMoghnF'Auiengsebsent oneof hisgruidees named Zeberdest
Khan with elephants and other presents to Bukhara. In his letter lie
redted to him his victories and eiqploitSi and sdidted his alliance u
a good Sumd against the hated Shias of Persia, whom he su^fiected of
inciting the Afghan tribes of the Sulimani mountains to their continual
restlessness. He wished to induce the Uiiiegs to invade Khorasan.t
At thie tune the Uzbegs of Khuarezm, under their chief Anusha,
cmitinned their perennial ravages, and had even plundered the envito&s
of Bukhara. SuUian Kidi, who found it difficult to resist them sin^
handed, summoned Sadik to his help from Balkh. The latter set out,
but learning m rmii how successful Anusha had been, that several of
^ Bttkharian amirs secmtly fimroured hhn, and that others had broken
out into rebellion at Hissar and Khojend, he thought it more prudent to
return home again and shut himself up in BalklL Subhan KuU there^
upon summoned to his aid Mahmud bi Atalik, whom he had appointed
governor of Badakshan. The latter having marched at the head of his
troops, defeated Aandiain a batde on the plains of Gijuvan, con^idled
him to abandon Samarkand and return home, and then subdued the
lebd amirs at Khcjendl
Subhan Kufi was determined to punish his son who had treated hhn
so badly, and Sadik, aware of this, prepared to resist He first killed
his two brothers Abdul Ghani and Abdul Kaiyum, and then sent an
envoy to negotiate an alliance with Anrengzd>. Thereupon in i68s
Subhan KuU marched against him. He advanced as for as Khan Abad,
whence he wrote an affectionate letter, bidding him go to him and
promising him pardon. He accordingly went, and was cordially recdved
by his fother, but when they entered the dty he ordered him to be seised
and to be chained in a dark and noisome prison. He put to death his
accom|dioes with terrible torments, and kept his son a prisoner for three
mondtt, when the young fratricide, whose hands were soiled with so
many crimes, died. This was appardiidy in 109S (U^ i686).t|
While the Khan had his hands full at Balkh, the Khuarczmians under
*Id, NottsX' t/il.«50.5i« Vambtfy. sse.
XVaabarT.SSa.935- ScakQCrid.51. %l4L,ii,s», | SaakoMd. Nola,S4*
snrm mmaut kuu kham 7^
Adr chief AnttthayinadtaiodMr nddon Mavcra un Nefar, aiid carried
dfiitracdoB to the vtsf gptts of die capital The Khan sent Mahtmid
JanAtafflcyOftetnbeof Ynz, againstthon who utterly deviated them.
The fidthM Mahnwri Atal& was lewavded with the government of
Bafich whidi was added to his tamer chaife of Badakhshan. Leaving
Jan Atalik In charge of Balkhy the latter now marched agdnst a very
stnhbom rebel irbo £ar seven yean had haiBssed the district of Hissar.
He IS called Kaim Alchin bey, by SenkottI, and Bayat Kva ^ chief
of the tr&e Bayat, by Vambery. This sturdy chief was besieged in the
strong fortress of Badakhshan^ called Naaman or Jebd.* The siege
lasted for several monllMB, adoring wfaicto;[m' are told, the r4>el com-
monicaSedNiHtii Yar bif^tlie governor of Ji^^miy who twice ritS^aged
I^mdtti aiM Kashim, part of the appanage of Mahmud bi, but at length,
after several assaults, the town was taken, the rebel perished fighting,
and hia head was sent to Bukhanut At this time a civil strife seems to
have been carried on between the Uxbeg tribes of Ming and Kipchak«
the former of which Mved in Melmeneh and Andkhud, and the latter
near Balkh4 Meanwhile Subhan KuK having gone on a {rilgrimage
to Meshed, Anusha Khan of Khnarean seised the opportunity and
made another savage raid towards Bukhara. This was his last venture,
however, for having been badly beaten, his people put him to death, and
raised his son Erenk Sultan to the throne.} Subhan KuU now sent an
army into Khorasan as he had promised the envoy of Auruogieb. This
was commanded by Mahmud Jan bL He ravaged the country and
carried off many women and children prisoners. The most important
place he captured was Bala Muighab^ but meanwhile Erenk Khan of
Khuarezm, continuing his fiuhei's policy, again crossed the borders.
Bukhara beii^ denuded of troopSy Subhan Kidi sent in haste to Badakh-
shan to die Atalik for assistance. After the Khan had defended himsdf
vigorously for ten days the Atalik arrived, and a terrible battle was fought
under the walls of Bukhara, in which the Khuatennians were defeated
and pursued to their borders. After die war several b^ rose in revtilt
against Subhan Kuli, but were rejnessed by the Atalik^ who took them to
Bukhara, and added another laurel to his others in obtaining their pardon,
except that of their leader.| Meanwhile the partisans of Subhan Kuli at
Urgenj created a revolution there in his favour, Erenk Khan was put to
death, and in 1687 a dqmtation went to the Khan of Bukhara with the
offer to have the money strode and the Khutbeh proclaimed in his
nam^ and asking him to appoint a governor. This he accordingly did,
and nominated Shahniax-IshikrAka to the postT During the rest of his
reign Khuarezm apparently remained subject to Bukhara.
Subhan Kuli also had diplomatic rdations with Ahmed II., Sultan
•SMaeofski.S4- Note,i5- tM,S4* I Varabtfy, isi* « Sm atxt ehtpter.
758 HitxQfty or tbk ucmoouu
of Tvakoff iHio leigned from 1691 to 1695, aad tho kitter sent him a
fpedal envoy named Mnstapha Chansh with pi^ca e nli of Arab hoftesi
jenelSy lich gannents, &c He abo sent him a letter which has been
pieterved in the Tarikhi Meldm Khani. It has been transkted at length
by Vambery. It was written in answer to a letter of congrataiado%
whose receipt is acknowledged in the inflated phrues dear to Eastern
writers. ^ He boasts of having held it an eminently godly occupation to
exterminate from*the fiice of the earth the Prankish unbelievers and the
miserable heretics, the Kixilbashis.'' He boasts of many victories ^ver
the Franks which we know were all imaginary^ since his reign was a
disastrous one for the Ottomans. He then goes on to teU his friend to
make a levy of his Uzbegs, and in unison with himsdf " to extirpate the
sinners against religion, and clear away thorns and diistles from the fiik
valleys of Irak.*^ There are some suspidous drcumstances about
this letter. Although professing to be sent by Ahmed II., h is dated in
1 102, and therdbre before his accession. It is not mentioned appar^tly
in the Turkish archtveSi and it is scarcely credible that Ahmed 1 1., whose
career was an unfortunate one^ should have boasted of victories over the
Franks, unless he tiansfened to himself the glories of the campaign
fouf^t in his predecessot's reign by Kuprih Mustapha Pasha, tiie Grand
Vider, against a coalition of Giristian princes.t
Besides envoys from Turkey, we are told others weut to him froip
Kerim, vdiich was a part of Cathay, where there lived Mussulmans and
heathens, and the fonner of whom had acknowledged the supremacy of
Bukhara, and had proclaimed Subhan Kuli in their mosques.) I do not
know where this country of Kerim was, but it was clearly not Krim, as
M. Vambery says. Senkofirin has discussed the question, and makes out
that Kerim was a name for North China,| whidi is not impossiblt.
Was it a part of Kashgar ? Envoys also went to him from Muhammed
Amin, the ruler of Kashgar, who reported that the Kirghises or Buruts
had occupied his country, that he had put himsdf under Subhan Kuli,
and had also had the Khutbeh said in the ktter^ name. The envoys
from Turkey, Kerim, and Kasl^ar were presented the same day.
In 1099 {i,e^ 1687) Mahmud Jan, the governor of Balkh, died, and
Mahmnd bi Ataiik, whose deputy the former seems to have been, and
who was entitled Umdetul devlet, or the supporter of the empire, took
the govtmment into his own hands. His rigorous justice and strong
hand were not grateful to the Usbegs, but they caused great prosperity
at Balldi, and grain became very cheap there. He was constantly
engaged, however, in small expeditions for repressing the turbulent, and
among others defeated and punished Yar bl, the governor of Juzgun, who
had appropriated the mines of Badakhshan ; but the amirs grew weary
*V«Bk«7, 333.336. fStakofrki. Nol8,38. 18MlnMd.57*
Op.cit. NotttsS.
SSraO SUBHAN KULI KHAN. 7S9
of his Caio-iace virtnesy and to tKuig lum into disrepute even orfnnised
ImumIs of robbers to plunder the enTiions of Balkb. Weary of his pesttknt
companions, he wrote to Subfaan Kali asking him to send his young grandr
son Meldrn, son of Iskander Sultan, to undertake the control of the place.
The Khan at first refosed, alleging that the prince was too yoong,but the
anurs grew more turbulent. Some of them seiied the dtadel, others drew
a certain Khoja Salih, whose mother was the daughter of Nadir Khan,
from a monastery of dervishes, and put him on the throne. They also
wrote to Subhan Kuli to complain of the Atalik. The Khan apparently
listened to them, and even denounced his conduct, and they accordingly
incited the tribes of Kuhistan, the mountainous part of Badakhshan, to
ravage Kunduz, which was part of the Atalik's appanage. Mahmud bi
thereupon, leaving BaOdi in charge of two of his friends, went to quiet
his own appanage. This retreat from his post seems to have disgusted
the Khan, who fancied he was in league with Salih Sultan. He therefore
cdlected an army of two hundred thousand men, crossed the Oxus, and
marched upon Balkh. Thereupon Salih, who was in great trepidation,
wrote to the Atalik to say he had not supplanted him wilfully at Balkh,
but had been forced into his present position by others, and begging him
to come to his succour. The Atalik, indignant at the Khan, who had so
mbinterpreted his actions, left Kunduz with seventy men, and in three
days managed to reach Balkh, escaping the cordon Subhan Kuli had
placed round it He entered the citadel and was received with great joy,
for the Khan had imprudently taken with him bands of ** Kazaks, Kara-
kalpaks, and other unknown tribes,'' whose main object was raping and
who in fact plundered the town. During the siege of the citadel the
Atalik displayed his great military capacity, and defeated the unwieldy
army of the besiegers in several sorties. His men were still more
encouraged to resist by the cruelties praaised by the Bukharians on
those whom they captured. At length Mahmud gave the besiegers a
decisive blow, he engaged the Turkomans, the Bedouins (Arabs) and
other nomads of those parts to make a night attack on Subhan Kuli's
camp and to carry off his horses and camels, which they effectually did.
The Khan being driven into a comer asked for peace, the terms of which
were that he was to abandon the siege and return home again. On his
departure the Atalik returned to Kunduz, where he exercised his former
seal and energy.* Salih Sultan, who was a mere dervish, could not keep
order at Balkh, and the Atalik once more appealed to the Khan by his
friends Shah niaz and Adil bi to send his grandson Mekim to the town,
which he promised to secure for him. The Khan insisted that he must
first displace Salih Sultan. This he did with little difficulty^and sent him
off with all honour to Hindostan.t
Mekhn thereupon repaired to Balkh with the title of Kalkhan, with
76o HmORY OF THB MONOOLS.
Adil bi as Atalik and Shah nias as divan b%L These two favountesy
fotgetting what they owed to Mahnuid bi| succeeded in the coarse of
twdve nionths in exdiiding him from the counsels of their master, and allied
themselves with his deadly enemies^ the family of Kozma beg. Having
complained to Mekim and only received an evasive answer, couched in
hyfoerbdic compUmentSy he marched on Balkh. Civil war was on the
point of breaking out when Shah niax died suddenly, and Adil lost his
influence. Peace was thus restored, and the old Atalik returned once
more to Badakhshan. Mekim Sultan's rule at Balkh was a difficult one^
and troubled by the continual turbulence and outbreaks of his feudal
soldiery.* In the midst of these disturbances the Persians of Khorasan
invaded the province, and advanced as fer as Meimeneh and Jijektet
Mahmud was once more summoned to the rescue. He scattered and
crushed the rebels, and was rewarded by Mekim with magpificent
presents, and returned home again to Kunduz loaded with laurels and
the blessings of the people of Balkh. He was a person of remarkable
courage, and did not scruple to enter a hostile town akme, where the
force of his charactrr seduced matters to order. On one occasion one
of the Khan's sons having been made prisoner by the tribe of Kunkurat,
which encamped at Termuz. Althouj^ these Uzb^^ were his deadly
enemies, he went and lived among them for a month, and did not retire
till he had released the young prince. He was not only a very skilful
soldier but loved the sode^ of men of letters, and could himself write a
beautiful hand. He was also a person of exemplary piety, and courted
the friendship of a fiunous theologian named Sufi Haji Ali.t
Subhan Kuli Khan died in the year 1114 (1./., 1702), at the age of
eighty, after reigning thirty-one years at Bukhara, beside the twenty-
three years during which he lived at Balkh^ which has been well st}ied
the Dauphm^ of Bukhara. Although personally brave, SuUian Kuli had
no military capacity. To a craffy and cunning temper he added a strong
devotion to Islam, and liked to discuss Mussuhnan casuistry with
dervishes and others, and was also fond of improvising poetry. He built
several palaces and mosques, and was the founder of one of the most
beautiful medresis or colleges at Bukhara. He composed a medical
work, of which Vambery obtained a copy at Herat It was apparently
the first book on medicine written in Turkish, and was founded chiefly
on Arabic translations of Galen, Hippocrates, and Avicenna, with a
quantity of lore on the use of incantations, talismans, &c.|
SEYID UBEIDULLA KHAN.
On the death of Subhan Kuli the grandees at Bukhara put his young
son Ubeidulla on the throne of Bukhara, apparently to the disgust of his
*/A»Ss,^. tM.,«4te!S. ;/4n^. f Vambvy, 317. KoC«,i.
gfaiidaoii Mddai, vIk> ImmI exptelcd to succeed, and who still ruled at
BaDdiy and it was oafy after an iaterad of five moiiAs tiiat he wrote to
condole whih Urn en lis Mba^ detth, as prescribed by Eastern
etK|iieiie» ne auuwaios wrote a seoonu Kueii in wsncn ne uoaiea
UbeidnOa as an eqnal msssnd of as his soserain. His envoya wen
consegoentfy detained tor six monAs at Bokhar%and they wsse only
allowed to letam tidien Ubeididhy ha?ing collected an amy, had
mardied against his nepihewi and had already readied Kaisy. Tlisra>
upon MeldBi deleiiuined to gain over the fiunous Atalik Mahmnd to go
to Us sopfort Ubeldulla did tut same, and the envoys of the two
prinoes reached Knndns on Uie same day. The Atahl^ who looked upon
Mekim in some measure as his foster son, tode his part, and went to
Balkh, where he was received with great rejoicings, and Ubeidulla, by
the advice of his officers, deemed it psadent to retire.* But he did net
dacken his animosity. In iri5(i>., i703)abody of maiaodershiqMred
by him made a raid i^on Khan ahad. The Atalik Mahmnd hi aMUPched
agahist them and pursoed thess, but his brother Abdolla unfortonately
M into the hands of fb» Kuidnnats, who killed hmi. M ahmod asked
permission to ponirii diis toibolent tribe^ whidi had §ot many yeacs
infested te borders of the Oxos. Having obtained Mddm^ pemdssloii,
he in tinee days reached the fort of Knbadiyan, occiqpied by the
Dnrmaas, dose allies of the Kniddvftts. They submitted and gave op
tlie fort, upon which, leaving a gairison there, he advanced against the
Kunknrats, who abandoned thdr homes and withdrew. They were
attacked and many of them killed among their own baggage, while others
escaped to the mountains. The Atalik secured their property, but he
reloMed their women and chfldren. The men he pursoed as far as TenU
Divan and Bendi Harem, and middng tlie fort of Kakai his headquarters,
he scoured the country in various 4Krecti<ms,and almost exterminated the
trfbe. On his letum to BaM, Mekfan presented all his companions with
ridi robes.
The same year Utkan hi, governor of Hissar, having rebdkd i^^ainst
die Khan of Buldiara, die Utter sent his Atalik Rahim hi and his divan
begi Maasum bi i^nst him. En fvmU they endeavoured to cfiect a
reooncSiation with liekim bi, and suggested a conforence on an idand
of the Oxus called Orta Erel, but Mddm distrusting them, argued
radMT that they should l)e attacked while besi^ing Hissar. Thisconnsd
was adopted, and Mahmud bi, in concert with Utkan hi, the rebd
governor of Hissar, inflicted a terrible defeat on them, so that kiw
succeeded in r^aining Bukhara.t After liis return Mahmud M ill at
Knnduz. Theopportunity wastoiiqpting^and wefindlMuidsofmaiandere
hnmedbitdy (idstorbing the districts of Ishifcmish and Tattmn, but tiie
old ddef was soon aroused from\|ls bed, and once more restored tran-
3^
762 HISTORY OF TRB MOmOU.
qvQIity. Utkan bi faavii^ been drawn away ironi Hfstar, UbeidoBa
momentarily occupied it, but ini 1 16 (f>., 1705-6) Mahmnd bi re-occupied
it and put Kush b^ there as governor on bdialf of Mddm Khan.*^
At this point we lose the guidance of the Tarildu Mekim Khanii
and for the next quarter of a century the history of Mavera un Ndir is
very obscure. The point which is chiefly in debate among students is
as to whether AbuUiuz Khan, against whom Nadir Shah of Persia
marched about 17591 ^"^^ ^ *>^c person as the Ubeidulla just named
or not M. VeL Zemof has discussed the questioi^ at some length.t
Senkoftki identifies the two names as those of the same rukri but the
weight of evidence seems to me to be strongly in favour of the other
view. I believe they were brothers.
The date of Ubeidulla's death is uncertain. IzzetuUay who calls him
Abdullai says he reigned fourteen years. Frazer, that he reigned
twdv^ but as Frsehn has published a coin of Abulfiiisy dated in 171 1,
this is not possible unless he mounted the throne earlier than Munshi
says.^ It is not improbable that Ubeidulla died about 1705. According
to the tradition reported by Vambery, he quarrelled with his Atalik
Rahim bi, and was consequently put to death violently.}
SEYID AfiULFAIZ MUHAMMED KHAN.
The title just given is the one we find on coins dated in 171 1, 1716
and 1718, given by Fraehn,| and on which he styles himself son of Subhan
Kuli Muhammed Behadur Khan. He was a mere puppet in the hands
of Rahim bi, and is described as having had the religious mildness and
character of a dervish. He lost Balkh and the Uzb^ country south of
the Oxus, except Andkhud, Meimeneh, and the country of the Ersari or
Lebal {ii^ river side Turkomans) which had been, as I have shown,
governed by Salih Khoja, and remained subject to the latter's son, Seyid
AbulHassan.f
We know little of the earlier part of hisreign. The Uzb^:8 apparently
continued to make thdr raids upon Khorasan, in one of which they
captured Nadir, who afterwards became so famous as Nadir 9hah« He
made his esa^ four years after.** About 1718 the Uzb^a^in invaded
Khorasani and in alliance withAzadulla,thechief of the Abdali Afghans,
ravaged the greater part of the province. An army of thirty thousand
vma sent againit them marched towards Herat, under Sefi Kuli Khan,
and defeated twelve thousand Uzbcgs, but it was in turn defeated by the
A4^ians.tt We do not again read of the Uzbegs until the reign of
Nadir Shah.
•X£,7i»7S* tCmMOfBBkhtniiiidKkiT».4<i9,ac. I Vtl. ^traoT, op. dt., 409.
SEVm ABULFAIZ HUBAUiaQD KHAlT. 763
While die latter was besieging Kandahar in 1736-S, he sent his son
Risa Knli by way of Badghiz, and Marcha or Mervichak to ponidi
AUmerdan Khan, the roler (^ Andkhud^ who it seems was in league with
theA^hans. He was deserted by the nomad tribes of the netghbomhood,
was defeated, and sent prisoner to Nadir. He then captured Akshi and
Shabuigan, and then advanced upon Balkh, which was governed
by Abttl Hassani as we have seen. The road to this fianoos dty
was barred says Vambery by several ditches, which could not, however,
prevint Rixa Kufi's powerful artillery train from approaching ; and after
a short bombardment the town capitulated. Nadir Shah rewarded his
eon with a present of twelve thousand ducats in gold, three hundred
dresses of honour^ and some high bred norses, with dieir saddles and
bridles decorated with gold and jewels. Riza Kuli now crossed the
Ozus and assailed Abdfaiz, who allied himself with Ilbars, the Khan of
Khiva, and although he succeeded in mastering the fort of Shdduk he
seems to have been defeated by the united forces.* Malcofan says he
won a signal victory over the Uzbegs. Both are agreed that he was
recalled by his father, who wrote to the Usbeg chiefs to tell them he had
withdrawn his son, and ordered him not to disturb '* countries which were
the inheritance of the race of Jingis Khan, and of high Turkoman
fiunilies.'^
On his return from India, Nadir Shah was met at Peshawur by a stately
embassy firom Abulfaiz bearing rich presents and a message thus couched :
'' I am the last of an ancient royal stock. I have not the power to join
issue with such a redoubtable monarch. I hold myself at his service. If
he win deign to pay me a visit I will treat him as an honoured guest."
Nadir Shah was much pleased and sent the envoys back widi another
missive in which he acknowledged his civility ; told him he intended to
punish Ilbars Khan, of Khuarezm. He said he coveted neither the state
nor the treasures of Abulfaiz, and after visiting Herat he intended to
accept his invitation to go to Bukhara by way of Balkh. With the letter
he sent some of the products of Hindostan as presents.! Abulfaiz in vain
tried to persuade his neighbour Ilbars to propitiate Nadir. He only got
some insults for his pains, and proceeded with his preparations for giving
the great conqueror a fitting reception. He laid in a large stock of
wheat, barley, and rice, and collected many sheep. Nadir arrived at
Hexat wilh three hundred elephants, a tent embroidered with pearls, and
the Csonous peacock throne of the Emperors of Delhi. Having stayed a
whilein Kuhistan, ea^ of Herat, whence he sent off some rich presents
to the Sultan aiid the Russian Empress, he then set out and was joined
at Badghiz by Ids son and heir, Riza Kuli Murza, with whom he went
on to Meimeneh, Fariab, and BalldLf He sent word to Abulfisdz of his
^ymkUftWhW' t Utlcoln, y. 70. ' 2 SclM&r'k AbM Kifia, S5i Stf*
764 mncmx or trb MORaoLSi
ftpfmach and traaqMrted one half hit aimyacroM the (hni| leaving Uie
other half with hit anillery and a flotilla of a dioitsand boats contamliig
provisions on the left bank.* He crossed the river htnsdf in a boat
artisticaHy carved and adorned with Mosaics (?tile8)|Whidi had been made
for him by the artifioers of Bukhara.t At Kerkhi, four stations fipom
BnUiaFa, Muhammed Rahini bi the Mangut, the £unoiis Atalik of
Abulfftiz, who it would seem was a partisan of Nadir, went to meet him
with presents and provisions, and had the honour of an andience. Thsn
also went the governors of Karshi and Hissar. Thence Nadir went on
to Chaijtti and Karakul, where Abul&is Khan with the Seyids Ulemas
and the other notables welcomed him and offered him some Anh
horses and other presenu of high value. This was on the lath of
Septeoibery 17404 Nadir made Abalfiiiz sit beside him. He gave him
a royal robe aul a crown (? a girdle), adorned with precious stonesi and
an Arab horse with a gilded saddle. In addressing htm; he styled him
Shah. The next day Abulfsus returned to Bukhara. He had some
beautiful dauf^tters. Nadir married one himself and gave a second one
to his nephew Adil Shah, the son of his brother Ibrahim.g Vambery
says^ he also exacted ^ cession of the Usbeg possessions, south of the
Oxusy and made the Khan promise to siq>ply him with a contingent of
Usbeg and Turkoman troops.| He conferred the title of Khan (1^.,
among the Persians of prince) <m Muhammed Rahim bi, together with
Uie command of six thousand troops of Turkestan, which^ doubtless,
formed the contingent just named, and with which that chief returned to
Khorasan, and afterwards took part in Nadir's campaign against
Daghestan. Nadir now withdrew to Charbekr. Thence at the instance of
Aboliaiz,he sent an embassy to recall Dbars Khan to his senses. I shall
describe in the next chapter the intercourse that ensued between Nadir
and the recalcitrant Khan, which ended in the submission and execution
of Ilbars. Retummg to Charjui, he sent l^ack the daughter of Abulfaii,
n^om he had married, to her fatheri and gave him authority in all
Turkestan (i>., the country beym^ the Oxus). He also left him some
cannons and returned to Meshed. Some time alter we read how Ibeid-
ulla Uibeg coming from Ferghana and Tashkend pillaged Samarkand
and Miankal, and advanced as far as the tomb of Shah Nakshbend, near
Bukhara. Abulfaiz accordingly sent to Nadir Shah to ask assistance.
The latter sent him twelve thousand men under Hassan Khan Beyath,
and Bdibud Khan JindauL At their approach he beat a hasty xetrea^
and they pursued him. Nadir Shah also authorised l^uhammedRahim
bi» who was still widi him, to go to Bukhara to assist his foimer
master. The huter had long had ambitious views about the Khanate to
which he returned with akcrity. Meanwhile, Nadir Shah was
*i4^m' tVamk6ty,94liS4t. X AMrf ««!«• !••. VMAb«ybS4S.
f AbAd Koria, let. |Op.ck.,Ma.
SSYID ABDtTL MUMIN MUHAIOiBD KHAM. 76$
sittted. Tliis was on the 23rd of Junei 1747. The news reached
Mohammed Rahhn at Charjui. He kept it secret and harried on to
Btikhar% and still begrimed with dost went to the palace and demanded
an mtenriew with Abulfaiz. He immediately had him seized and then
occupied the throne, andbeat the drums in token of sovereignty. He
also confiscated the treasore of the Khan. The latter, who ought to have
been a dervish, sought shdter among the Khojas of Juibar, bot his
vdatives there did not dare to oppose the usurper. Leaving Bukhara
by the gate Namazgah he retired to the monastery of Kalender Khanehi
and asked his late AtaUk to supply him with sufficient money to pay
for Ids journey to Mddca. Meanwhile, Hassan Khan and Behbod Khan
who had punued and killed IbeiduUa^ returned to Bukhara with his
head and unaware of Nadir Shah's death. Their approach induced
Mohammed Rahim to imprison his late sovereign in the Medresseh of
Mir Arab at Pai Menar. The Persians were indignant at his conduct,
but he replied that if he was only an ordinary Uibeg, what was Nadir
Shah, who had despoiled so many kings ? As they began to besiege
the town he made overtures to the Ghiljai Afghans, who to the number of
fifteen hundred were in the Persian camp. He told them how Nadir
had given their country of Kandahar to the Abdalis and promising to
reward them with land, wives, and pay. They accepted his offer, and
secretly entered the town at nis^t, under Abdul haiKhoja. The same night
Abulfaii was put to death* The following day the Persians made peace
with Muhammed Rahim, and abandoning their artillery^ tents, and
baggage, were rewarded in return with rich presents, and returned
home.*
SEYID ABDUL MUMIN MUHAMMED KHAN.
Abulfoiz was killed in 1747. Mu h a mm ed Rahfan, it seems, did not at
once mount the throne, but he put a puppet on it in the shq>e of AbdiU
Mumin, the son of the murdered Khan, who had married his daughter.
One day, we are told, the young prince presented himself to her carrying
ameloninahandkerchiefl ^ What have you there ?" she said« ''The
head at your fiuher,'' he replied, ** for he killed mine and has taken posses-
sion of the country.'' His wife having reported this to Rahim, the latter
said, ** The wolf's whelp will end by becoming a wol^^and a few days later,
having taken him on a pleasure excursion, some of his people took the
opportunity while he was looking into a well to push him in.t Malcolm
tdb the story difiecently, saying the young prince had shot in play at a
melon which he thought resembled Rahim beg^} while Izzetulla says that
some conspirators having determined to t)ut Rahim to death, he was
invited to a dinner by the prince, when one of the hater's attendants shot
* Abaal KwiB, I07«xi4. t/<l.,ii6. { Op. cit., ii a^. Nou.
766 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
at him, but the. ball lodged in his cap and he escaped. He thereupon
had the young prince drowned.*
UBEIDULLA KHAN III.
Muhammed Rahim now put another puppet on the throne, in the
person of Ubeidulla. A Greek named Nikdlai Grigorief, who had Uved
at Bukhara about ten years, and went to Russia about 1752, calif ||im a
son of Shah Timur Khan of the Aralsk people.t Negri and Meytndorf
call him a son of Abulfaiz4 We are told he was only sixteen ytirs okl»
and was feeble in mind Und body. He was reigning when GrigQiief left
Bukhara^ but was apparently soon displaced by Muhammed Rahintif who
then mounted the throne himself. It was during his feeble reign, namely,
in 1751-2, that the founder of the Durani empire in Afghanistan after
making peace with Shah Rukh Murza^ the ruler of Khorasan, sfiit Bcghi
Khan, one of his vizier^, with an army to subdue the XJzheg pofsessiont
south of the Oxus. After some unimportant struggles, he opnquered
Meimeneh, Andkhud, Akshi, Shabtugan, Serpul, Balkb| KhuhDi
Badakhshaui and Bamian. He organised these various diffticts, and
having appointed governors and left garrisons there, fytamed to
Kandahar, where he was given the title of Sedre AzeoLi
MUHAMMED RAHIM BEHADUR KHAN.
Muhammed Rahim, although not a descendant of Jiiigis Khan, and
only the bi or chief of the Mangut tribe, was not quite the usurper
generally supposed. As &r as the throne of Mavera ya Nelir, his claims
were probably as good as those of Baki Muhammejy the founder of the
Janid dynasty, for his wife was the daughter of the Khan AbulftuM
Rahim Khan confided the government of Miankal to Danial bi, who 1%
called his unde by Abdul Kerim and IzzetuUa, $tid his nephew by the
Russian traveller Yefiremof,? while he retained Buldiara, Samarkand,
Miankal as £ar as Karshi, Khatar, Kerki, Chaijui, and other towns. He
b also said to have lost Sher i Sebz, Hissar, aiMl Tashkend.** Hewason
terms of friendship with Shah Ahmed, ruler of the A%hans, and rewarded
the Ghiljais who had helped him to gain the throne with grants of land.
Danial bi seems to have chiefly administered his affairs. Having met
one day with a dervish who spoke lugubriously to him on the ^»hemeral
* Jouts. Aftiat. Soci ^li. 34i« 1 Vel. Z«rao(, op. cit., 41X.
I Senkobki, no and xjg. | FtnMr*t Higtory of the A^hant, 8t.
I Abdol Ktrim* iiS. SeakolM, uo and U9>
\ Abdol Kimimt iiS. Vel. Ztraof. MelangM Atialiqaei, lit 580.
** AMdI Kerim, xiS and U6. Thelaatof thaaotowoawataanndlyaBverhitatalL
SEYID ABULGHAZI KHAN. 7^
naturtt of life, he became melancholy, fell ill, and died He was buried
at Bukhara, in the street of the gate of Mezar. He had lived a life of
luxury recalling that of the Persians, and left no sons; only two daughters.*
One of his coins is published by M. VeL Zemof.t
SEYID ABULGHAZI KHAN.
On the death of Hahim Khan, Devlet bi, a Persian by origin who had
been his j^rime minister, summoned Rahim's uncle Danial bi, the son
of Khudayar bi^ to Bukhara ; the latter went, but he would not take the
title of Khan, contenting himself with that of Atalik, while he put Abul-
ghazi, who belonged to the Janid family, on the throne. Izietulla says
he was the Ion of Ibrahim, sultan, the son of Rejib Muhammed Khan,
who was axl enemy of Abulfaiz.^ Gregorief calls him a son of a cousin-
german of Abulfaiz; Vambery, the latter's grandson; while Yefremof says he
belonged to the family of the Khojas, and was a shepherd ; and Malcolm
that his father was called Abdul Rahim Chakbud, or '< Old Clothes,"
alluding to this habit of picking up old clothes, washing them and making
them up again in order to give them to the poor, or to use as garments
for himself.§ Abulghazi was a mere puppet, while Danial bi seems to
have been a dissolute and feeble person, the chief authority resting in
the hands of Devlet bi, the late vizier. During his rule the habit of
smoking kalian (or tobacco) in the Persian fashion spread over the
town and bazaars, a house of ill fame was opened at Kafir Rubat,
while the police Were powerless to repress these scandals. Danial bi's
eldest son Amir llaasum, familiarly styled Beggi Jan, and afterwards
entitled Shah Murftd, was much scandalised by this, and repaired to a
famous acetic, the Kheikh Scfer, to ask his advice. He remarked, How
can the son of a tyi'ant perform good works^ and obey the Sheikhs ? He
bade him if he wished to show his humility to go and exercise the office
of a porter for soiAe months. He accordingly repaired to the bazaars in
sordid clothes and did so. His father having reproved him he spoke
out bravely in reply, how in Bukhara " the asylum of science and the
faith," injustice and debauchery were being practised by his sons, while
Devlet Kushbegi, a mere slave, was made master of the country, and he
declared he meant to devote himself to a life of mendicity. After a
year ihus spent, Sheikh Sefer ac;pepted him as his disciple, and he
devoted all his time to the Ulemas. Determined to put aside Devlet bi
who dominated over his father, he summoned him to an interview to
make preparations for the rec^>tion of some envoys from Khokand. The
Kushbegi was met at the door of audience by the executioners who put an
*/£, 1x6-1x9. 1 Coifs.of Bokhara, 409. I Journ. Asiat. Soc., vii. 341.
f8ck«yl«r, op. dtn 1.381, 384. Vambef7,347- VtU 2«»of, ICol. Atiat, iii. 380. Maleolin.
U.S43* Note.
768 mSTORT OP THS MONGOLS.
eadtobim. His goods and wealth were confiscated.* Henextievenged
himsdf on the Kazfai who, while he still performed the duties of a porter
and carried sacks <tf charcoal, had dared in revenge for Murad bi's not
very civil treatment of him, and for his opposition to the smoking of
kalian, to suggest to his father that he should be deprived of his virility.
Shah Murad gave him twelve months* graoe^ in which, as he said, he
m^t abandon his evil practices, and cease smoking kalian ; then
f^tf^m ftnifig him to his house, although he pleaded he was an old man,
and asked to be foigiven if he had wronged him, and although
Danial bt also interceded for him, he was put to death.t Shah Murad's
biothen, whose lives were given up to rapacity and ill doing, now began,
says the chronider, to grow fearful for their fete like the toothers of Joseph.
Morad bi put to death several of their accomplices, and speedily enacted
good behaviour from themselves. The houses of iH fame were repressed,
and ^Bukhara again became the image of paradise.^t Danial bi, mean-
while^ did not interfere with his son Shah Murad. The latter's brother
called Sultan Murad bi was granted the appanage of Kermineh, while a
third one, Toktamish, ruled at Kai^ but having been rebellious, was
afterwards deposed.
Soon after this Danial bi foil iU, and summoned Shah Murad to his
couch. He made him promise not to exile or put to death his brothers,
nor to give his widows in marriage ; to treat with every consideration the
chief of the eunuchs Khoja Sadik; to assign decent sums to his brothers
and sisters, and to bury him near the tomb of Shah Nakshbend. Shah
Murad 8w<m by his head and his eyes, and an hour later Danill 1h died.
The latter is desrribed as a brave and unostentatious man. He lived on
lenna of friendsh^) with the rulers of Uigenj, Khokand, and Merv,| and
haa been numbeced by some among the sovereigns of Bukhara, but be
was aothii^ of tbekmd. He neither struck money nor was the Khuti)di
said In his name. He continued to his death, which apparently took
place in 1770^1 to fill the post of Atalik merely, and was no more a nder
than die mayors of iSUb palace in Merovingian times. Abulghaxi Khan
filled the post, although a mere puppet and rechis^ till long after the
Ataliies death.
Shah Murad succeeded his father as AtaHk. One author says he went
about Bukhara imploring forgiveness firom the people for Danial bi's ill-
doings, and ofifeiing his own life in ezpiatxm. We also read that he
refused to share in his fether's inheritance, and bade them take his share
to the public charities, so that those from whom it had been, extorted
might in part be recompensed.^ One man, a fenatical Mussulman,
refused to join in the prayers for Damal bl " He extorted money from
m^and I cannot make his act lawfiil by fergivhjig bun,* he said, and
« Scbtler, Abdul KeHln,u^ ^U^iMptty X/4.,i«S- iId*,U7»t^
I Id,, 135* Not«,2. 5 Malcolm, U. 144.
SiriD ABUL6HAZ1 KHAN. 769
•
alUioagh the siun was luge, Shah MoTftd^ enthusiasdc foll^
He was a fanatical Mussulman, and his accession to power was the signal
for increased tension in the religions atmosphere of the Khanate, where
asceticism prevailed widely. He^appointed his brother Sultan Mvrad as
governor of Kennindi, while his other brothers remained at Bukhara.
One of these^ Toktamish, who has already been named, conceived a
violent hatred for Shah Murad, and hired a slave to assassinate hhn.
The latter, named Feridun, stole into his chamber at nighty and stnidk
him with his sword as he lay asleep. The blow made a gash ftom his
mouth to his ear, but was not &taL Being thus suddenly awidmwd, he
seized the assassin by the beard The latter, terribly firiglitened, did not
finish his woik, and fled to Toktamishi iHio inquired how he had tetd.
He said he had killed Murad. When tiien was his bead. Herti^iedhe
had not had time to cut it oft Toktamish and his cwatmes waited abowt
until morning, when, suspecting that Murad had not in fiict been UOed,
he withdrew iurtivtiy, fimcying suspicion would not rest on him.t
When in the morning Shah Murad gave audience to the amirs he
appeared widi his head and &ce in bandages. Feridun was arrested and
executed, but Toktamish was only exiled, Shah Murad not wishing to braak
his promise to his lather. He afterwards went to Mekka4 Sometimeaflsr
Sultan Murad bi rebelled. He was defeated and removed as a prisoner
to Bukhara. Shah Murad, who had a very martial turn for a darvish,
was now determined to capture Merv, which was a stnmgfaold of the
hated Shiasi and governed by the femous tribe of the Kajam, irfiich
gave a dynasty to Persia. lu chie& were rekted to the Astiakhanids,
At this time it was ruled by Bairam Ali Khan, who had lor a
long time been a terror to the nomadic robbers of the disbictl
He had sent envoys with lettecs of condolence to Bukhara on heaiiog
of the death of Danial bi, and had caused the Koran to be read, and
water and provisions to be distributed at Merv, for the r^ose of his soul,
but this did not conciliate the Sunni spirit of Murad. He sent a
body of Turkomans from tiie Oxus and some Usb^^ to harry his boidecs.
Although at the head of a much inferior body, Bairam, ''like a wolf
among a flock of sheep," killed and captured those whom he attacked, and
became a terror to the Turiramans. Shah Murad thereupon determined
upon a ruse. He encanqped with six thousand Uzb^;s at Chaijui, a lact
which was duly r^orted to Bairam, but immediately after he left with
a fiew officers for Bukhara. This was also reported to him as a proof of
his timidity. Bairam was thus thrown off his guard. Shah Murad,
however, hastened back to Charjui^ whence he reached Merv by a forced
march and having planted four thousand horsemen in ambush he sent
one thousand more ahead to forage. The news of the raid reached
• /i., «09. t Scbeftr, Abdul Ktiia* XS9-191. 1 14^ 131.
|Vaaib«]r,)siil9t-
4A
770 HISTORY OF THE UOMOOLS.
Bairam at nudQight, and, notwithittanding the warning of his mother
who dedaiecT she had had an unpropitioos dream, and wished him to
wait till morning, he would not listen, but, patting himsdf at the head of
but one hundred and fifty e]q>ert horsemen, he set out to cut off the
invaders' retreat to Bukhara while the rest of the troops took another
way. As usual he had an immediate success, and among his prisoners
was Kara Khoja, relative of Shah Mtirad, who warned him of the ambush
the latter had planted, and of the fewness of his men. His ruthless
answer was to tell the Khoja he lied, and to cut off his head with his
sabce, ^ thus admitting him," the chronicler says, ^ among the martyrs."
He went on and was suddenly surrounded by overwhehning numbers, was
shot and decapitated, and his head taken to Bukhara, where it was
exposed for a week at the place where executions took place. His
men ^o asked for quarter were made prisoners. A poet wrote a
piece distich on the event ^'The head of Bairam Ali has become
the ear-ring of power.*^ The environs of Merv were laid waste. The
body <i Bairam Ali was sent back to his mother. This happened in
1785.1 Seven of his followers who had been carried off to Bukhara,
having become Sunnis at the request of Shah Murad, asked permission
to be allowed to return to Merv, which they promised they would
persuade Muhammed Kerim Khan to give up to him. They went and
addressed themselves accordingly to the notaUes of the town, but were
apparently treated as renegades and traitors, for they were cruelly
massacred.} Muhammed Kuli Khan, who had instigated their murder,
was afterwards exiled by Kerim Khan's brother, who succeeded him as
governor of Merv, but Shah Murad exacted further revenge. He levied
an army and again inarched on Merv. The river was crossed close to
the town by a fine weir made of stones, cemented with bitumen and
hydraulic cement, the work of Sultan Sanjar, which was guarded by a
fort. The governor of this fort had MLtn desperately in love with a
courtesan. Hussein Khan, the governor of Merv, having heard of her
attractions, sent a body of men who carried her off fordUy and treated
the governor of the fort with contumely. He accordingly, ''like a falcon
but half gorged," appealed to Shah Murad, offering to surrender the fort
to him.| The latter, who had been ravaging the environs of Merv and
had returned home, made a forced march of fotu: days with four thousand
men, and the citadel was duly surrendered to him. He thereupon trans-
ported its garrison to Bukhara, and ordered the weir to be cut« The
town was derived of water for irrigation, and the crops could not of
course grow, so that a famine was Impending. The A%han Timur Shan
now sent an army and provisions to the rescue. The commander of this
force was an Afghan called Leshkery Khan, whose son Khanjer Khan
•/4^XS3.134. t Id., t^i, i$2. Note. I/^|235>I9€.
i id., W, tsS.
SKYID ABULGHAZl RHAN. 771
fell in lore with a sister of the governor of Menr. The amofous
pair seem to have committed themsehres, and were surprised by
Hussein Khan under ambiguoiis drcumstanoes. He stm^ the young
prince a blow from which he died, and then ordered his sister to be also
put to death. Leshkery Khan was outraged by all this, and withdrew
with his forces and two thousand families from Merv to Herat Matters
were in a serioiks position in the former town, and Hussein deemed
it prudent to send envoys to Bukhara with a submissive message.
These were received with great satisfaction by Shah Murad, who
showered presents on them. Thereupon Hussein with some of his
principal .notables went in person to Bukhara, which they entered m
state, and he was assigned suitable quarters at the Cheharbagh. Soon
alter his brother Muhammed Kerim Khan, who had retired to Meshed,
also went to Bukhara. Hussein now sent messengers to summon his
family to go to him, while Shah Murad ordered a division of troops
to occupy the place and to transport some of the inhabitants of Merv
to his own capital The families of Bairam Ali, of Hussein Khan, and of
his brother Kerim were accordingly removed, as well as a large number
of the inhabitants* There only remained behind in' fact three thousand
Sunni and two thousand Shia families, while seventeen thousand others
were transported.* Merv has since rapidly decayed, and now nothing
remains of it but a few mounds, the camping place of the Turkomans
who have occupied the wasted site.
The Uzbeg possessions south of the Oxus had been ruled by the
Afghans since they were conquered by them in 1751-2, as I have
described. Shah Murad viewed this with impatience^ and when the
Afghan ruler Timur, the son of Shah Ahmed, in 1786 was embarrassed
by a campaign in Scmde, a revolt broke out at Balkh and Akhshi,
instigated by the Uzbeg chief.. He sent a force to their assistance, and
these towns drove out the governors that ruled them.t Timur
thereupon wrote a letter to Shah Murad, complaining of his constant
aggressions under the cloak of humility, of his attack <m Merv,
\rhich he had defended on the plea not recognised in the laws of
nations, that he wished to convert its Shia inhabitanU to the true faith,
and contrasting his jieal on this occasion with the impediments he threw
in the way of the Afghans, who wished to clear India of Hindoos, Jews,
Christians, and other unbeUevers, and with his wars against the people of
Shehr i Sebz, Khojend, and the Turkomans, who were Sunnis. Having
been appealed to by these peoples, he said he had determined to march to
Turkestan, and ordered Shah Musad to go and meet him to arrange
their differences. In the spring of 1789 he accordingly lefl Kabul with
an army reckoned by some at one hundred thousand men, and by others
at one hundred and fifty thousand4 He first went towards Kunduz, and
— I — ^
*/A,X4a. • t Ferrier, op. cit, 100. ; Elphinatone, H. 308. Schdi^r.aa.
772 HXSIOltT OF THB ICONOOLS.
then to AkhshL Meanwhile Shah Mnrad summoned his people end
crossed the Oxns at KUit His anny« according to Abdul Kerim,
numbered about thirty thousand men. He despatched his brother Omar
Kuahb^ with a li^ armed force towards Akhshi, and another officer
was ordered to molest the communications of the A^hans. But he
speedily saw that his force was too weak to resist them, and at
once adopted a policy of humility. He professed to give Timur the
credit of the yictory, and a battle was avoided by the intervention of the
tnollahsi who did not care to see two orthodox sovereigns destroying one
another while the Persian Shias looked on. Shah Murad sent his son to
the A^han camp, and there was peace between the two countries till
Timur's death.* Murad had appointed his brothers Omar bi and
FazQ hi governors of Merv, where, incited by the Turkomans, they soon
rebelled, but as they leaned on the truculent nomads the citizens
bdeagured them in the dtadd, and compelled them to sue for terms, and
tiiey were allowed to retire to Shehr i Sebz. Three hundred of their
foDowers, who had been locked up as a precautionary measure, seem to
have been placed in a kind of Black Hole of Calcutta, for on the doors
being opened only one was found alive. The citizens again submitted
to Shah Murad, who forgave the action last mentioned as one which was
necesntated by the place being in revoltt
In 1796 the famous Turkoman chief Aga Muhammed, who was a
eunuch and the real founder of the dynasty of the Kajars, captured Meshed
from Shah Rukh the Blind, the grandson of Nadir. Shah Rukh^s eldest
son Nadir went to Kabul, and sent his brothers Imanm Kuli Murza and
Haidar Murza and some other chiefs to Bukhara with a letter, reminding
Shah Murad how through his marriage with a daughter of AbuUaiz he
was related to him, reminding him also of their common Sunni faith, and
of the obHgations that Rahim Khan had been under to Nadir. They
ended up^by asking him for a contingent of troops with which to recover
Meshed, and promising that the Khutbeh there should be read in his
name.t The princes were lodged in a palace in the Pai Menar, and
treated with courtesy, but they waited in vain for twelve months in hope
of getting some help, and at last obtained permission to return to Herat ;
but meanwhile Shah Murad had commissioned Muhammed Amin
Topchi with five thousand men to waylay them on their way and to
drown them in the Oxus. He caused them to be ferried over the river
in a rotten boat by two old men, who had received due orders. When
the boat was halfway over it was accordingly EUed with water. The
yodng princes succeeded, however, in reaching daijuL
When Shah Murad heard of this, not to be baffled of his prey, he
summoned Tureh Kazak, the grandson of Ilbars Khan of Khiva, who had
• BIphSaitOM, tf. Schtte,^ t Schtlir, 143. 144*
I //., 145-Ml.
S£YU> ABUtOHA2I KHAN. 773
been killed by Nadir.* He remiiided him that he had his graadfiither't
blood to avenge, and that he might now do it on Na^s gnmdaoas.
He also promised to give him a part of their property. The Kazak went
to Charjui, where he put up at the house of Baita Koli Bek, governor of
the town. There the princes were summoned to a feast They speedily
learnt what their fate was to be. In vain they pleaded that they were
Sunnisy and moreover guests. Their prayers for mercy were not listened to,
but the Kazak proceeded to decapitate them.t There seems no adequate
motive for this brutal crime on the part of Shah Mnrad, and we are told
the people and the Ulemas of Bukhara were disgusted with it, and com-
pared it to the murder of Siavash^ the son of Kaikaus, who^ having gone
to Turkestan in all confidence, was put to. death there by Afrasiab.^ The
assigned reason was that the/ were accused of being addicted to wine and
other debauchery.{ Perhaps it was done in some way to conciliate Aga
Muhammed. The intercourse between the latter and Bukhara is differ*
ently tokl by two Persian writers. One of Aga Muhammed's letters, as
reported in the Rauzat es Sefa, is thus translated by Vambery. ... ''It
is unnecessary to recapitulate the history of the Sefids and of the contem*
poraries of Muhammed Sheibani Khan down to Afshar Nadir Shah. I
well know, and it is sufliciendy well known to thee also, that Balkh, Menr,
Zemindaver, Seistan, Kandahar, and Kabul were from the earliest timei
integral portions of the Iranian empire. Well, then, how has it occurred
to thee to conquer Balkh and Merv, and in the last-named place to slay
Bairam Ali Khan, the kinsman oi his illustrious house? Dost thou
perchance wish to renew the old wars between Iran and Turan? For
such a usk thou art verily not sufficient To play with the tail of the
Hon, to tickle the tiger in the ear, is not the part of a prudent man* Yet
all men are descended from Adam and Eve, and if thou art proud of thy
relationship to Turanian princes, know that my descent is also the same.
The* orighi and the derivation of Kajar Noyan is not only nobler and
more distinguished than that of the £unily of Mangut and Kungrat,
but even surpasses in glory the renowned houses of Sulduz and Jelair.
We all of us owe thanks to God the Almighty that he hath given the
dominion over Turan and Iran, over Rum, Ros, China, and India to the
exalted family of Turk. Let each be content with the position which
hath fallen to him> and not stretch out his hand over the frontier of his
own kingdom. I also will dwell in peace within the ancient boundaries
of Iran, and none of us will pass over the Oxus.^
Another account, which was followed by Malcolm, makes the letter^
written not to Shah Murad but to Abulghazi, proving that the latter was still
living. In it the writer says he had heard of the usurpation of Daaial bi's son,
and how in consequence true bdievers, who were made prisoaeif in Persia,
• 8m otst dMptar. t Schafsr, 149, t j». I/4.»iso. iU^tS^,
|VMii»er7,S54>SS5*
774 Hifiofty or ths momools.
woe told §ke cattk in the nuaHut-pbuce of BuUuDa. He cifled uptm
Abwlffiaia to at once lestoie aD cartes, and to beware bow he b e ha te d
in firtme. The Denrish Khan wrote to hit Ennodi bcother in equaDy
peremptory phiatet. ** 1 hare heard," be tayt in a dxcolar letter whidi
he addreited to the cfaie£i of Khorasan, ''that Adrta Khan* it come
among yon : tetxe him if you can : if not inform me and I shall proceed
to your qoaxter to ponith him.*t The two chiefs, however, never met, for
Aga Mohammed wat now tummoned weshvards.
The letter above quoted contains the last notice I can find of
Abolgbazi, who continued to be a mere nominal ruler, his £aunily being
kept in sednsion and supported from the produce of the Royal estates.}
Coins struck by him are known as late as 1200 hcj. (/>., I785-6).S Until
his death it is probable the Khutbeh was said in his name, and Shah
Morad apparently contented himself with the style of Naib and the
honourable appellation Vali-n-niam, and never took the tide of Khan.!
No coins with Shah Mtnrad's name on them are known, nor do we
know the year when Abulghazi died. It is singular that certain coins
struck in 1791-2 and 1793-4, at Bukhara, have the name of Murad's dead
father Danial bi upon them.ir IzzetuUa says that Murad applied for
a sened to the Sultan of Rum, probably as the successor of the Khalif,
who nominated him his viceroy, and gave hm the title of Vali Niamat
with the style of Kurshi Bashi.**
In the latter part of his life he lived on bad terms with his son, the
Amir Haidar Tura, who was governor of Karshi. He died in rejeb 1214
(i./., 1799), at the age of sixty-three. tt
Shah Murad was one of the most remarkable characters in Asiatic
history, and was the hero of msmy stories. When he held an open durbar
with the doctors of the law, &c., the party sat on goatskins, which were
ranged round the room, and ,the Shah took any seat, to show he did not
esteem himsdf above his fellows. He performed the most menial offices.
Hit kitchen establishment consisted of a wooden bowl, an iron cauldron,
and tome earthen pott. He made his own market, cooked his own /^/
au/iu, and when he had guests, went round himself to pour water* on
their hands, and ate from the same bowl with then). He had a donkey
of no price which he would ride without saddle through the streets of
Bukhara.}} Among oth^r stories of him, we are to]d he wa9 one day
riding on his att through the bazaar, followed by a cortege of Uxb^
Afghan, and Kizilbath nobles, when he stopped at a coppersmith's shop,
and thus addressed him: '^Saiaam Alekuni," "Akkum Salaam."
** Your health is good.** By your condescension and favour I am concem«i
* llftltftai M/t My Lord Euanch it a vtry delicatt tnuislatioa of thit phtait.
t llatoAtn, ii. 291, 191. I Id,, 950.
I Frshn ltia.i 44S* Vtl. Ztnai, Conm of Bokhara, fte., 413.
I QriitrtaC citai by 8ehaylis» •». cit., i. 385. % Vol. Zoraaf, Catoa of Bakhafa. ftc.. 4t>
•• Joata. Asiat Soc., vU. ^. tt Schtfir, 130, 131. U CoaoHy, L 139.
SEYID ABULGHAZI KHAN. 775
to see you, bom a genUemany toiling in an occupation that is ben o th
you, rather abandon this profession and conte and live in the town as
befits a man of your birth : fear not to write to your friends all diat goes
on here : God be thanked, our actions are not such as we are ashamed
should be known, but what you d0 write, write truly^ and send- it openly
and worthily.'^ The explanation of this was, that the suf^osed copper-
smith was really an A%han spy, and Shah Murad. thus obtained credit
both for mildness and for knowing all that was going on.* He used to
style himsdf the fekir, though he alk>wed himself to be addressed by the
title Huzsumt i Vah Naiami (His Excellency the Lord of Beneficence).
One day he came into the court with the lower part of his upper garment
loppedi and explained that he had cut it off to make stockings for a poor
man» He was very methodical in his punishments, and, although he
sekiom forgave an offence against his sovereign power, he generally
managed to bring it within the Muhammedan code. This was made
tolerably elastic, however, to suit his friends. Thus, a man taken as a slave
to Bukhara and professing himself a Sunni had to prove himself so by
four witnesses, whom he was hardly likely to find among strangers. As
some of the more scrupulous Bukharians were averse to buying orthodox
slaves, the Turkomans were in the habit of pricking their tongues till
they could not articulate, or beating them so unmercifully that they were
willing to deny thdr faith as the lesser of two evils, and to be sold as
infidds.t
He carried out on the throne the rigid and austere virtues of a
religious recluse. He replaced the magnificent court of Bukhara by one
of a very sordid nature. He himself drew from the Imperial treasury but
a tenga, f./., ^"W pence (being the fee allowed to the poorest student), a
day each, for himself his cook, his servant, and his tutor ; and his wife,
ho was of Royal blood, only took three tengas. ^ Learn, lady," he
used to say, " to be content with Uttle that thy God may be content with
thee.** His joy at the birth of a son so overcame his penuriousness
that he actually allotted five gold pieces daily for the subsistence of the
mother and child, and a similar amount was allotted for two other sons
directly they were bom. While his family lived in comparative affluence
he himself occupied a small unfurnished room, where persons of all classes
were admitted at all hours. He was generally clad in a coarse garment,
like that of a mendicant, which was seldom changed, but when he went
to see his £unily he threw over it a skin of a deer. He sat reguUrly as
president of his court of justice, and was assisted by forty moUahs. All
who had any complaints could come there, but the prosecutor might not
speak unless the accused was present No one could refose a summons
to attend, and even a slave might cite his master there. Shah Mund
listened carefuUy to both sides. If it was not a criminal offence he gene-
• hL, x«o. i6i. t Id,^ iSi-rtf.
776 HinORY OF TBS ICONOOU.
r^^Y •^^•^ •« a«ir>{i»a^i^ ffttkmffit. If this TTSS uDDCictlcable. he toolc
notes of the evidence^ which were given with his opinion to the moUahs,
who were directed to ptepere a ktn, or decision according to holy law.
After this proceeding tlie parties had a week's recite to arrange the
matter when senteooe was passed, which was irrevocable. Criminal justice
was administered according to the Koran. Robbers were pmiiihed with
death, thieves with the loss of their ris^ hands; dronkards were poblidy
irtiipped, and the smoldng of tobacco was forbidden under severe penalties.
The police officers were coblittaally employed driving the inhabitants to
the mosques to hear the prescribed prayers. They carried small bo^
by whidi they*could catechise liiom they met and see if they were
ignorant of the prayers, when they might punish them with the whips thify
carried, which were also used to awaken the devoti<m of the negligent*
Anyone who wished to improve himself could enter the coU^^es, and
received daily sustenance, and we are told the number of students at one
time was thirty thousand.* Shah Murad abolished all duties ezcq^
upon foreign goods. No monopohes were aUowed, and revenue was ctdy
collected fnm the Crown lands. "But the Jixiat or ^regulated tax upon
infidels' was r^gubuly exacted, and the Zukator 'established charity'
was levied upon all believers, even upon the soldiers who had been
exempted formerly. This, with one-fifth of the captured booty, went
into the State excheqoer.t His rigid conduct and asceticism made him
an ol^ect of superstitious veneration on the part of the Uzb^^ and
enabled him to grasp in his strong hand the hitherto dishevelled reins
of power among that sturdy race. As Malcolm says, '' they were easily
persuaded that a leader who contemned the worldly pleasures which they
prized, and who preferred the patched mantle and crooked staff of a
mendicant priest to a Royal robe and sceptre, must act under the
immediate direction of the Divine beiog.'^t
His army is said to have numbered sbcty thousand, but he was seldom
attended by more than half that number. In his barantas or plundering
raids into Khorasan he left his heavy baggage with a part of the army
several marches in rear, while the advance, consisting entirely of cavalry,
spread over the country. Every man took seven days' provisions with
him for himself and his horse, and they woitld pounce suddenly on forts
or walled villages, or carry off all travellers, and those working in the
fields who if not ransomed were reduced to slavery. They usually
exacted black-mail from places they did not take, for as their invasions
took place before harvest, a refusal involved the destruction of all the
crops around. A fifth part oi the plunder went to the exchequer. Shah
Murad always led his men. He generally went in front c^ the army,
dresied 1^ a mendicant and mounted on a small pony. He exacted
stiid obedience and disdpUne, and the duties of religion weiv duly
SBHD ABULCHAn KHAN. 777
a ttea dcd to, even when on a camiMugn, a nnmber of moUahs attending
with everf division. They abo acted as envoys. Ahhonghhimsdfvery
tputf he liked to be soRoitnded with magnificenoe, and his nobles and
pffindpal officers weio prolbse enoogfa.* Malcolm has translated a notice
of the Khan and his sui io ua dings, given by an envoy cf Biameish iChani
dnef of Oiinnaran, iHio ristted Shah Mttiad's camp on one of his
invasions of Khorasan. He was intrusted with letters both for the Khan
and for his nephew Ishan Nuldb^ the son of Ishan Mukdum, chief of
Jitakhf who had married a daughter of Denial bL This notice is so
cmnhic and iaterettiBff that I shall abstract it
* I was introduced,* he observes^ ^ to Ishan Nokib, who was seated at
the lorther end of a magnificent tent He was a man of handsome
^>peaiaac^ uncommonly hk, but had a thin beard. He asked after my
healthy and tiien after that of Mameish Khan, addingy * Why has he not
come himself?' On my making some excuse, he added, ' 1 understand
the reason ; had I been alone he would have paid me a visit, but he is
afiraid cf Beggi Jan.' After these observations he arose and retired to
another tent, dosfaing me to rqxMomysdfvdiere I was. A rich sleeping
dress was bfous^ and every peison went away ; but I had hardly laid
down when I was seat for to attend Ishan Nukib, who very graciously
insisted upon my dining widi him. The repast was luxurious, and an
hour after dinner tea was brouj^ The favourite drank his in a cup of
pure gold, ornamented with jewels. The cup given me was of silver,
inlaid with gold. Three hours after noon he carried me to a laige tent
with five pole% where a number of persons were saying their prayers.
We did the same, and afterwards returned to his tent, which he had
hardly entered when a servant in waiting announced Utkhur Sufi. This
religioQS person, ftir such he was, from the moment he entered occupied
all the attentioa of Ishan Nuldb^ who appeared to treat him with the
pcoftmndest respect, and when tea and cofiee was served, he hekl the
cup while Utkhur Sufi drank. Wo had not sat long when an officer came
into the tent and toki Ishan Nukib that fieggi Jan desired that he would
wait upon him and bring his guest. The moment this intimation was
made we arose^ mounted our horses, and proceeded with him. After
riding a short distance we came to a one-pole tent, which 1 judged from
its mm and uttered appearance to belong to some cooks or water-
cairieis. An oki man was seated on the grass so near it as to be
protected from the sun by its shade. Here all dismounted and advanced
towards the old man, who was clothed in green, but very dirty. When
near him Uiey stood with then: hands crossed in a respectful posture, and
made their salutation. He returned that of each person, and desired us
to sit down opposite to him. He appeared to show great kindness to
Ishan Nukib, but chiefly addressed his conversation to Utkhur Sufi.
4B
778 HISTOKY OF THB ICONOOLS.
After tome time the sabject of my mission was introditoed. I gave my
letter to Ishan Nukib ; he p re s e nted it to the old man in green, who I
now discovered was Beggi Jan. That roler q^cned, read it, and pot it
in his pocket After a short pause he said, * No doubt Mameish Khan
has sent me a good hcnrse/ and denred him to be brought After looking
attentively at the animal, he b^:an to whisper and langh with those near
him, then addressii^ himself to me, said, * Why has not your master
sent the horse Kara Goz (!>., Black Eye), as I deshed?' 'That horse
has defects,' I replied, 'or he woold have been sent' 'With all his
defects,' said Beggi Jan, smiling, 'he is twenty timet better than the one
yon have brought'
"While we were conversing a great number of nobles came in, and I
could not help observing the extrauMndinary richness and splendour of
their aims and dresses. Beggi Jan returned the salute to every one of
these in a kind and afiable manner, and bade them be seated ; but the
shade of this small tent did not protect one half of them from the rays
of the sun. Soon after their arrival their chief fell into a deep reverie^
and till evening prayers were announced he appeared wholly absorbed in
religious contemplation. At the time of prayer all arose and retired. I
slept that night at the tent of Ishan Nukib. At daylight the army
marched, and passed within a few miles of the fort of Ounnaian. After
Beggi Jan had reached his encampment he sent for me, and honoured
me with a private audience, at which he was very affitble. ' Your master
Mameish Khan is, I hear, always drinking wine.' ' I have not seen him
drink,' I replied, 'and cannot speak to that point' 'You are right,' said
he^ 'not to state what you have not seen. Tell Mameish Khan,' he
continued, ' I have a regard for him ; but as for Na^r Murza (the ruler
of Meshed) he is a fooL Bid Mameish Khan,' he added, 'write to
Jaafler Khan of Nishapur, and advise that chief to solicit my friendship
if he wishes to save his country from destruction.' After tUs observation
a handsome dress was brought for me, with a present of money. Every
article of the dress was good except the turban, which was of litde or no
rahie. This, however, Beggi Jan took to himself, giving me his own k
exchange, which was a great deal worse than the one brought for me I
took my leave and returned to the tent of Ishan Nukib^ to whom I
repeated all that had passed. He laughed very heartUy at the account,
made me a handsome present, and I was on the point of retiring
when two men came at ftill gallop widi a letter from Mameish Khan,
statmg that, notwithstanding the protection he had received, some of his
followers had been taken by the Uzbegs. Ishan Nukib took me agak
to B^g^ Jan, whom we found seated in a small tent upon a goafs skin.
He directed the captives to be brought, and made them over to me. He
had before written a letter to Mamdsh Khan, which he reopened, wrole
what he had done, and again committed it to my charge. Astidsaffiur
was set^ng, his cook,a dhninutive person widi weak eyes, came into the
fiSyiX) ABULGilAA KHAN. 779
tent. ^Why do not you think of dinner?' said B^Q^ Jan. 4t will soon
be time for prayer.' The little code immediately brought a laiig:e black
pot, and, making a fire-piJK:e with stones, put four or five kinds of grains
and a little dried meat into it He then nearly filled it with water, and
having kinflled a fire, left it to boil while he prqaaied the dishes ; these
were wooden platters of the same kind as are used by the lowest orders.
He put down three and poured out the mess. Beggi Jan watched him,
and the cook evidently understood from his lockg when more or less was
to be put into a dish. After all was ready he spread a dirty doth, and
laid down a piece of stale barley bread (about which the author ejaculates,
^God knows in what year of the hejirah it had been baked),' and which
Beggi Jan put into a cup of water to moisten. The first dish was given
to the ruler of the Uzbegs, the second was placed between Ishan Nukib
and me, and the cook took the third for himself, sitting down to eat it
opposite to his master. As I had dined I merely tasted what was put
before me. It was very nauseous, the meat in it beii^ ahnost putrid, yet
several nobles who came in ate the whole of our unfinished shar^ and
widi an apparent relish that could only have been derived from the
pleasure they had in partakmg of the same fare with their holy leader.
** After dinner I obtained leave to depart on my return to Chinnasan.
Mameish Khan was pleased with the result of my mission, but he after-
wards informed me that, notwithstanding the faur promises of Beggi Ian,.
eigfaty-two of his people were during the season carried away by the
Uzbegs."*
On the seal which he generally used the inscription, ''Amir Maassum,
the son of Amir Danial,* was written in the centre^ and round it ^ Power
and dignity, when founded on justice, are from God ; when not, from the
dcvil.»t
We may here give from Vambery a short account of iSbt state of cuKure
at Bukhara during the rule of the Astxakhanids. He justly remarks that
while the fortunes of Bukhara were then at a very low ebb, the courts of
Constantinople, Lahore, and Ispahan had been brought into contact with
the West by the visits of £un^>eans, in the gaib of the diplomatist, iht
merchant, or the missionary. Shut ont from intercourse with the outer
world by the deserts and nomads which bounded It, Mavera un Nehr
retained chiefly its fanatidsm and religious zeal. The chief culture that
survived there was devoted to the exegesis of the Koran and dogmatic
theology. The ideal of human perfection was the life of a sufi spent in
contempt of human exertion, and the confession of the worthlessness of
aO huma^D objects. A few poets and writers of chronograms survived,
and tmaum Kuli Khan, Kasim Muhanuned Sultan, and Subhan Kuli
Khan have left proofs, of considerable culture. Half-ruined canals still
bear the name of the ibrst, a divan that of the second, and a book on
t •
• Malcolm, op^icit., U. 256-360. t Id., 261 .
78o HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
medidne that of the third ; but the best proof that pietism and reUgioos
extravagance predominated is to be found in the hct of three saccestive
Khans abdicating the throne for the pilgrim's sta£ Among the buildings
dating from this period is the cdlege of Yelenktosh, built in 1611,
opposite the already mined coU^^es of Ulugh beg; a mosque and coUege
at Bukhara, raised by the wealdiy Nezr Diranbegi in 1029 (i6ao); and
two konmush khani or reception rooms, which Baki Mnhammed built
at Bukhara and Samarkand in 1014 (160$).*
The Haidarids or Manguts.
SEYID AMIR HAIDAR.
On the death of Shah Muiad, the dynasty of the Astrakhanids was
finally displaced, in name as well as in fact, and was replaced by anodm
dynasty, namely, that of the Manguts. The revolution, as in the case of
die former dynasty, was not, however, so great as many suppose, and
Haidar, who succeeded to the throne^ had throu^ his mother the
Imperial blood of Jingis Khan in his veins. The dd family was not
extinct, and Bomes reports that when he was at Bukhara some members
of it were still living there in obscurity.
According to IzzetuUa, Haidar was descended from Khudayar, a
funous warrior, who fint got the title of Atalik He was the fiuher of
Danial bi, the fadier of Shah Murad. Shah Murad married Sbems-ban-
aim, the widow of Rahim Khan and the daughter of Abul£uz, who was
the mother (tf his eldest son Haidar.t Besides him he had two other son^
Seyid Muhammed Hussein and Nasr ud din Turek.} On Shah Murad's
death the Kushbegi Utkhur, who governed Bukhara, sent to fetch Haidar
from KarshL Meanwhile Shah Munufs brothers, Omar bi, Mahmud
1m, and Fazil bi, who had claims to the throne, collected some troops,
entered Bukhara, and posted themselves in the open square of Righistan,
opposite the great gate of the dtadel, where several suspected amirs were
put under arrest, and the citadel itsdf was prepared for a si^;e. The
citizens having been ordered to fall upon Omar's people and to pillage
their property, did so^ and he was constrained to escape by the gate of
Samarkand, and to retire towards MiankaL The houses of himself and
his brothers were pillaged, the wooden pillars supporting the upper
chambers being brdcen. Some of those found inside, according to Abdnl
Kerim, ''had their souls intrusted to the hands of the master of hell," while
the wives and children of Omar bi were stripped of their clothes and left
naked. The corpse of the Khan remained for three days in the palace.
Haidar now entered the town with a brilliant corUgi^ and having said
VambM]r,344iMS- t Jo«d. Sofd Aaiit. Soc., vU. 541- : Fraitr* Svpfin 7»>
SlYID AMIK HAIDAJL 7S1
the customary ptayers over his hOko^s body, retamed to the pdace and
received the oath of fealty from his retainers. UtUmr Kashbegi retained
the post of vizier, the latter's sob Mohammed Hakim hi was appointad
governor of Karslu, while Haidar's brothers, Nasr ud din and Muhammed
Hussein lu, were nominated governors of Merv and Samarkand respec-
Meanwhile Omar bi and his brothers occupied MJankal, Penjenbeh,
and Ketteh Knigan, and were joined Uy the Khoja Key% the governor
ofKermindi. Amir Haidar mardMd against them and dispersed their
fiirces. Wh are told his people killed or made prisoners about one
thousand men of Shdir i Sebz, and orders wese given to pot the
prisoners to death. Omar bi and Faxil bi, with thdr children, were soon
after captured in a village^ and were both e aecut ed. Their brodier
Mahmud bi escaped to Khokand, and Khoja Keyn to Shehr i Sebs.
After crushing this rebellion Haidar returned once more to Bukhara.
Soon after, his brother Muhammed Hussein was accus e d ef being in
league with die rebds of Shehr i Sebz and Khokand, and was dq w ved
of Samarkand, which was given to a Persian named Devlet Kush
b^ Haidar gave hhn a pension, and apparently kept him under
surveillance.t
The next victims of his su^don were the sons of Hi^ Muhammed
Khan, the former ruler of Merv, and of his relatives Kerim Khan and
Baiiam Ali Khan. ** Twdve of these princes were seised and kified like
dieep," says Abdul Kerim. '' Their wives and little ones were given away
as presents, and no one ever knew what crime they had oommittad.*
This succession of executions frif^tened Nasr ud din, Haider's other
brother, who deemed it prudent to withdraw from Merv, and to go with
his £unily to Meshed. The Shah assigned him an annual stipend, and gave
him the title of Amir Din Nasr Mur»,and he visited Teheran annually.}
He seems to have afterwards become somewhat needy,| and we are told
he went to Constantinople in 1839^ and the next year to Russia, where
he lived when Abdul Kerim wrote. He describes him as an able archer,
who couU send a beechwood arrow through an iron piateii
Haidar now marched against Uratippa. Althou^ its governor was
submissive and came out with rich pre s e nts , he was handed over to some
one who had a bfeod feud against him, and was put to death. Kabiflwk,
son of Utkhur Kush begi was nominated governor of Uiatippa, and the
country as ftur as Khojend and Tashkend was put under the authority of
Bukhara.! The same year (^., 1804) Haidar married the daiq;hter of
the Prince of Shehr i Sebz. At this time Haidar sent an embassy to St.
Petersburg, which was accompanied by Abdul Kerim, who tells us he
taw many wonders there, and returned by way of Moscow, Astrakhan,
;aMK«ria.iS4.sS5- tM.,ts0»tS7- WhSSMS)- f Ptutr. S«ppL, S*.
I Schditf tS7.
782 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
Khaaupcxm, Khiva, and Uigcnj. While on his way he karnt that the KMvan
Khan was w edifating a xaid upon Bukhara. This was carried <mi, and
we shall say more about it in the ntxt chapter. Here it will suffice that
he carried off fifty thousand sheep and several thousands of camels*
Muhammed Nias bi was ordered to take the troops of Bukhara and
to march against him. After some doubtful sldrmishes the Khivan army
was routed, and Utazer, the' Khan <^ Khuarezm, vras drowned in crossing
the Oxus. The Bukharians c^tUred a laige treasure, inter alia a tuk or
tugh (i>., a hoise-tail standard), whose shaft was plated with gold, and
had cost one thousand miskals.* The man who carried the news of the
victory to Bukhara was rewarded with one thousand tillas. The army
now returned with iu prisoners to Bukhara. The latter were stripped
of their irons, pardoned, and set at liberty, while their officers were
presented with robes of honour. Kutli Murad Bek, the Khivan Khan's
brother, was nominated governor of Khiva, with the title of Inak. Befme
hb arrival at home^ however, the people had raised his younger brother
to the position <^ Khan. He acquiesced in this, and wrote to the Khan
of Bukhara to say it had been done by force, and that he was obl^^ed to
agree, and could not therefore carry out his promise to hicAd the place as
his (Haidar's) deputy.! A cold and platonic truce continued to subsist
for some time between the two cotmtries, varied by Turkoman raids
upon the Bukharian caravans.
Fraser describes Haidar as of a mild, pacific, unambitious character,
charitable, just, and religious even to bigotry. He was in hxx more of a
dervish or devotee than a king, and although not so austere as his iuher,
his mode of life was very simple. His dress was generally of white or buff
colour, and his food mainly vq^bles and bread. His privy purse, it is
said, was suppUftd by the money raised by the conversion of Jews to
Muhammedanistti, which was surely no mean test of his economy. He
spent many hours and even days in seclusion, and it was remarked that
at his court it was far better to be a dervish or a moUah than a soklier
or a noble. He held open assemblies, like his £Mher, for the administra-
tion of justice, but chiefly delighted in haranguing his pe<^ from the
pulpit on rel^ous subjects. In person he was taO and han^<»ne, with a
fair and florid complexion, somewhat tinged with yellow, and having a
fun round beard* He wore an Uzbeg cap on his head with an Uzbeg
tniban wrapt round it like an Arab imaum, a short jacket on his body,
and above it a jauch or robe, a knife at his waist, and Uzbeg boots on
his iset.
Rising at midnight he repeated supernumerary prayers for scmie time.
>^er the morning prayers he read and lectured to forty or fifty scholars
on the T^ifeoer and iraditioRSi after ii^ch he knelt on his knees on a
green vdvti mnsnud, while the various chiefs came in turn, made
SETID AMIR HAIDAlt. 783
oWMttce and greeted hkn with the woids, Saham Aldntm, or ^ Peace
be with you,'' which greeting was dtdy returned by the naib er deputy.
The Seyids and Ulemas then sat down on the ris^t, and the civil diicfii
and dignftaries on die left^ all bcmg dressed in uniform hOtim and
ooloar. Everyone presented to the Khan for the first time had to don
the Utbeg dress.* A stnmger on being presented was conducted to his
presence, and sa^ed him with the Salaam Aldtum ; he then advanced
again, a ieiVant holding up each of his arms, and either kissed die
Khan*^ hand or seated himself as the Khan directed la the ktter case
he -iMed his hands with the al khyr or blesring. He then stated his
bttsmess or presented his petition. If he was an envoy a fixed allowaiice
was made him from that day, if a holy person or the descendant of a saint
he received two hundred tengas on taking leave. These introdnctioiis
over, those who had complaints were summoned, and die Khan decided
their cases according to the Koran. At noon five or rix eminent
expositors engaged in literary contr o v e rsy before him, the Khan joining
with them, and then as pebh imanm said the noon-day prayer. •Sknilar
budness filb up the afternoon untfl withm an hour of sunset, vdien he
decided affiurs of State and justice. He then again recited the altemoon
prayers and what belongs to penitence and fests until evenii^. After this
he broke fast with some sweetmeats and Hght food, then recited evening
prayers, then topk his principal meal, again redted prayers, and then only
went for a short repose to his palacct It will thus be seen that his position
was anything but a sinecure. On Wednesday mornings he went to visit
die tomb of Hazrat Khqfa Beha ud din Nagsbaud, where he repeated the
due form of prayer, distributed alms, and again returned to spend die
evening with his mother. When anyone died he went to his house as
imaum to recite the funeral prayers. He always, as peish imanm, recited
the Khutbeh on the Friday in the Great Mosque himself, hfo retuni' from
the mosque being made with great state. Among the holy people who
were so influential at the Bokharian court we are told that the Khojas of
Juibaur, who daimed to descend from the KhaHfAbubekhr, were the most
powerful, and had great possessions. They were not, however, the first
in official rank. Thb post was filled by the nukib or head of the Seyids,
who sat on the Khan^s right hand on a musnud or elevated seat. The
highest dvil official was the hakim beg or vizier, who acted as viceroy
in the Khan's absence, and had charge of the collection of the taxes.}
The court was splendid in its surroundings, the amirs wearing rich gold
brocade and embroidered broaddoth dresses, but no jewds. The
Ulemas and Seyids wore gowns with hanging sleeves, made chiefly
firom a doth brought from Benares, called nohri-khab and sal i abreshim»
(me kind being blue^ the other very white^ like sUver, whence its name.
The chief men wore tmbans and slippers, die common people often
^Fnftr,^cit.,Afp.,SObSi* t/il^it|te* t/(l,8t,Q|.
7S4 HISTORY OF TBI MONGOLS.
boots. Som^ instead of a. tttrban, had a Kaman or Herat ahani wrapt
roand the head.
The distrkt nrand Bokhara was divided into seven tumans, each
governed by a nakim, assisted by a vixier, both appointed by the crown.
A tuman contained many vilhiges. Each of which was governed by an
aksakal, wliite-beard, or dder, elected by the villagers, whose office was
permanent, and even hereditary, eicept when charged with miscondwrf.
He settled diqmtcs, collected revenne, and levied the militia. Every
man in the village on marrying made die ak sakala present or khdo^
and at harvest-time each one gave him a portion of grain. The revenue
he collected consisted of the deh-yek or tithe of the produce of the land
and the zikhaut or fortieth of flocks and herds, with the fortieth oi
merchandise. The land belonging to charities paid no tax. Customs
duty was collected on the entiy and exit of goods from the village. In
making levies for the militia, iJ^ kara mairgfaan, each man in the village
paid a sum ci money or a quantity of grain pn^rtioned to the number
of hit family, and with this the ak sakal paid a stipendiary body of men,
who were generally hanging about him. Conjointly with the ak sakals
there were also in the villages Imperial officers, mho acted as deputies of
the nakim, and were known as naibs. They were always mollahs. The
richer and more influential Uzb^ were styled begs. A force of 60m
thirty to forty thousand cavalry was apparently kept in constant pay,
which could be increased very largely by a body of the country militia.
The troops were armed with lances, swords and shields, and some with
matchlocks. All wore long knives or daggers, some individuals having
two or three at their waist*
In 1S20 Bukhara was visited by a famous mission from Rusna, headed
by the envoy Negri, and accompanied by Baron Meyendorf, who has kf^
us an account of hb journey. The embassy was sent in answer to
requests made in 1816 and 1820, on the part of some Bukharians who
visited St Petersburg as representatives of the Khan.
The mission was escorted by a small force of Cossacks, and took with
it several hundred cameb carryii^ provisions and presents. They left
Orenburgh on the loth of October, 1820^ and duly crossed the Kaxak
steppes and reached Aghatma. After they ehtered the Bukharian
territory they found themselves welcomed at the various villages by great
crowds, who turned out on foot and horseback in gala style to see them,
and among the white-turbaned Bukharians they noticed several oki
Russians who had long been slaves. The Kushbegi went to meet them,
and the Russians visited him at his camp of gaily-coloured tents,
bright also with ricUy-caparisoned horses, which were picketed about
At the interview the Kushbe^ suggested that they should present the
Khan with the two cannons or the carriage which they had with them.
SEYID AMIR HAIDAft. 785
a new thing they did not accept* He was a statdy-looking person, with
a long beaidy and spoke Persian mih Polity. Continimig their advance,
they stiil had to make theur way through the crowd, and their Cossacks
marched in full uniform. Other officers came to welcome them, dressed
in red' and blue silks, bordered with gold. At length they entered
Bukhara. This was on the 20th of December. A thirty-six hours*
discussion had aheady uken place on that most critical matter in
Eastern di|rtomacy) the ceremony to be gone through on presentation.
The Russian presents consisted of fiirs, porcdain, cut glass, watches, and
guns. 'They entered through one of the dty gates in military order, and,
having traversed a narrow street, reached a wide square surrounded with
mosques and colleges, and also containing the palace. Having disr
mounted, they passed through a vaulted passage, lined with about four
hundred soldiers carrying guns, then into a small court, through a second
passage, past a number of unlimbered guns, and into a court-yard, where
three or four hundred Bukharians in white turbans were collected, and
eventually reached the hall of reception, where the Khan was seated on
some red cushions, bordered with gold. Beside him, on his left, sat two
of his sons, the eldest being about fifteen years old; on his right was
the Kushbegii and on each side of the door five grandees. After the
presentation of the envoy's credentials in due form, some of the soldiers
(who first left their arms behind), were called in, as the Khan wished to see
them. He laughed childishly when they entered. Meyendorf describes
him as about forty-five years old, with black eyes and a fine beard, but
enervated by the pleasures of the harem* He wore a khalat of black
velvet, decorated with gems, and a muslin turban surmounted by an
aigrette of herons^ feathers. The turban was crossed diagonally by a
gold braid like those of the chief officers of the Ottoman court. The
Kushbegi and three other grandees did not wear turbans, but cylindrical
caps made of sable. The master of the ceremonies carried a kind of
halbard having a silver axe at the top. The audience lasted about
twenty minutes, after which the envoys and their escort returned. The
former lodged at Bukhara itself, in a large house belonging to the
Kushbegi, but the latter encamped at BazarchLt
Meyendorf describes the Bukharian villages as half hidden by orchards
and sometimes protected by crenellated walls. Each of them consisted
generally of about a hundred houses made of earth, clustering round a tank,
and they were genet ally situated on a canal, so that the gardens might be
watered. He assigns to Haidar the final removal of the inhabitants of
Merv when it became deserted, and attributes it to his Jealousy for
his brother Nasr ud din, who governed it It was afterwards treated
as a penal settlement, and contained a garrison of dve hundred soldiers
and a population of about the same number. To prevent its becoming
4c
786 HISTORY OP THE MOKOOLS.
again peopled, ihe Khan forbade the irrigada^ canals beinf used.*
The Jews at Bukhara were numerous. They wert cmly allowed to live
in three streets, and were chiefly artisans, manufactmeny dyers, and silk
merchants. About eighty thousand roubles a year were drawn from thorn
in taxes. They were not allowed to ride on lunrseback in die cky nor to
wear silk robes, and had to have a border of black lambskin nmrnA their
caps, which was of a prescribed width. They could not build a aev
synagogue, and were only allowed to repair the old one. Their ^ief
rabbi had come from Algeria. The trade between Russia and Bokhara
is of long standing. The great Eastern Russian marke in former dtfys was
Makarief, whence the famous annual fair was removed in 1818 to Nijni
Novgorod. This Orenburgh and Troitsk were the main goals of the
Bukharian traders, who were the continual victims of the Kazaiks.
The details of this trade are described in grq>hic £uhion by
Meyendorf. In speaking of the despotism of the Government, he
remarks how it was qualified by the ease with which the population of
Bukhara could migrate and transfer its allegiance to Khiva or Khokand.
The smallness of the country made it easy also to contrd the haldma or
provincial governors, and prevented them becoming satraps.t Never-
theless the tyranny was terrible. The grandees were not ashamed of
styling themselves slaves of the Khan, which really meant of his
favourites for the time being.t Gross venality prevailed everywhere, and
it was dangerous for any person to display his wealth, as it was a
temptation to plunder him. This again prevented \'ery hixurioos living.
The Khan was a libertine in his private life, and was imitated by those
about hinL Fear and distrust were the necessary compliments of tyranny.
The dishes prepared for the Khan's dinner were tasted by the cook and
Kushbegi, and then duly covered and sealed by the latter, and we are
told that every time the Khan left the city he made his son do so
also. The Khan had about two hundred women in his harem, but, as a
good Mussulman, only four wives, one a daughter of the Khan of Hissar,
a second of a Khoja at Samarkand, and a third of Zenum the Afghan
Shah.|
The rigid ceremonial which was exacted at state intei views was dis-
pensed with at other times, and the Khan spoke to Meyendorf and others
in a friendly fashion on meeting them in the street Anyone meeting
the Khan stopped and made the salaam, which was answered by one of
the Khan's ofificerst When he went to the mosque on Friday he alone was
mounted, his companions walked. Although the dergy were so powerful,
we are told that no man of position became a moUah. Meyendorf has
collected a great mass of reliable infomuuion about the internal economy
of the Khanate and the manners and customs <^ iu people, to which I
must refer my readers, and again pass on to the history of Mir Haidar.
*/W;siS. t/iUiM,sss. lI4nV5» |/#^s8t.
MIR Husssm. 787
His duuractar, as before described, was clearly not Ukdy to
tm|>ress bis torlMilent dependentSy and we find in fact that the greater
feudatories became more or less independent, and the Khanate was
greatly disbttegrated during bis reign. We are told by IzzetuUa that
on bis accession be applied to the Sultan of Constantinople for a
confirmation of bis antbority, and was given the title of Mir Akhor
Bashi^ bat at the end of two years he imitated the unpretending style of
bis father, and assumed the title of Amir al Mumin.* The Murza
Shems tells us that in the year 1242 (ix, 1826) Mir Haidar went to
Karshi, where his son NairuUa was liring. On his return home-
wards, he fell ill on the way, and died on reachmg Bukhara. His
death took place on the 6th of October, i826.t Many of his coins are
known, on wUch be styles himself Padishah Mir Haidar and Seyid
Mir Haidar. On some of them the name of his father Maasum and
of his grand£itber Denial also occur.}
Vambery sums up bis character in* some graphic phrases. Having
spoken of his ascetic life, he continues : ** When his western neigh-
bour Muhammed Rahim of Khiva would avenge -the death of his
&ther lltazar Khan and, plundering and burning, advanced by way
of Cbaijui and K tkul to the very gates of Bukhara, even then
Amir Said did not aUow himself to be disturbed in his pious mode of
life, as he exclaimed, ' Akhir Rigistan amandur,' t\e., The Righisun (the
place where the palace is situated) is still safe. In the absence of any
great or glorious achievements, the Bukharians praise highly the strict
clerical character of their prince. The servile herd of the capital on the
Zere£shan are said to have wept with joy when the Amir passed through
the streets with his head bowed low and supported on a stick, not from
any weakness but by way of acting the mollah. Nay, they even attributed
to him miraculons powers, although it is known of this living saint that
he violated in the most flagrant manner the holiest of Asiatic law^ to
wit, those of hospitality, by violently carrying off the beauti&l daughter
of the blind fugitive at his court. Shah Zeman, and when the blind father
broke out in just complaii^ts, would have had him put to death.^J The
high pressure at which morality was enforced produced iu natural effects.
Wme and tobacco, being fbrbkUkn by the letter of the law, were
replaced by opium, aikl the draconic laws about the separation of the
sexes led to the most revolting immorality.
MIR HUSSEIN.
While Mir Haidar lay ill the Hakim Kusbbegi^ who was a partisan of
NasruBa, sent to Karshi to teQ him the news, and on the Amir's death
* Jgnn. Ariftt. Soct vU* 34i*
IiDp. Areh. 80c. of St. ^ttenbvg, Orient 8«c, rU. ssS. MtUaget AtUtiqaet, UL 64a.
IVd.ltmoCC«iMo(B«]tban,ftc.,4i9%«J4. fOp.cit.3ffs.
788 HISTORY or THE MONOOLS.
he even secured the oath of allegiaiice from seventy or eighty chieftains
for his ^otegL His brother Hussein, who was living at Bukhara, was
the people's favourite however. He had not been on good terms with
his father, who had intrusted him successively with the government of
Kennineh and Samarkand, and had afterwards removed him to Bukhara,
and he was now living there with only a few dq>endent8. Having been
informed of the Kushb^'s doings, and fearing for his personal safety,
he determined to brave matters out, abd rode up to the gates of the
dudd with barely a dozen followers. He asked the guard for per*
mission to pass in, the latter said Mir Haidar was still living. '' If he
still lives,** he said, ^ I have come to visit him, while if he is dead I wish to
possess myself of the inheritance." ^ The garrison," says Murza Shems,
who was one of the party, ''began to stone us, but we knocked a panel
out of the gate and crept in, whereupon those in charge fled." Hussein
made his way to hb Other's bedroom, followed by the people. He then
summoned the Kush\>egi, who wa^ penitent, and pardoned him. In the
morning a circular letter was despatched to the various surrounding
towns, including Karshi, with the news of his accession. When
NasruOa heard of his father's death he set off with seven or eight
hundred followers and rode towards Bukhara, and received his brothei^s
letter on the road. He thereupon returned crest-faljen to KarshL Great
festivities took place at Bukhara, and congratularions poured in upon
Hussein, induding those of the Persian Shah.*
Meanwhile NasruUa intrigued with the grandees to create himsdf a
party to enable him to displace his brother. The chief of those he won
over was Mumin bey Dodkha, who had been named chief of Hissar by
Amir Hussein, but he had scarcdy begun preparations in earnest when
he heard that the latter had died. It was suspected that the Kushb^
had poisoned him. He only reigned seventy-five days. A gold coin of
his is extant, struck at Bukhara in 1342 (/.#., i825).t
MIR OMAR.
The throne was now sebed by Hussein's brother Omar, who was
younger than NasruUa, and whose mother had been a slave of the
mother of Hussein. The latter, who dreaded that the accession of
MasruUa would be the signal for the destruction of his own adherents,
summoned Omar from Kermineh, to be near Bukhara in case his iUness
should prove fatal He accordingly set out with five or six thousand
followers, and on Hussein's death encamped at Sherbudineh; hear the
* INmi. of Muia Shtmtt 0^ cU., SS7-34O'
t SmiAoC Hkt of Bikhan,sg6-i98. Vol. Ztraot; MeltnfM Aiktiq«M, St. PtttiibBri
Acateaqr. UL CaSi At.
mm ouAiL 789
dty.* Amoiig his chief fqppoiters were IsnieC UDa H Ta|^ Khtt
Kanl^ and Khudai Nastr the Shagfaaul (m., the chambeilaia). On the
death of Hnieein he entered the capital and teiied the throne. NasmUa
pcfsnaded the Kaxi Kalen of Karthi to addiets a letter to the dersy and
people of Samafkandi inviting them to xecognise hfan as hmM Khany
and he also sent envoys to the Prince of Shehr i Sebs to secore his
aOiancct At length, having mustered a small force, he left Karshi and
marched ever the snowi-covered desert towards Samaikand, by whose
governor he was admitted with the concunence of the ddiens, and was
seated on die fiunoos blue stone. Notwithstanding this firiendlx act, the
governor was deposed and replaced by Mnhammed Alim bey. NasmDa
continued his advance towards Ketta Ktnngan. Omar Khan thereupon
marched to Kermineh with fifteen thousand men, and sent troops to
secure Ketta Kurgan and the adjacent towns. These troops, on hearing
of Nasmlla'k success at Samarkand, submitted to him, and this was
foOowed by the surrender of Ketta Kurgan, PenJ Shanibdi, Chelek^
Yanghi Kurgan, and Nurat% whose g ove rnor s were displaced and had
to accompany the victofs ; other troops also deserted, and die Mursa
Shems confesses dnt he behaved like die rest Omar now shut himself
up in Bukhara, and put Kermineh in charge of AbdoHa Khan, son of
Hakim Kndb^ who by his Other's advice also surrendered his ^aife.
NasmUa marched on, and planted ramparts about die capital and
beleagured it, one account says for fifty-one days, anodier ferforty-fiHm
Food speedily became scarce^ meat was sokl at four, or as others
affirmed, at seven tengas a pound, and fiourwas introdnocd into die dty
in coffins under pretence that they contained dead bodies, whUs die
drinking water became very foetid. The KudAegi and Ayas the
Topchibashi now sent to die Amir ofiering to surrender the pbioe if he
would spare the inhabitants^ and on his askfaig for some proof of thehr
sincerity, he offinod to blew up a hqge cannon, whid^ accor^&ig to the
native accounts, weighed one hundred batmans, and he kfigt his word.
Nasndk at lengdi entered die town by ^e Imanm and Saldi-Khan
gates, Ayas not resisting his entrance.^ Izmet Ulla bi the Kalmuk,
To^iai Khan the Kasak, and some odiers, as wdi as the astre l og er Gul
Makhdnm and Mum Ashn, son ef Rahman Kul, were pnt to death.
The houses of Omar Khan were ordered to be plundered. One account
says he went on a pUgrimage to Mekka, anodier that having, been
im prisoned ho escaped, and went fint to Meshed and then to Balkh, and
that he ended by dying of cholera at Khdkand, whence his body was
taken to Bokhara to be buried.1 The capture of Bukhara took place on
die 24di Apri^ itey.
dttHl. XXhnftiC9«i*S«s> jMiliaiM ftiki„ai.S4i.
790 HISTORY or THB MONGOLS.
MIR NASRULLA.
The eaxly port of Namilla's reign was nuurlnd by prudence and
justice and alter he had put aaide hb immediate rivala he teems to have
been a tderably exemplary ruler. He styled hhnself Amir ul Mumin,
and was caUed Hazret by his subjects, a name used by the Turkestan
Muhammedans when speaking of their prophets. He was proud also
of holding the official position of bowbearer to the Sultan of Rum.*^ He
devoted htmsdf very strictly to his religious observances, and Bumes
tells us that when he wrote he was drifting into the bigoted attitude of
his father, which the nature of his government made it difficult to avoid.
On his accession he divested himself of all his own and his father's
wealthy which gained him great reputaticm. He guided his condua
strictly by law, and it was reported that his privy purse was supported
entirely by the capitation tax levied on Jews, Hindoos, and other
unbelievers. He was ambitious and wariike, and conciliated his army
by profuse largess. Meanwhile the laws were very draconic and rigidly
executed. Thechiefadviserof the Amir was the Kushbegi, and Bumes
says he never quitted the citadel till the Kushbe^ was ready to take
his i^ace, nor would he receive food from other hands than his. This
officer was a Mangut and about sixty years of age, and was unremitting to
business. His fiither had held the office before him, and his two brotben
and thirteen sons were all employed in the Government He was a
crafty penon and conciliated the priesthood. He was also attached to
£uropeans.t
Dr. Wdif confirms tiris account, and adds that so long as NaaruUa
was under the inflnence of Hiddm beg as his Kushbegi he ruled very
wisely, was on good terms irith his neigbboars, and BuUiara was
adorned widi beantiftil mosques and its environs with gardens and
country houses.!
The change in his duuracter which afterwards came ooi he affirms, was
the woric of Abdul Samut Khan, who arrived at Bukhara about 1833, and
b^an to intrigue against the Kushbegi (triio had introduced him to the
Amir), and to accuse him of having a correspondence iHth England.
Abdul Samut was bom at Tabris in 1784, and having learnt something
of military science from General Court, was employed for some time by
Muliammed Ali Mursa at Kermanshah. There his ears were cut off
for smne offinoe. He then went to India, thence to Peshawur, where he
joined the service of Dost Muhammed Khan, whence he repaired to
Bukhara with a bitter hatred for the English. Patronised by the
Kushbegi Hakfan bag, he was employed in organising the Bukharian
army, and was appointed his naib or lieulibnant by his patron. He lived
•B«nM.U.9S4* t M. S6|. ac I WoU; op. dL. 394.
MUt NASRULLA 79^
outside Bnkhant in great pomp^ and acconwilated a fettone of sixty
thousand tiHas. He visited the Amfar every Sunday, and liked to pass
himself off as a European by birth and a disciple of English o£kers.*
At this time a nnnoiir reached the Amir that Lieutenant Wyburt was on
hb way to Khiva. He ordered him to be waylaidi and he was imprisoned
m the Siah chah, tj^ black hole, of which more presently. Wyburt was
treated iHth contumely by Abdul Samut, and on the Amir biddfaig him
become a Mussulman and enter his service he relusedi anH was
according^ beheaded and his body thrown into a wdLt This was about
a year before the arrival of StoddartI
The Kushbegi now began to lose &vour. He warned the Anur of die
danger of quarrelling with such a powerful nation as England when he
had so many dangerous nations round him. This was probably
ungrateful advices Presently die Chief Mollab> with a sycophancy not
often to be found among the proud priests of Islam, proclaimed to the
people that the Amir was a shepherd and that they were his sheep, and
that he could use any man's wife as he pleased. He then, according to
Dr. Wolfi^ became the greatest profligate in Bukhara, and the Kushbegi
having reproved him, again incurred his displeasure.
At length, about 1837, he determined to crush the latter.f He had
amassed great riches. Vambery says he was reported to have a thousand
slaves, and camels, horses, and sheep innumerable. He is also said to
have trafficked with caravans of his own to Russia.! He was banished
first to Karshi and then to Nurata, whence he was recalled to Bukhara and
imprisoned. Meanwhile the Topchibashi Ayaz, who was fiuher-in-law
of the Kushbegi, was given the command of Samarkand, but this was
only to quiet his suspicions. He too was rich, and his wealth would
be useful The pantomime went on for a while. Being at Iragth
summoned to Bukhara, he was presented by the Amhr with a khalat
or dress of honour of gdd brocade and a turban of the same stu0^
while a beautiful arghamak, richly caparisoned, was furnished him
to ride upon. The Amir himself came out and helped him to
mount Ayaz was frightened at this suspicious condescension, and asked
to be punished at once, but Nasrulla embraced him, as Kbanikof sayS|
^ with the subtle caresses of the snake,*" and lulled his suspicion. He
returned accordingly to Samarkand, where he began to think all danger
was over^ when he was once more summoned back again and thrown into
the same prison with the Kushb^, where they were both put to death in
the wpnog of iZ^f^^ The Khan then banished several of the Kushbd's
relatives and put others to death, and proceeded to stamp with a heavy
loot on the sipahis or'feudal soldiery, whose turbulence was perhaps a
miBdtnf excuse for his ruthless policy. His most efficient instrument
<H.*S4^S4i. tWMi;sa0. IVUkinfnk
iKhMiMsojA I Vaiab«7, 167. 5 KhMikof, SM*SOi*
79^ HISTORY OF IBS MONGOLS.
in die woik wis the Tnrkoattn Rahim Biidi Maasma, who bad alreadr
befriended him sixteen years before at Shehr i Sebi, and who bated and
despised the Bokharians. ''The common people weie beaten witb sticks
to indttce tbem to say their prayers^ the sipabis were botcbered or forced
to seek safety in flighti and the people execrated the Keis or chief of
poUce.**
The latter ended bb days in iS^ and the Amir determined to
dispense in future with any chief functionaries^ but as it was necessary
to have some one to fill the office of vizier, be oonfened that dignity
dunng the short space of three or four years on the favourites of his
male harem, after which they were replaced by others, and themselves
striped of their wealth, and as they might prove dangerous or not^ were
made away with or consigned to wantt
Vambery reports how the city, its bazaars^ schools, mosques, and baths
became tenanted with spies, who sometimes used to sit with their arms
crossed before them, and took advantage of their loose wide sleeves to
write unseen what they heard. Whoever sought to protect bis pr opert y ,
slaves, or children from the tyrant, was accused of rebellion against the
^ Prince of True Believers,'' the ''Shadow of God upon Earth,* and was
confined in the foul prison, known as the Slab cbah or black bol^ or the
kenne khane or house of ticks, firom its swarming with the latter animal%
which in lieu of human victims were fed on the offid of slaughtered
animals. Into this place the victims were placed bound; others were
flayed alive, roasted in ovens, thrown down from high towers, &ct
At this tim^ the Amir introduced a revolution in the military organ-
isation of Bukhara, which enabled him to fight his neighbours on more
than equal terms. With the assistance of Abdul Samut he organised a
body of regular troops or Sarbasis, and bad a number of new cannons
cast. NasniUa first used his new army against the stiff-necked people
of Shehr i Sebz, who had long been practically indq>endent of Bukhara.
This invasion led to an intermittent strug^e, in which the little seduded
district continued more or less to secure its liberty. I shall refor to it
again presently.
NasruUa now turned upon Khokand. The chief pretext for this war was
that the Khan of Khokand had in 1839 built the fort of Pishagar so close
to the land of Bukhara that the Amir declared it was actually bnih on
his ground, and insisted on having it dismantled, and as his request was
refused he inarched against Pishagar. The Khan of Khokand, having
united his forces with those of the Begleibeg of Khojend, marched to
meet the Amir, but, intimidated by a sharp attack from some Bokharians
who made a sortie from a fort, he withdrew and left the besieged town to
its &te. The Amir's army of Uzbegs had a contiiigent of three hundred
Saibasis with it, and also some cannons cast by the Naib Abdul Samot
Unm^ Md.,m' I0^c^.•sSl^J6f.
laH MA8RULLA. 793
The latter, afttr a Tigoroas c imn o iM i d e, competttd the place to im i nto>
This was oi Augvat, 1840. The Khokandians were not cowed iMwerer.
The very same whiter they pjundewdscytwl frontier iffl^
The Amir meanwhile bosied hhaseif hi hwreaahig te mmber of Ua
iTafbailn^ attd hi the im tu ron of 1841 found h l mt rf^ master of one
thonsand of them, as wdl as of deven camons and twotoottaxa. With
tfab anny he agahn advanced, and cayUued Yom on the sist September
of the same year. After pottfaig his mid^ who had some time befoie
sQii|^ refiige at Kbokand and been nomhiated governor of this tet^
to death, he marched to Zamin, whidi smtendered on the aytih of die
same month. He tiien captured and phindered Uratippa, and eotaaed
Khojend as a conqueror on die 8th of Octoberp On readiing Mahram
he received proposals from the Khan of Khdcand, who otfaed to
snrrander to him all the country as teas Khojend, pay a laigr sum,
to admowkdge the Amir as his liege lord, and to have his name
introduced into the Khuibeh and on the coins. As his UdMgs were
growii^ discon t en t ed, NasruUa i^adly accepted this offnr, and after
appointing Sultan Mahnaid, the brother and rival of the Khokand Khan,
govemor of Khojend, he once, more returned to Bukhara.
The two brothen havii^ been reconciled, now united their forces and
recaptured all the coontxy taken by the Bukharians, as for as Untqipa*
To revenge this, die Anur once more set out on die3ndof^pri],it4a,
and, altho^s^ fifteen diousand Khokandians were dose by, be qieedily
conquered Khojend, and was equally succesifol when he leadwd
Khokand, which also fdl into his handi.* Muhammed AH, the Khan of
Khokand, was overtaken at Maiig^liilan, and bdng accused of having
committed incest with his own mother, was ten days afterput to deadi,
widr his brother and two sons. Even his wifo and her unborn ddld
were not glared. Havuig caused his prindpal adherents to be esecnted,
and also confiscated their property, he returned to Bokhara, leaving
Ibcahhn hi, a nadve of Merv, with two th o usand men to gatrison die
capitaLt It was not long before there was an outbreak at Khokand,
whidi once more recovered its liberty, and defied all the efforts of die
Amir to annex it I shall have more to say of this struggle preaentfy.
* We have now reached a time when the mutual rivalries of England
and Russia in Asia give the affiurs of Bukhara n nwch wider pd^ical
interest Russia, for purposes of trade and to secure nusefiil ally agafaist
its persistent enemies of Khiva and the Kazak stsf^ei^ had carrM on
an intermittent mtercourse with Bukhara sfaice the seventeendl centoiyi
and had sent sevend missbns there^ as weU as more confidential
agentst One of these, Dr. Demaisons, went in 1S34 in the guise of
n moOah, and a second, "N^tkovitch, di^;uised as a Kazak, in 18554
The first Etti^shman who vinted Bukhara in the last centmy waa
•mweitoCsiS'lM* tVaflibef7ir4«S73. lUkwfUf,lt/l^,
4I>
794 HISTORY OF THX MONGOLS.
CapUiaBumes, whote jooraey was more that <^ a pioneer and to gain
information about Central Asia than with any political motive. It
created considerable feeling in Rnssiay however, and the two travellers
jnst named probably went to kam what he had been about In 1836 we
find the Rnasian governor of Orenburgh addressing a long letter to the
Amir, who is styled ^ the esteemed, all perfect, glorious, and Great Amir,
descendant of the benignant Hakim, the centre ui learning, order, and
glory, and the disseminator of glory.** It calls attention to the persistent
ill-conduct of the Khivans. How they kept in bondage a great number
of Russians and interfered with the Kazaks, who were their subjects, and
t^ing him how the Emperor had determined to detain all Khivans in
his dominions until his subjects were released* The letter asked for the
firlendship (^ the Bukharians, and also that if any Russian prisoners
should exist at Bukhara, they might be released.* In 1836 Kurban
beg Ashurbek arrived at the fortress of Orsk as an envoy from the Amir.
He went on to St Petersburg, and reported his masters wish to be on
frieadly terms with the Russians. That the Eng^sh had sent agedts to
try and open trade with Bukhara, and that the ruler of Kabul, threatened
by Runjeet Singh, had also sent to ask for his alliance.t The English
and Russians had for some time been intriguing at (he Persian court, and
the ambassador of the former at Teheran deemed it a prudent thing to
send an envoy in the person of Colonel Stoddart to Bukhara. This was
in 1838. Hb proud and austere demeanour irritated the Amir, who two
days after his interview with him put him in prison. There can be small
doubt that whatever the Naib Abdul Samut could do to incite him
against the English, who had virtually expelled him from India for his
crimes, would be done.
In August of the same year another envoy from Bukhara appeared at
Orsk, escorting an elephant and some arghamaks, and taking some Cash*
mere shaii^ with him, as well as some Russian prisoners. His retinue
consisted of twenty men. Two silver roubles a day, or about six shillings,
were aQowed him by the Russian authorities for his maintenance, others
€i his retinue had about one shilling and sixpence a day allowed them,
and die rest ninepence. The envoy went on to St Petersburg, where
he made devoted pnnnises of friendship and goodwill, and asked the
Russians to send art engineer officer to explore his territory for gold
and precious metals. He returned home with some handsome presents
of brocade, doth, crystal, ftc. The cost of maintaining and conveying
this embassy, exclusive of presents, was about nine thousand silver
roubles, while the charge for the elephant was three thousand more.)
In April, 1839, ^^ accordance with the Amir's invitation. Captain
Kovalefrki, of the mining engineers, with Captain Hermgros, an
interpreter, a head miner, two viewers, and four Cossacks^ set out for
• MiehtfTi Ada, 4fi7^h t Id,, 4x4. 4«5. I /*• op. dt.* iiS^4^'
MIR KASRULLA* 795
Bukhara, with instnictioiis to inquire into its mineral wealth, product
of precious metals, method of mannfmuring Khoraaan steel, Ac ; to git
infonnation as to Asiatic trade, and to endeaTOur to procure a reduction
of the duties on Russian goods ; to inquire how &r English articles
competed with them, to obtain the release of Russian prisoners, and to
try and secure that a Russian consul should reside at Bukhara. Being
threatened on the way by the Kazaks, the Russian officers abandoned
the cararan on the way, and returned home in great haste. The caravan,
notwithstanding, reached Bukhara in safety, and the abandoned aitides
were afterwards given up to the Russians.*
At this time the English were engaged in that strug^e in A%hanislan
which ended so disastrously. The real cause of diis war was the rivalry
between Russia and England. Dost Muhammed, the ruler of the
A^hans, was accused of carrying on secret intrigues with the Russians,
whose ^^t Vitkovitch arrived in Kabul in December, iSjy.t Doet
Muhammed was at this time the ruler <rf A^hanistan, and the English
supported a claimant to the throne in the person of Shah Shuja, and also
encouraged the Sikhs in their campaign against theA^hans. In the
spring of 1859 they entered Afghanistan, and Kabul on the 7th of
August of that year, when they put Shah Sh^ja on the throne. Dost
Muhammed, vrith his fomily and three hundred and fifty devoted
followers, retired and took reluge with NasruUa at Bukhara.} He at first
received them hospitably, but presently behaved in his usual fiuhion,
and is accused of having committed the grossest indecencies upon Dost
Muhammed'k beautiful son Sultan Jan. NasruUa, who wished to
conciliate the English, now b^gan to act in a very threatening manner
towards his guesti and entered into a plot with his brother. Shah Shuja,
to undo him. The Shah of Persia, who was Dost Muhammed*s patron,
warned the Amir that he would hold him reqxmsible for any harm that
might befall \iA%proUgis he also ordered hhn to set hhn and his fiunily at
liberty, so that he might go on a pilgrimage to Mekka, and threatened
war if he refused to comply. As NasruUa did not care to opeply beard the
Shah, be released the A^han chie^ but, with characteristic dupUdty, he
ordered the Herryman who was to take him over the Oxus to upset the
boat midway, and to take care he did not reach the other bank ; but
haviiq^ been warned in time, be disguised himself as a woman and
escaped in a Utter, making his way to Shehr i Sebi, by whose ruler he
was weU received. Thence he passed on to Khulm, and after a while
returned to Kabul, where he made a hoUow peace, and where he was
joined by several of his sons.}
Meanwhile Colonel Stoddart continued in durance at Bukhara.
As 1 have said, he was a proud soldier, attached to the habits
and reUgion of his childhood and his country, and inflexible to
*M.4t*-#o. tP«rrkt^iai;|liiM.96). tld^ist. l/i-iSS^tSM*
796 HinatT or thx monools.
evei ' ^ th ing ])at nulitafjr ^sc^pline. He enteved Bnkhsa two daft
bofim the feast d Ramasan, when Mahanunedan fanatkkm is at its
height, and he bore a lettec of inttodnction fiDOtt the filler of Herat, w
proved to be a tfeacheroos document The Amtr gytw 8aq^klou% and
•01^ every means to hnmiltate hhn, irbkk itfm haa^finStf tesented hf
Stoddart One day when the raier Blahsam BenU Rets eoleted his
room with the vioknt a postrophe " Do yon know I have destroyed all
the Amir's enemies?* he replied ironically, * I refdce to hear the Andr
has no more enemies.'^ On being told to go on foot to meet the Amir
in the Great Square of Bukhara, he replied tiiat he woidd ride on
honeback as if he was in London. This was really an affinnt Neither
}ew nor Christian mi^^t appear on horsebadc in BvUiara, and no one at
idl but te Amir in the Righistan or Great Square. Stoddart was told to
do as he pleased, and, much to the scandal of Um populace he in M
European costume caracolled his horse <m tiirforMden ground, and
more so when at the approach of ibid Ambr himsdf he did not dismount,
but received him with a mere* nolitary salule. The Amir, who lelt
hhnsdf defied, ga:ve hun a long look and passed on in silence He was
then summoned to the palace. The diainberlafai was about to use the
ordinary phrase of presenution at Bukhanw in iemUgmani^ the
^ supplication of his slave^" but Stoddart objected. As Ferrier says^
he might as well have been ofiended at the words, ^Your Majesty,*
vdiich scarcely bdongs to anyone but God, or have olijected to the
ordinary phrase, ^Yonr very humble servant,* which means nodiing.t
Stoddart refosed, however, to comply. Nor would he aflow himself to be
s up por t ed on either hand by two officials, in the Eastern custom derived
irom a diftonatk fiction, that ^ a stranger before the sovereign b so over-
come by Uieefiolgence of his rays that he caimot stand without support**
The master ol the ceremonies having presumed to fool tf be had any
concealed arms, was knodnd down by a blow £rom the Cdond's fist
Instead of rqteatmg, as was customary, a silent invocation to die
severe^ on entering, he began reciting a kmd prayer to God in Persian,
upon which the Amir, seated in his royal chair, ^stroked his beard,
Ml of hatted for this arrogant stranger, and disgusted by fab coarse
and domineering behaviour.*} The Amir havmg asked for his cre-
dentials^ he cookl produce none save a letter from Sir John M^eil,
the ambassador to Peraa, and on his offering vMt voce^ on bdiatf of the
East India Company, to pay him a subsidy if he would resist the
eacreachmettts of Russia, he replied ironically, ^ Very good, I see tint it
is your intention to make me your shnre ; it is weD, I win serve you. In
themeantimewithdraw.'S Being snounoned two days later to the vixier^
houses he was seised 1^ a body of men, thrown down, and tied hand and
fest» The Ttxier then approached him, put a sword to
*P^flte»«^cit,44l»44S. Mi^m^ IM,444- l««445*
MIE NASRULUL 797
'' Miserable spf, infidel dog ! You come herei do yoOi from yoar Engliafli
employers to bay Bukhara as you have bou^t Kabul ? You will not
succeed. I will kill you^'^ and he pressed his sabre on the grim old
Colonel, whose eye did not flinch. Soon after the men irere ordered to
remove him, and he was carried like a corpse, still bound, through the
driving rain, with his bearers carrying torches, amidst profound sileno^
through the deserted streets of the dty. ^ Sometimes they let him foil
on the ground, or drew tighter the cords that confined his bruised limb%
and sometimes they stopped and insulted him with savage gestures and
laughter.*' When he asked them to kill him and end his miseryi they
said he was dther a devil or a sorcerer, since he seemed to have no fear.
Having confined him in a dark room and barred the door, presently the
latter was opened, some lights appearedi and some servants entered,
preceded by a man enveloped in woollen drapery, which allowed his eyes
only to be seen. This figure, which from the deference paid to it, was
clearly a person of consequence, having sat itself on a divan, Stoddart
reproached it vdth the indignities he had sufiered, and said he should not
have been allowed to enter Bukhara if it was intended to treat him thus^
and he asked leave to be allowed to depart The figure* who was the
Mir Cheb or Prince of the Night (/.^., the chief of police), promised to
communicate his wishes to the Amtr. He seized and burnt aH his
papers, and sold his effects and horses, and then removed him to the
Siah chah or black well, a dungeon pit, twenty-one feet deep, where the
worst malefactors were confined. He was let down into it by a rope, and
there found himself with two thieves and a murderer for his companions.
There he remained for two months, covered with vermin and surrounded
by reptiles. His food was passed down to him by a rope, anj} he
spent the most of his time in smoking. He was then taken out and
offered his life on condition of his becoming a Mussulman. To this
altemativej says Ferrier, ^ borne down by the dreadful sufferings he had
endured, and the exhaustion of his mental and bodily powers, he gave a
reluctant consent, repeating the Muhammedan Confession of Faith, after
which he was taken to the public square and circumcised, in the
presence of an immense crowd, who had been attracted there by the
novelty of the event"*
The Russian officials endeavoured to get his release^ and this was
apparently secured, ^x^xereupon he resumed his intrepidity. The Amir
was so struck by it, that he took off his own fur cloak and gave it to him,
and ordered him to be led hi triumph through the streets of Bukhara.
He now renounced Muhanmiedanlsm, to which he had only conformed
through force.
The Amir and his officials had quite altered their conduct to hint The
British successes in Afghanistan had perhaps frightened them, but
* Ptnier, op, dt., 447.
79S HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
this^he hoped,'' says Ferrier, ^tbat he should attach him to his interests,
as Runjeet Singh had done other Englishmen.* ''Those Feringhis,*
said the Amiri ''so powerful and clever in the arts and diplomacy, so
talented in organising an army, bring everywhere success in their train.''
Stoddart was next offered the chance of accompanying an embassy to
St Petersburg, where he might have been free again, but, with a singular
perversity in his devotion to his duty, he declared that he would not do
so, as he had not yet received orders from his Government to withdraw
from Bukhara. This devotion was misunderstood, and only increased
the suspicions that he was a spy. The Amir issued orders that he should
be poisoned, but he saved his life by exciting the cupidity of Samut
Khan, who hoped to get a large ransom for him. At other times the
Amir was better disposed towards him, and sent him tobacco and other
presents, requesting him in turn to replace the quicksilver on his nurrors,
and to make him a thermometer, and candles that would burn without
smoke, and if he had had as much tact as courage, he might have availed
himself of these circumstances. Some letters he wrote at this time, which
were intrusted to Khorassinis, Kurds, Persians, and Jews, who sewed them
in the hems of their robes, reached their destination. They breathe the
spirit of the Puritans of Cromwell's days, and in them, says our guide
Ferrier, " diplomatic interests and the feelings of the soldier take their
place hi below the religious sen tment which governed the mind and
destiny of Stoddart, whose character they invest with real grandeur.^
The Sultan of Turkey, the Tzar, and the Khan of Khiva in turn pleaded
for his release. To the two former the Amir retume4 ambiguous
answers. To the latter he used these whimsical words, " You have an
Englishman and so have I. Why do you wish to take mine P't This
Englishman at Khiva was Captain Conolly.
The rivalries of England and Russia in Central Asia at this time
brought about strange combinations. Thus we find that in 1Z40 several
English officers reached Khiva.| One of these, Captain ConoQy, was
ordered to visit Khokand, to eiqtlore that*district, and apparently also to
attempt to checkmate the Russian advance thither. Khiva and
Khokand, and especially the latter, were looked upon by the Amir of
Bukhara as in some measure dependent on him, and as Captain ConoUy's
visit was coincident with the obduracy of the Khokand Khan, which led
to a fierce campaign I have already mentioned, he was deemed Its
Instigator. At this time he received a letter from Stoddart, inviting him
to go to Bukhara, and he determined, notwithstanding the advice ^f his
Khivan and Khokandian friends, to go to Nasrulla's camp, and to try
and persuade him to join with the other Vihtg princes In a league
against Russia, and having applied for a firman speedily received one,
the Amir wishing to gain possession of him. He reached the camp at
•Xi,490. 1U. I Sm aot chapter.
Ian MASRULLA. ^^
Jiakhf and having brought about a parity between the Amir and his
vassal^ he went on to Bokhara under escort, and took up his residence
in the house of Abdul Samutf akeady so often mentioned,* and who now
worioed on the capricious mind of Nasmlla, and persuaded him to
fodbid the two officers from communicating with one another. Stoddart
was at this time lodging with the Russian envoy Butenief. In order to
be able to see his friend, he consented to move his quarters to the
house of the notorious Abdul Samnt On his return to his capital th^
Amir, irbo had grown very hostile to the English, began to show marked
incivility to the two officers. Although three tiUas, or forty shillings, a
day were ais%ned for their maintenance, they were kept under restraint
At an interview he had with them, he told them Bukhara would not be
so easily conquered as Afehanistan, and said he intended putting them
both in prison, and the English Government m^;ht go and take them
out if it liked. They had similar interviews with him on three snccesnve
days.
The last time they were taken to the citadal with seven of their picb
Idietmets or ui^l^er servants. Their house was ransacked, and their other
servants, fotyHthree in number, were thrown into the Siah chah.
Conolly had been accompanied to BuUiara by Allah Dad Khan, the
envoy of the-recent ruler of Af^^ianistan. The Amir hated the Afghans
bitteriy, but he did not care to arouse the rooUahs by inqprisoning the
envoy of an orthodox sovereign. He therefore let him leave the city,
but he was arrested at Karihi and ser bade to Bukhara, and taken to
a place called Ab Khaneh or the water-house, so cold that no person
could be left in it two nights in succesnon and live. After a few hours
he was removed and confined in a dungeon a^oining that of the English
officers. The Rusnan envoy interceded for the latter, but was met by
sodi a rebuf in omsequence, that, afraid he might suffer their &te, he
determined to withdraw.
Meamdiile Akhud Zadek, the son of Hassan Muhammed, the former
Kazi of Herat, who had accompanied Conolly to Khiva, and had thence
been sent to Kabul, having received a letter from that English officer
whose fiUe he did not know, went to him at Bukhara. Having said
openly he waus in the service of the Englbh, he was arrested and
inqMrisoned in the same prison as Allah Dad Khan. At this time
tiie disastrous campaign in Afghanistan had reached its dismal
dimax in the massacre of Kabul. No longer afraid of the Englishi
hating the officers who had gone to him empty*handed, and who
were a source of embarrassment to him, their release being urged from
Pen^ Khhra, Constantinople, Kabul, and Herat, as well as by the
Russians, he determined to put an end to them. When the Grand
MoUah of Heialt pleaded for Colonel Stoddart, he d eno unced him as a
• Fifritr» op* dti S9§» $4S»
80O HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
ditgimoe to Islam for interceding for the infidels, whik the p res s oie pot
Qpon him by the European Governments made hhn exaggerate the
iB^H>rtance of his prisoners.
Thdr servants, after remaining forty-^ur days in the Siah chah, bound
hand and foot to each other, with only a smaO rati<m of bad bread, were
taken out, chained by the neck| deren to a chain, in (bur parties, and
marched at daybreak to the public square, where they remained all night,
exposed to ^ deep snow and piercing cM. One who died remained
diained to the rest The greater nmnber of his comrades had their feet
and hands frost-bitten, and were awaiting their fate impatiently, when they
were suddenly set at liberty* This was at the intercession of the moQahs,
who declared them to be Mussulmans like themselves, and threatened
die Amir with the wrath of Allah if he shed their blood.* They thereupon
returned to Kabul, and soeie of them were afterwards in Ferrier's
service, and it was from them he learnt the graphic details he reports*
The release of the servants was followed by the incarceration of Allah
Dad Khan aad Akhud Zadek in tiie Siah chah, where diere still
remained a Greek from C<mstantinople in Gmdiy's service, named
Joseph, and iho seven pich khetmets already named. The moUahs
succeeded in getting the rdease of the latter, as well as of Allah Dad
Khan and Akhud Zadek, and die former made his way to Kabul, while
the latter went to join his fether at Meshed in Khorasan. Joseph
claimed to be a subject of the Sultan, but as he was not drcurndsed he
was not believed, and was remitted back to his loathsome prison. He
now became a renegade^ but this did not save him, for on the 17th of
June, 1843, he was duly executed with the three malefactors who had
been Colonel Stoddart*8 companions. Three days after, the two
officers having been stripped and searched, there were found, sewn up in
the sleeve of Cotond Stoddart's cboka or Bukharian robe, a pencil, some
steel pens, a small phial filled with ink, and some sheets of papei^ which
wd» taken to the Amir.t A few days before the police had seised on
the frontier a letter which the Colonel had written to the English
embassy at Teheran. This the Amir wished him to translate^ as w^ as
to explain the use of the articles that had been found on him. The
obstmate Cok>nel refused to translate the letter, although beaten with
rods on the soles of his feet far three days in succession. He simply
declared that it contained nothing hostile to himsel£ The suspicious
Amir would not believe him, and insisted it was meant to incite the
Khivan Khan to make war on him, and he condemned the two officers
to death* ''Not a word of weakness," says Ferrier, ''escaped Colond
Stoddart when he was infonned of the fate that awaited hfan, bot he
completdy gave way to the violence of his disposidoD, exhausting the
whole vocabulary of personal abuse, in Peniaiii against the Amir and his
JCUt KASRUlJJk. SOI
ODficatiaiMn* ind CMMd not to inoiftiODliiio rimwt but in vifildiiur hii
litoit fafOttth. Ha was imt to d6i^ likft n ihecD in 100110 niinsftt dm
bode of hit nriioB. snd in tho ixBMnco oi a tow DOMon^br. fHio bad
been attnded to tbo gpU by bit cries and bis i n ^ e c tiv o s ." The officer
chatgedwiAtbofMcotion offered ConoDy bis life if be would become a
Mnssolman, but tiiis be finnly refused to do, and was accordiiv^ also put
to deatby and die two Knglisbmeo were laid in the same gimn^ wbich bad
been dug before tbeir eyes.* This tragedy tock place on June 24tb,
184:1^'* some days after the first apricots^" says AkhudZaddtt It created
a gnat seneatkm in Europe when it became knowiv which it did diieAy
duom^ the indefotigabie and brave journey of the fiunous traveller Dr.
Wolff and the nanatiTe of General Ferrier.
Let us now revert again to the intercourse between BuUiara and
Russia. The advance of the English in A^hanistan naturally made the
Bnkharian ruler look out for allies ^wwbere. MuUn In|^ a dis-
tinguished person^ together with his two sons and otiierpersonsi set out
accordingly on a mission to Russia, bearing a letter and a present of
six shawls and two aighamaks or horses for the Emperor. The
pr ofess ed motive of the embassy was to complain of Khivan treacheiyi
to obtain protection for Bnkharian merchants, and for pilgrims who
wished to pass through Russia to Mekka; but there were dearly
more potent reasons for the journey. It reached St PiBtersburg on
the 30th of October, 1840^ and returned again a few months later, but
Mukin beg died of dropsy of the chest at Nijni Novgorod on his
his way home. His body was embalmed at the eqienw of the
Russians^ and was sent to Bukhara. It was determined to send a
missibn in return, and Major Butenef was charged with its conduct
He was told to make inquiries about the Khanate of Bokhara and the
neighbouring counties^ to endeavour to strengdien Russian jnflusnce, and
to devdope Russian trade there. He was fortber to try and dbtain the
Amir's consent to certain defimte proposals, i. Neither openly nor
secretly to show hostility agahist Russia. 2. Not to keep in davery or
in any way to obtain Russian prisoners, and to guarantee the personal
safety and pro per ty of every Rusdan travdiing in his territory. 3. The
property of Russians dying at Bukhara to be returned intact 4. To
prohibit Bnkharians fd)faing and imposing arbitrary laws on Russians
and to punish those who ^ so. $• To fanpore a sbgle doty, not
exceeding 5 per cent on all Rusdan goods. 61 To protect Russian
traden at Bukhare as Bnkharians were pro t ected in Russia. In return
for there privil^^es, safety of person and property were aocorded to the
Amir's subjects in Russia; they were to be allowed similar prhrflcges as
other Adatics trading there ; the Kasaks and Tnrlramans subject to
Russia were to be punished wlMn they phmdered Bukharian caravans;
4K
Zo2 HISTOHY OF THE MONGOLS.
and pilgrims to Mekka were to have permissioii to traverse Russia on
conforming to its police r^folations.* The envoy was also to try and
arrange that a Russian agent should either be allowed to pay an annual
visit or to reside at Bukhara, to obtain the rdease of all Russians held in
bondage^ and also to secure, if possible^ the release of Stoddart, and to
forward him to Russia.
Butenef was accompanied by the mining engineer Captain Bogos-
h^ki, the naturalist Lehmann, the archaeologist and Eastern scholar
Khanikof, an interpreter, a biographer, three miners, two stiiffers of
animals, ten Cossacks, and five Kazaks. They were ordered to secrete
the gold pieces necessary for their expenses in their sword cases or
leathern belts, so as not to excite the cupidity of the Bukharians, who
would examine their luggage. The party was transported by fifty-five
camels,! and entered Bukhara on the 17th of August, 1S41, dressed in
their uniforms« and were granted the unusual privilege, enjoyed only by
the vizier, of riding into the palace on horseback.t They then passed
on through a row of officials into a court-yard in which, wearing a white
turban and robes (khalat), and seated on cushions, was the Amir himsel£
Having surveyed them a long time, he bade the vizier take the Emperor's
letter from Butenefs hands, and then dismissed them. They were
assig^ned the former palace of the Amir's brothejr Mir Hussein, the best
residence in Bukhara, to live in. A large retinue of servants and one
hundred and four tengas a month were also set aside for their main-
tenance, &c Exchanges of presents took place, and Butenef was
ordered to go weekly to the palace on Fridays for prayers. Some of the
party went to Samarkand and Karshi for mineralogical explorations, &c.
Butenef visited Stoddart at the house of the naib Abdul Samut, and
delivered to him a letter from Lord Ganricarde.{ At this time, having
had a successful campaign in Khokand, and having ceased to fear the
English, the Amir had become much inflated. '* He was a thorough
Asiatic; his concessions and fiiendships were governed by fear and
cupidity,** and there was now no necessity for showing any warmth
towards Russia,! nor would he give Butenef an audience before he left
for a second campaign against Khokand, As I have said, Stoddart at
this time lodged with the Russian envoy, who describes him as a very
clever, well educated, and agreeable man.^ On his return from his
campaign, the Amir continued to treat the Russian envoy with great
coldness. He refused to release the Russian prisoners without
compensation, and Butenef was convinced he avoided him on
purpose. At length, early in April, he was sunmioned to hear ^/^
graci&Hs words of tJu Amir^ but he only received a curt answer.
Nasnilla told him he had instructed his Dostrakhanshi or vizier to tell
*ICiclMU,op.dt,4*4-i»o« t/i^414. li^nm- f/^44<.
|/i.,44S. n/<.*444.
IfUt NASRULLA. 9q$
him whal his views mtn, and then rode off for Kh gka n d, The end of
the matter was, that he promised to ratify a treaty oi peace with Russia
if sudi a treaty was sent him. When this treaty was ratified the Russian
daves would be sent home. The customs duties would be reduced
when the Russians reduced theirs on Bukharian articles. As to the
F*nglishmen> he had written to the Qoeen of Eni^and, who wished to be
on friendly terms with Bukhara, and on receiving her answer he would
send them both dsnct to EftgUmd.
These unsatisfactory and dilatoiy answers were naturally very irri-
tating to Uie Russian envoy, who returned home again, after securing a
vakaUe collection o£ topographical and other £»cts about the Khanate,
but hi regard to political matters the result was practically nothing.
Butenef had scarcdy left the Khanate fHien he was followed by a fresh
envoy from the Amir, named Khadayar Karaulb^ fHio duly arrived at
Orenbung^ with pcesents of shawls and aighamaks, and large expecta-
tioos of presents in return. He was not allowed, however, to go on to
St. Petersbuig. The authorities pointedly told him they wanted some
thing more than assurances of friendship, nor was Russia going to
submit to such treatment as the Amir had served out to her envoy
Butenet Thus ended for many years the intercourse between Russia
and BuUianu*
Meanwhile the Amir did not alter his character, and Bukhara con*
tinned to be a most dangerous residence fon Europeansr In 1843 a
young Neapolitan named Nassdi Flores loolishly ventured there. He
met Akhud Zadek at Quujui on the Oxus, who tried in vain to persuade
him not to go, speaking to him by signs, as the Italian understood no
Eastern language. He had scarcely been an hour in Bukhara vdien
he was seised, stripped, and committed to the Siah chah. At a
subsequent interview with the Amir, Giovanni Oriandi, a renq;ade from
his own country, acted as interpreter, vdiile Abdul Samut was present
The latter was jealons of Nassdi's supposed military knowledge, and
determined to compass his death. He was accordingly executedt
We must now turn to Dr. Wolff's frunous journey to Bukhara in 1844,
to ascertain the faite of the English officers. He went supported by
letters frmn the Stdtan of Turkey and others. The Russian envoy
in Persiai wrote mi his behalf to the Amir, and introduced him as a
Qiristian priest of great cdebrity, a dervish exclusively occupied with
religious and sdenUfic meditations, and completely indifierent to worldly
affurs, and explahied his object as being to obtain the rdease of
Stoddart, Conolly, and Nasseli.| The Shah also wrote a letter, phrased
hi most inflated language, commendmg Dr. Wolff and his ofasject, and
asking for a renewal of the oki intercourse between the two courts.
Neariy ten lines are occupied by the fulsome titles found in this note
•M,494i45^ tF«rrier,4fl!fH^. Z WoUTt Bokhv*, i. sxa.
S04 HISTORY OF THS MOMOOLS.
to the notorious Amir»* At Shalv lalam, Uie Aoiir^ chambariain
(Ifakhram) went to meet hfan, and took him swoetmaatt and a kind
message from NatrnUa. Wolff was dressed as a moUah, carried the Bible
in his hand| and was Tiewed by the pqmlaoe as a sacred being. Thejr
greeted him as* he went along with the words, '^ Peace be wito youi^t
and he describes his entry into Bokhara through the modey crowd as a
triumphant march. He had to dismovnt before enterfaig tlie pahcei for
only the grandees of the empire and the enroys of the Sultan and the
Shah, and no Giristians, heathens, or others are allowed to ride
in. He was asked if he would snbmit to do the salaam three times in
regular order, widi the Shaganl hdldii^ his shonldefs and meanidiile to
stroke his beard five times, saying, " AUah Akbar,'' /.A, ^Peaoe to the
lOng.*' He replied he would do it tidrty times if necessary* Having
sent in his letter of introducdon, he and his people were then admitted.
The Amir was seated in the balcony of the palace looking down upon
diem, thousands of peopkf in the distance. ''The Western denridi'' not
only made the salaam three times^ but, as he tells us, exclaimed
unceashigty ^ Peace to the King," until the Amir burst out langhingi as
wdl as those about Mm, and cried ''enough." He was duly informed the
terrible rulet had smiled on him. He tells us he was about fife foet six
inches hij^ rather stout, with small Uack eyes^ had a dark complexion
with a convuldfe twitching of the muscles of his face. He had a rapid
Intonation and a forced smile, and the looks of a ^n vivant. His dress
was without pomp or decoration, and like that <tf a mollah4 Hehadfour
wives, by one oi whom he had an only son, who had a siddy disposition.
His wives were Persian slaves, and creatures of Abdul Sanmt Hismother
had also been a Persian, whence the caustic remark of a Turkoman, "As a
horse paired widi a donkey produces a mule, so an Uzbeg married to a Per-
sianmust produce a monster.*) HehadbeennursedbyaKaiakwoman,and
this it was therefore said accounted for hb bdng such a bloodhound since
he had drunk the milk of a nuuheater, the Kazaks being accused of eating
the bodies of dead men.| His brutal cruelty was easily excused, however,
in the Bukharian at mo sphe re of rigid divine right, and the pe<^le eageriy
went near him to touch hb clothes or hands and to be cured of their
diseases, as they did in Western Europe in mediaeval times.f Asacurious
instance of the modes of thought in Bukhara, it may be mentioned that
the Amir sent expressly to ask Dr. Wolff two questions, "Are you able
to awake the dead? When will the day of resurrection be ?" TheDoctor
gave answers as judicious, and as lacking in information, as those of
the Delphic oracle.** In an interview with the fomous naib Abdtd
Samnt, the latter described the latter days of Stoddart and ConoUy, and
tried to evade any responsibility for their death, and when he got the
•W.,ai7. tA£,3U,si3. I/4.i3aa.3SS. f '/<<•. SPi SJt*
|/^38t> YA^nSSX* ** M.» 339, 339.
IfIR NASRtJLLA. S05
Doctor bf hinudf lie doMmnced hit master whhoot i tfait, accusing him
o£ the tntentioii of putting an end to him, and said he wished the English
tosenid an oflioer to KliokandyKhofany and Khira to incite them against
BoUian^ and promised to jdn tliem Umself if they granted hhn twenty or
ddrty thousand tUlasy while lie undertook to invite the Amir to sit down
on an undermined seat and to blow him up. In the evening Dr. Wolff was
surprised to hear ^ God save the Qoeen'' played by some Hindoos from
Lahore, formeilT in Runjeet Singh's sendee.* Among odier cnrioos
a d ve ntm e si the missiottary was asked to write a Hie of Mwhammed as
reported among the Europeans. Thb he did, and he tdls us the
document was remitted to the library of the Gieat Mosque^ and that
copies of it were sent to Baikh, Khuhn, and Maaur, to Samarkand and
Uratippa, to Kabd and Cashmere. The Doctor had to answer many
questions about the customs of the English. He ttfs us all the letters
that went in and out of Bukhara, except tiiosewritten bythediief of
Merv, were opened and read by the authorities. Eve^rbody was
encouniged to be a wpy upon his neighbour fo the lidificatien of Uie
Amir, whQe Abdul Samnt was in turn diily informed of what took place
in NasniUa's private apartments.
Every preteit was pot forward for delaying, the Doctor's departure.
When he oAesed to redeem some Russian slaves he found they were
unwilling to go bad[, many of them having been deserters, and eyorbifant
sums were asked fi«n him by the naib on various pretences. The
huteri who wns a most treacherous villaiUf was evkiently wishfol to do
for him what he had done for Stoddart and ConoUy. Of this he was
wamedbymany. He was most avaridouSf like the greater part of Eastern
officials^ and with his creatures, was constantly askii^ the missionary
for money. The following ismarks made to him by two of these human
limpets is very characteristic: ^ Mollah Yusuf Wolff, tillas (i>., ducats)
are sweet We dream of tillas day and night, and we dreamt last night
that you, on your return to England, sat near your monarch, and all the
grandees of your country kissed the heni <tf your garment The most
beautifol women crowded around you and desired to become your wives,
and you took the daughter of the Queen as your lawful wife. You will
live in the finest palace^ except the Queen^ and fonned by dancing girls;
and if you shall say to her, 'Oh my Qiieen, cut off the head of this or
that person,' she sbaU immediately follow your advice. Both of us,
Kahir Kuli and I, Amir Saroj, dreamt this at one and the same time, and
therefMe it will become true.'t The naiby who had disse mbl ed greatly
in his interoouTM with Dr. Wol£^ now htguk to show himself in his true
colours. He acknoidedged that he had been the cause of Stoddart's and
ConoQy's dealhi and he was evidently prepared to go any length with the
missionary. On one occasion as he sat in his room a beautiful girl unveiled
8o6 HI8TQRY OF THE MONOOIA
enteiedit lliiswatatthenaib'ssQggQstioi^toentiapliimiite
aredon.* The Amir having said he wookLiead an Usbq(«iv«qrbtdswidi
him as his representative to the English Qneen, the naib oodUy SH gg imlcd
that his English guest should poison him m fwUi.f On his retnm
from his second eiqpedition to Khokandi Nasnilla sent a mollah to ask
him if he would become a Mussulman. He replied ''Never.* He then
sent his executioner, the one who had put Stoddart and ConoDy to
deathi threatening him with the same fate. Meanwhile the Persian
ambassador* at the instance of his master, seems to have interested
himself greatly in the English missionaiyi and he now obtained pe^
mission for him to accompany him on his retnmt and the Amfir actually
sent him a present of ninety tOlaSi a horse with a silver saddle, a shaiH,
and also a Persian MS. of the Tavarikh Tabad, on which the Amir put
his tamgha or seal Before he set out Abdul Samut extofted a
pranissory note for six thousand tiUas from him, and he tells he wrote
thus:—
'^ In the garddi of the infomous Naib Abdul Samut Khaa, sunouaded
by his banditti and compdled by him, I write that he forced from ne a
note of hand for six thousand tOlas.
** Joseph Woltp, Prisoner.^
He at length left Bukhara, taking with him four slaves whom he had
redeemed, while Abbas Kuli, the Persian envoy, took twenty v^iom he
had bought with his own money, and a thousand who had redeemed
themselves.| He was also accompanied by Amir Abul Kasim, i^io was
sent as an envoy from the Amir to the Queen, and a large number of
persons, merdiants, dervishes, frildrs, &c, altogether a caravan of quite
two thousand camels. Crowds turned out to see their departure. A
veiled woman as he passed exclaimed, '^ What joy your wife will have !
How win she sing I You have been ivm a^mn. Such a fitvour has not
been shown far a long time by the Padishah.^ This anecdote proves
well what a tiger's den Bukhara then was. Cnid and dissohtte as the
Amir was, however, Dr.Wdlff says he had 8<»ne good pobts. He did not
tyranmse over the poor, but protected them; he was not avaricious, wfaOe
he hated bribery. His great model was Tfmur, and he adopted a
simihur motto on his seal, ^ Hakan Adaht,* ''Trudi and Equity,* as his
own.f Although very passionate^ he was singularly inquisitive and
anxious for information and knovdedge. *'Heputdown,'*saysDr.Woiii(
^ by the simple word * Hukum' (order) the most ancient customs, and
overthrew entirdy the power of the moDahs«* He liked to hear that
people were frightened of him, and was Jeafoua of the reputation of the
frunous Muhammed Ali of Egypt, of whose exploits he had heard.**
Abdul Samut had organised a ]flot for Dr. WoUPs assassination en rouU^
•/i.«So,ei. tA(.,79- XA^ns. f/i^ttS. |/<l^i5S»isl
^ Mn IS9, U4« ** /i., ns-uj.
Milt NASRTJLLA. So;
but this was happilf frnstratedi and he reached home in safety. I wiQ
condnde my extracts from his narrative with a curions discussion on the
rivahy between £n|^d and Russia, he reports as having taken place
at Merv. It was started by a dervish, who having related the exploits
of TbnuTi suddenly broke o£^ and turning to Dr. Wolff, said, ^The
English people are now Timur, for they are the descendants of Jin^s
Khan. The Inglees will be the conquerors of the world. On my
pilgrimage to Mekka I came to Aden, where they keep a strong force,
and from whence they may march to Mekka whenever they please, and
walk towards Mekka they shaU."
A Turkoman thereupon said, " The Russians shall be the conquerors of
the world. They have now built a strong castle in the midst of the sea,
not far from Khiva. The people of Khiva have once burnt it down, but
they soon buih it up again. All is over with Islam."
A dervish sitting among them confirmed this with the following obser-
vation: ^The great moQahs of .Samarkand assert that Russia is the
Jaj Majaj (ii^ Gog and Magog}, and this has been ahready predicted
by Amir Sultan, the great dervish of Rum.''
We must now return once more to our immediate subject. A few
years after Dr. Wolff's visit the infomous Abdul Samut met with a fitting
punishment* Knowing his master well, he determined to tend the
money he had accumulated by foul and lair means, and which in 1847
amounted to £40,000, to his brother, a merchant at Meshed. He
himself wished to return to Persia, but found it difficult to leave,
hampered as he was with heavy baggage and a large frunily, whom he
darednotsendawayfor^Hu: of arousing the suspicions <tf the Amir, who
he knew hated him, although he found him too useful to put him away.
At length he determined to try treachery. When in 1S47 NasruUa was
at war with Shdir i Sebz, he sent the ruler of the Utter notice that he
might charge the artillery without any anxiety, as he wouUl have the
guns loaded with powder only, and when once he had broken the lines,
he promised to turn the same guns upon his master, and thus crush
him. The letter, having been confided to a Persian artilleryman, was
conveyed to the Amir himself, whereupon '' the naib was immediately
sent for and put to death in his presence," and his wives and children
were surrendered to the merciless soldiery, under whose cruelties many
of them lost their lives.*
Somewhat later we read of another European who fell a victim to the
Amir's temper. This was the Giovanni Oilandi ahready mentioned. He
had been by trade a watchmaker, and was living at Teheran in 1839.
Thence he found his way to Khokandf and from Kludond was carried
off a prisoner by the Amir,t who spared his life on his promising to make
him a machine for measuring time. He accordhigly made the dock
•Id,,4/^,^ tFerritr,4<l.
8oS HISIOftT or THS MOHQOIA
with Arabic nomends placed in tbe Umtr abova tte palace gateway tt
Bukhaza. This gained for him the appojntment of artificer^ and alao bia
fiberty. He afterwards made a tdetoope for the Amir, who onfor-
tunatdy one day let it M from the top of a minaret Being sent
for to repair it| he went s<Hnewhat intoxicated, when he was again
imprisoned and ordered to become a Mussulman. This he refiised
to do. The executioner, to frighten him, cut the skin of ^ throat,
promising to complete the work the following day, and as he still
remained obdurate, he was duly executed. This was in 1851.* We
know little of the later years of NasruUa beyond his campaigns in Shehr
i Sebs and Khokand, wbidk wiU occupy us presently, and a long quarrel
he had with Dost Muhammed, the Afghan ruler. He at length died
in i86a His sobriquet of ^' The Butcher' well befits him. He was one
of the most brutal and utteiiy bad characters who ever disgraced a
throne; All who came in contact with him seem to agree in this, and
Ferrier has summed up his character in graphic lines. He says :
^The Amir of Bukhara, Nasrulla Khan Behadur, Malik el Mumin,
is a monster of ferocity. The titles he bears are thus translated :
Nasrulla Khan, the Victory of God ; Behadur, the Victorious ; Malik el
Mumin, Prince of Believers. He raised himself to the throne by a
series of fri^^itfiil murders amongst his kindred, and other crimes from
which even Bukharians recoiled with horror; his bad frdth became
proreibial amongst them, and his name was pronounced with terror by
the people. The Bukharians, however, are now apparently indifierent
to the atrocities committed by the Amir, or the disgusting character of
his vices, the extent of which is beyond all that can be imagined, and
they consider that he is justified by his position in gratifying every
passion in any way that he pleases. An increase in the taxation is the
only thing upon which they are at all sendtive; but as on that point
Nasrulla keeps strictly within the commands of the Koran, and generaDy
speaUng the duties are rardy above a} per cent, which is fixed by the
Zddat, the Bukharians are satisfied, and do not think the virtue of their
wives and daughters of any importance so frur as the sovereign is con-
cerned. Besides, the moUahs were the first to set the eiample of base
submissiQC^ and the Kazi of Bukhara issued tL/Ova prodaimii^ that
HasruBa was by the wiU of God the absolute master of all the women in
Ua territory, that he had a right to do what he liked with tiiem, and that
it would be a crime to oppose his wishes; singularly enough, the Kasi
was the first person to feel the efifects of the doctrine he preached, for
his dan^ter kXL a victim to the Amir's brutal passions. One must,
therefore, condudn from all this that the inhabitants, though so perfidious
and cruel, are in regard to their prince the most easy-gdng peof^ in
existence; of this he seems so pafectly convinced, that when he leaves
* Sdngricr, U. 901, 91.
MIR MUZAFrAR UD DIN.
809
his palace he never has any escort to attend him, and two or three times
a week the Amir may be seen walking through the bazaars in the dress
of a dervish, accompanied oidy by one servant The shopkeepers are
aware of the ordet he has given that no one shall pay him the least
respect, or treat him otherwise than as one of the public, and lor this
reason nobody moves away at his approach : he walks from one shop to
another inquiring the price of grain or other merchandise for sale; makes
here and there a purchase ; and, if he finds a tradesman playing tricks,
he never offers a remark at the time, but on tho following day tends for
the delinquent at his pubKc audience, and inflicts the punishment that he
thiftks he merits.'^
MIR MUZAFFAR UD DIN.
Nasrulla was succeeded by his son Muzaffar ud din, who had spent his
eariy youth at Karshi, the metropolis of the Mangut possessions.
Vambery says he was early remarkable for his industry and capacity,
and that he was a thoroughly cultivated Muhammedan in the Turkestan
sense of the word.t His father was jealous of him, and to keep him
more under supervision, reitioved him to Kermineh, of which he was
appoiited governor, and where he lived from 1842 till his father's death.
One of his first ventures after his accession was an attempt to subdue
the obstinate distriet of Shehr i Sebz, where he gained a very transient
success.^ He was engaged in besieging Chirakchi, one of the fortresses
of that little state, when he was summoned away to Khokand by a
pit^sing invitation from Khudayar Khan, who had been recently hard
pressed by other claimants for the throne.} Khudayar had sent Sultan
Murad Bek to solicit assistance from the Amir of Bukhara, who marched
accordingly at the head of a large army. Ah'm Kut was at this time the
most potent person at Khokand. On the approach of the Bukharians
he withdrew to the defiles of Kara Kuija, where he was besieged for a
long time. Growing weary with the want of success the Amir showed
his anger towaids Khudayar by sending his rival a golden staff, a belt,
and a fine Koran, and withdrew to Bukhara, where he was speedily
followed as a fugitive by Khudayar hhnself.| For some time AUm Kul
rdgned supreme in Khokand, but his foot was heavy on the people there
and they once naore invited Khudayar to go to them. He again appealed
to the Amir for help. The latter was not loath to go, and in 1865, the
very same year when the Russians made their first attack upon Taskend
he captured Khojend and thence went to Khokand, where he
reinstated Khndayar as Khan. ^ Inflated by his success, aod doubtless
afraid of the menacing encroachments of the Russians, BiCuzaffiur now
sent them a letter ordering them to evacuate the portion of Khokand
•4ie,46g. ♦Op.dt.SfS.
] Schuyltr, •p. cit, 35%, 353-
4F
1 /<*.. 353. 354-
IW.
8 10 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
which thejr hftd appropriated,* and threatening them if they refiised with
a hdy war. He also confiscated the property of the Russian merchants
at Bukhara, an act followed hy reprisals at Ose^imigh. His hands were
tied however by the hostilities in Shehr i Sebs which still continued, and
he determined to send an embassy to St Petapborg, The Khoja
Ncjm ud din was chosen to lead the mission, and )ts professed object
was to announce the Amir's accession to the £mperoi^ This envoy was
detained at Ozenburgh. Thereupon the Amir complained to General
Chemaief and requested him to send some one to Bul^iara, to confer
about and settle the disputed boundaries between the two countries. An
officer named Struve with a number of engineers were accordin|^
despatched. On thehr arrival they were arrested, a stroke an>arently
meant as a counterblast to the Russians' detention of the Bukharian
envoy. Thereupon General Chemaief on the i ith of Februaiy, 1866^
crossed the Jaxartes with about 3|00o men, and marched straighl upon
Samairkand, with the intention of releasing his imprisoned co un ti y neiL
After seven forced marches across the arid desert he reached Jiaakh.
There he found himself confronted by a very superior Ibrce^ and having
apparently tried in vain to obtain hu way by a pariey, he had to retbe
once more across the desert assailed by the hordes of the encm|;i
The retreat was conducted in an orderiy fashion, and whenever thf
Uzbegs ventured to join arms they sufiered severdy.t This somewhat
untoward champaign, which had not apparently been sanctioned by the
authorities, and was apparently carried out entirdy at the instance of
General Chemaief, was followed by his supersession by Major-General
Dimitri llyich Romanofski. The Bukharians encouraged by the Russian
retreat now crossed the Jaxartes. On the 5th of April, Romanoftki
encountered and defeated a large body of them cowards Khojend,
and captured from them their cannons and the booty they had made^
together with 14,000 she^p. The Russian commander then sent two
steamers up the river provisioned for ten day% which advanced as far as
Chinas. Muzaffar had' meanwhile collected an army of 40^000 men,
consisting of Sfioo drillefd Bukharians and 95,000 Kasak% with twenty
cannons, aivi had set out to attack Tashkend. The Russian Genead
although he only had abotft 3,600 men with hun determined to risk a
battle, and after ft^liceliminary skirmish a fierce fight took pkoe on fkt
aoth Bfay, at Iijar, on fM Jaxartes, a fisw mOes N.W. of Khojendt
Hdhrald has given a detailed account of tills batde, in which
the Bukharians were coifletely de f ea t ed. Musalbr with 1,000 sarbasia
and two cannons escaped to Jizakh, but his camp, where we are
told ^the food and tea were steaming; and the pipes already lit !! for die
the begs," wi^ sacked. The Amir's tent and park of artillery were
•Vii$imfr: tHdlwald«Di».RiiMeoiiiC«trtIAd«a,9Ssi.
MIR IfUZArrAR UD DIN. Sll
eapttnedy with a large qnanthy d provisions and monitkms of war. Of
die Bukharians about i^ooo perished^ while the Russians lost bot about
fifty wounded) proving as on many other occasions what havoc modem
wd^Kins make when opposed to the rude ones wldch preceded theoL*
Van^bery well calls this the Cannae of Central Asia^ whidi broke the
power and prestige of Bukhara. The Russians mi^ easOy have
mardied upon Samaikandi but contented themsehres with occupying
the fort of Nau which intercepted the road from Bukhara to
Khojend. Khojend firom its trade and strategical position b one of the
most important sites in Central Asia. It was garrisoned by a Bukharian
army commanded by a dependent of Muxaffiv, and surrounded by a
&mous wan except towards the river. On the aQth of May^the Russians
appeared before the phce with two dividons. The dykes had iqppaientfy
been cut and the surrounding districts laid under wateri the woods had
been levelled, and the people <tf the environs been accommodated in the
town. The latter was at length beteagured, and on the ist of June the
Russans began to bombard it, when a deputation of merdiants went out
to ofier to surrender ; meanwhile, however, the more fiuiatical part of
the citizens having got the upper hand determined to resist The
bombardment recommenced, and on the 5th of June orders were given
for the assault It was bravely carried out The Russians lost fimn 100
to 150 men, while that of the Bukharians was about 3,500 IdDed and
woundedt' The fortunes of the VibtgB were indeed growing desperate,
and it was a foriom hope that induced MuzaiEu: to send an embassy to
the Great Sultan of the West, Abdul Axis the Ottoman ruler, (who was
deemed in Central Asia to be the suzerain of the Christian kings of
Europe), to implore his help.t Muzaffiur we are told was openly accused
at Bukhara of cowardice before the enemy, and ofhavingpredpitattd the
catastrophe by his flight from the battle-fidd of Iijar. * He was also
accused of replenishing the treasury by the questionable means of
lowering the standard value of com and confiscating the secular property
of the deigy. He was also charged with selling Bukhara itself, and
could only go out at night, or in disguise, for fear of the insults of thei
people^ who were egged on by the moQahs, and amidst the cursei and
abuses of the women.| Nothing could apparently crush the vanity and
sdtomceit of the citizens,a Jihad or Holy War was prodakned, old and
youngs mqjPahs and iK>Wo joined in it, and the Amir was forced to
complyj Romanofrld was succeeded as Russian commander by Prince
Dashko^ who was^net sorry to find this spirit at Buldiara. On the snd
of October, 1866, he captured Uradppa, where he secured sixteen
cannons, dx standards, and many prisoners, the Russian loss being
three officers and 200 soldiers lolled and wounded.^
* HtBusId, 101. tl^ lot, 10a. : //., lot, X03. I VMDbory, 407-
|M,4oS. n HiOvirid, X09.
$12 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
On the i8th of October the Russians o^Auxed the fortress of Jizakh,
which vas garrisoned by the Ainu's best troops, and where they obtaine4
t!¥enty-six standards and fif^-three cannons. This was the last foot-
hold of the Amir in the valley of the Sir Daria. He now tamed hither and
thither for help. He proposed an alliance with the ruler of Kabul agsdnst
England and Russia. Then he sent his envoy Belisar to Calcutta
and another named Muhanuned to Constantinople for help, but all
in vain. The stubborn people <^ Shehr i Sebz meanwhile secured a
greater degree of independence, while he was worried by the outbreaks of
the Kitai Kipchaks, an Uzbeg tribe which pastured the lands on the
Zara£shan, between Samarkand and Kermineh.*
After the capture of Jizakh a kind of armed truce subsisted between
Bukhara and Russia for some months, but both sides prepared for a final
struggle. At length a Russian officer, named Slushenko, and three
privates having been carried ofi^ General Kaufmann attacked the village
of Ummy, which was apparently the nest of the robbers, and destroyed
it. This was on the 12th of October, i867.t Two months later a
Bttkharian envoy appeared at Tashkend, but no m4>dus vivi$tdi between
the rival powers was discovered. The Amir, however, released Sludienko
and his three companions. We are told that while a prisoner he had been
put in a grave, near which were some gallows, and was given the option
of becoming a Mussulman and marrying two Bukharian damsels, or of
remaining a Christian and being executed. He gave way to these threats-
According to the report of the Bukharians, he was circumcised, married,
and given command of a regiment of Sarabasis.; General Kaufmann
was too ambitious to be restrained by any peaceful overtures. Whatever
the Russian authorities might desire he had his reputation to make with
his sword, and he was a Proconsul too far removed from the capital to
be easily controlled thence. He, therefore, continued to advance. On
the 13th of May, 1868, he set out from Tash Kupruk, half way between
Yanghi Kuigan and Samarkand. Near the Zarafshan, Petrudiefjiki,
who commanded the advance guard, was met by the Amir's envoy,
Mecym ud din, proposing peace, and asking, meanwhile, that the
Russians would not advance any further. The two annies were separated
by the Zarafshan, and General Kaufmann insisted that before he couki
listen to the Amir's proposals the latter must withdraw his forces, and
threatened that unless they were so withdrawn in three hours he should
order their positions to be stonned. His army consisted of about eight
thotisand men. That of thei Bukharians outtmmbered it four or fivefokL
The truce having f^lipiid, the Russians proceeded with their attadc
They forded the tinWififi (which reached up to their breasu) in the face
of the enemy, made their way through the swampy ground beyond^
and stormed their positions. They speedily Aed, leaving twenty-one
*HeUwtM,op.ciUioa»io4. t/^io0. It4^ic$. lf«l«.
laR IfUZAFFAR UD DIN. S13
giifts in the luaidt of Hht Yictors, whose lots wtm incredibly smiM,
only tkcee officers and mder fifty men being injured.* More afinid of
their retunhig countrymen than of the Russian^ the cttisens of Samar-
kand, which was situated near the hattle-fidd, dosed their gates to the
fugitives^ iHule ihey sent a depotadon of iht duef MoDahs and AVsahals
to invite the latter into the town, and professing their devotibn to
the £mpenv« Some of the deputation were retained, while otiMa weii
told to return and tdl the inhabitants to open the gates, and to let the
txoepspassin. General Kanfinann was leoeifed with at least an outward
appeattAce of cordiality. He took possession of the town in die name of
die Emperor, and ordered the cititens to resume their oocupations, open
their shops, aa^ to recidl any fugitives who had gene away, and he then
secured the citadeLt Thus, as Vambery says^ did an Alexander of the
nineteenth century ajx (Alexander IL of Russia) rival the feat of another
and more fiunous Alexander of the fourth century ac, who also captured
^Maracanda,* and thus did the capital of TImur, the metropolie of
Mussuhnan culture, fall into the hands of the hated Franks.
Meanwhile Muzafiar ud din had ibund shdter at Kermtneh, and lus
eldest son, Abdul Malik Murxa, i9ho had escaped firom the battle re-
turned to Bukhara. The Amir was more penitott, but had to receive
another blow before he submitted finally.
General Kaufmann having left Major Baron von Stsmpd with a
garrison of under a thousand men to guard SasMileandyhimsdf advanced
on the road to Bukhara. Samarkand was well provided, and contained
twenty-lbur cannons captured from the enemy, ninety pods of powder and
a laige quantity of ammunition with provisions for two months. It was
wefll that it was so furnished for it was now assailed by a great force of
25,000 from Shehr i Sebz, under Jura Beg and Baba Beg^ i5i00O Kitai
Kipchaks uhder Abdul Taj, and 15,00a Samarlouiders under Hassan
Bcg^ Abdul Gitfda Beg, and Omar Beg. Through the treachery of some
Aksakab, a body of the enemy forced its way into the town, but the
Russians occufHed the citadel and bravely resisted all efforts to capture it
K1|^ and day the attadcs were renewed, and when the gates were forcd,
a rampart of sacks of earth was made. For six days the terrible
struggle was kept up> the sick men leaving their beds to fi^t,
and all acting heroically. It was fortunate for the garrison that
General Kaufinann having heard of what had taken place retraced his
steps and at length rescued his people, but not until they had lost forty-
I in IdUed and 172 in wounded out of their small numbers. This hermc
brought the Amu: to his knees. He agreed to pay a sum of
125,000 tilas or 500^000 thalers, to surrender the country on the Middle
y«fifywmj including Samarkand and Xatti Kurgan to the Russians, and
to aBow them to put cantonments at Kermineh, Karshi, and Chaijui.
*iil. iit,ii3. tW.,n3, VamWf7,4io.
8l4 HISTORY OF THE MOMOOLS.
The district thus ceded forms the province of Sir Daria, the eastern
province of Turkestan. Besides this the Amir agreed to allow Russians
of all creeds to trade freely in all parts of Bul±aray to have agents in
the Bukharian towns to protect them and their property, to charge a
maximum customs duty of ai per cent, on Russian products, and to
allow Russian merchants a free transit across Bukharian soil to the
neighbouring districts.*
This peace was very distasteful to the Mussulmans of Bukhara.
*' All their defeats," says Vambery, ^all their disasters, the loss of so
many fortresses, and of so many lives, all had foiled to bring the vain
fonatical, half insane mollahs of the capital on the Zarafohan to a true
understanding of the state of things.'* They could not realise how their
fompus army and proud foith should have to stoop to a few infidels, and
in their chagrin they readily charged their ruler with treachery, and a
party rapidly gathered round his ddest son Abdul Malik, called Ketti
Tureh, or the Great Pripce.t He was supported by the begs of Shehr i
Sebz and the steppe nomades under their confoderate Sadik. ' He
went to Karshi where he had himsidf proclaimed Khan of Bukhara, and
began a vigorous war against his father. The latter who was bdng
driven into a comer BpptaM to the Russians for help. They determined
to protect their proUgk^ and sent a strong contingent under General
Abramof to attack Karshi. In October, 1868, he defeated the army of
the young prince, which was eight thousand strong, and a fow days later
captured Karshi, and handed it over to the Amir, after which he returned
once more to Jam. Abdul Malik fled to the b^^ of Shehr i Sebt and
thence to Hissar.
In 1870 the Russians conquered Shehr i Sebi, and made it over, mudi
against the will of the inhabitants, to the Amir,t and in 1S73 <1^ *^
made over to him a strip of territory on the right bank of the Oxus, from
Kukertli to Meshekli, and thence to the Russian boundary, whidi was
taken from Khiva, and a new treaty was made, securing their rights
to navigate the Oxus, aibd to build piers and warehouses on tiie
Bukharian bank, and opening all the towns of the Khanate to
Russian traders and travellers; fodng a maximum duty of 3f per
cent on Russian merchandise, and that no transit dues should be
charged for goods which were to pass throus^ the Khanate; that
Russians should be allowed to found caravanserais and agents there, to
practice any trade allowed by the Shariat^ and to buy real property.
No one was to be allowed to enter the country from Russia without a
proper passport, while the Amir was to have a resident agent at Tash*
kend, and the Russians one at Bukhara.! The Khanate had, in foct,
become a Russian dependency, as much as Cashmere is a British one.
S SdMvlir* ii., yi*
MIR MUZATFAR UD DIN. 8l$
As to the httaxtf Mr. Schuyler has some very just remarks. He
saysy " The conquest of Bukhara, except for the purpose of getting control
over the greatest market in Central Asia, and of putting an end to an in*
dependent and sometimes tioublesome Mohammedan state, will probably
not have for the Russians the same advantages as that of Khokand.
The agriculture of the country is in poor conditiont and M. Sobolef brings
up weighty reasons to prove that the area of cultivable land is bdng
gradually and ra^udly diminished by the encroachments of the desert
There is probably no reason to look for the occupation of Bukhara by
Russia before the death of the Amir, whom the Russians, in spite ci the
complaints of his people, will probably continue to maintain upon the
throne.***
Muzaffer ud din was visited both by Mr. Schuyler and Vambery, the
former describes him as a tall stout roan, with sallow complexion, and
small dark uneasy eyes, which he moved in all directions ; his flesh
looked flabby and unhealthy, and his hands trembled constantly from a
too frequent use of aphrodisiacs ; his beard was very dark and thin, and
he wore a plain grey silk gown, and a white turban, f Vambery describes
him as a rigid Mussulman, and in his capacity as MoUah as the declared
enemy of every innovation, even when convinced of its utility ; his love of
strict justice was proverbial, and he was especially severe against the
grandees while he was lenient towards the poor— hence, why his people
reported that " he is a killer of elephants and a protector of mice."
Luxury of all kinds was rigidly suppressed. Thus we read that his
serdari kul, or commander-in-chief, Shahkukh Khan, ordered a grand
house to be built for himself at Bukhara like those at Teheran, in which,
besides other articles of luxury, glass windows were introduced, and the
place is said to have cost 15,000 tillas. The Amir waited till it was
furnished when he had him apprehended and exiled, and the house
confiscated, and although an offer was made to purchase it at twice iu
cost price he ordered it to be demolished. The ruins themselves
looking too ornamental were further destroyed, except the timber, which
was sold to a baker for 200 tillas.
The Amir, when Vambeiy was at Bukhara, had four wives and about
twenty concubines ; he had sixteen daughters and ten sons; the two
eldest daughters were married to the governors of Serpul and Akshi, but
as these two towns had been conquered by the Afghans his two sons-in-
law lived as the Amir's guests at Bukhara. His mother and grandmother
presided over the harem, and it bore a high character for chastity and
orderly training, only pious sheikhs were allowed to enter, or throw a
glance, thither, and our traveller mentions how one of these, named Haji
Salih, was allowed access to it, to administer a dose of the khaki
. shifa, or health powder, from Medina. The cost <^ the haxon was very
* Op. dt, ii., 51S. t Op. dt., iL, ^ 84.
8l6 HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS.
smally tke kdios nuJdng their own clothes, and often 9ho those of the
Anir) hk kHchen eipenses wete said to be only from sixteen to twenty
teagas daSy, chief dish consistinir of pilaf boiled with mutton £aiL*
We will now turn to the history of the district north of the Jaxartes,
whidi had lor more than a century been indqMftdent of Bukhara,
KHOKANO AND TASHKEND.
At the b^:inning of the last century, when the power of the Astra-
khanids was growing feeble, the greater part of the ralley of the Jaxartes
passed out of their control The Kazaks planted themselves firmly, as 1
har^ diowo, in the western part of the comitry, and until the year 1740
were vixtual masters of Tashkend and Tuikestan, owning a certain
aUegianoe to the Sungar Kalmuks. In the eastern part of the country,
known as Fei!i^uma, we have a state of things very like that in Kashgar,
Ibrther east The heads of the Khoja or Seyid families were apparently
appointed rulers of the various towns, and thus acquired an independent
aftatos^ and the conmranity was broken up into a number of fragments.
The eariy l^story of this movement is obscure. In the case of Khokand
we are remitted ter certain traditions preserved by Mahsum Khoja, which
kft wtvcr unsatisfectory are the only materials available. According to
him a cettahi Shah Rukh bek, who was of noble but not royal birth,
went, at the beginning of the last century, from the neighbourhood of the
Volga and settled in Ferghana, where he married the daughter of Yadigar
Khoja, the ruler of the town of Khurram Serai, and then settled with his
people in Kurkan, twelve miles west of the present Khokand, and pro-
bably the Khnakend of Ibn Hauknl. If this be rdiable Shah Rukh bek
was probably a Mangut prinoe, and it may be that the tribe of Miog,
ndiich dominated over Khokand, was in effect of the same race as the
Maxtguts. We are tokl that Shah Rukh, who is mentioned by an inde-
pendent authority, as a descendant of Jingis Khan,t murdered his father-
in-law, made himself master of the district, and soon extended his suray.
He was succeeded by his eldest son Rahim bek, and he by his brother
Abdul Kerim bek, who built the present city of Khokand, to which he
moved his lesidence^t
This is the account of the origin of the Khanate as given by Mahsum
Khoja; while Vamberyf makes its chief descend from Kaidu, the
ftmous rital of Khubilai Khan, who occupied us in the former vohime,|
and whose family he elsewhere strangely confuses with that of the
Jagatai rulers of Kashgar. We will now resume our story.
* Vaakcrjr, Travels, 187*190. t Wathta. Jo«m. Aitot. 80c, Bmc*. iU., 37a«
2 Ritter^ WtH A«i«o, vii., 77%. i Op. cit.» 371. 1 Antt, vol. I., 173, ttc.
1I4UOTIB BL 817
Abchd Kerin VM Mccaedtd lyyEideni Atk, idM it made hit ton by
tooM^ tad Uit ttti of lUhim 1>y odmt : I |»rdtor the fonntr vi^^ The
gran auMte Gecinplqr» madattd by Klapioth,* tayt that the Bekt
ofalltlieoilMrtofVAtQCFeighMia wore tobject tohin^and obeyed his
octet. Ill 1759 the Chfaiete 9mmn\, Chaohod wat in pgisttit of Khori«
jaB» and detached tome offioert to tobdne the Bonitt. They were enter-
tamed by Erdeni at Khokaad with mutton and wine, and when they
dtpaited he tent back one of hit officials to tender hit tnbmittionto the
Empttm Kien Lan|^ The other Bdn MOkr iUics Toktn Muhammed of
Andyanaad DatPinglitof Maii^iilan ako tent officert with tribute*
and in 1760 the fixmer went to Pddng in penoo. Amoog the pcetentt
tent to tbe Eaqperor weie aifhamaVii great ea|^ £dcoat for
hmtini^aiid^Iilatetofthefbontain of the dragon "(?). Tathkend had
tabmitted to China in 1758. In I7te Erdeni invaded the country of Ush,
which bdoDged to Adsi hi, but wat ordered to withdraw by the Chinese
general In 1763 there wat another invation of the Burnt country,
which wat blamed by an Imperial decree. Erdeni died in lyyal
HARBUTEH BL
Mahtnm Khcja maket Erdeni be tucceeded by Snlhnan b^ and he
by Shah Rnkh beg, the test of whom only reigned three mondit. He
wat tiien followed by Narbutdi hi, the grandson of Abdul Kerim.S Nar-
btttehy accocding to load tradition, wat the ton of Abdor Rahman Batir,
an Uibq^ of the Ming trib^ who ruled over the town and dittrict of
Isfiua, and tHio married Eideni bd[ft ntter.| Khanikof and others
can hfan Yamchi bi or Jamdii bi, and tell us he was descended from the
fiuooMMt Baber.T
Abdur Rahman wat treadMioutly killed by Erdeni, who withed
to potsess himtelf of Itfinra, but hit ton Naibuteh who wat then but
a ^ihl wat tpared, and when on ErdenFt death hit heh:t were killed or
diqiened he wat choten by the Khokandians to succeed hhn.** By
Watfieut NaAvtrii it made a grandson of Shah Rnkh Beg.tt He ruled
Ofver Khokand during the domination of the Andr Shah Murad, at
BuUiafa, and wat donbtlett more or less subonUnate to him, for
he neither strud^ coins nor had die Khutbeh said in his own name4}
He had an army of fifty thousand men, lived at Khokandi and
wat tt]^ hit son by ^ Emperor of China, to whom he tent
envoys every one or two years^ with pretentt of hortety sable skins, &&,
and received in ratum rod gold^ &c, amounting in value to several
«lfaC.Aaitt,L,as. t(IKriL) |lkc.Ailit,L,as. tdNqrlir. L, uS.
f tiftK C^km ^ rittisi, litai> hup. Aich. Sockt^ St, Ptlw^,JL, n§^im, AmMm
40
Si8 HisTORT or nil monqols.
laks of rupees.* The Alglun ruler, Zeman Shih, sent an ambtssador
in 1794 to Khokaad, who describes one of these embassies to China.
The represenuUre of Khokand uras met at the Oiinfie frontier
by a carriage, shaped like a boi^ drawn by two horses, and as it was
wintry-cold they put a hot stone before him to warm him, while the
carriage itself contained all necessary food and drink. He dined ta rvMte,
while he stayed to sleep at some post station. These were garrisoned by
500 men. He saw nowhere on the way any well peopled district. It took
him a month and a few days to reach Pddngfirom the frontier. He was
admitted to an aodience hi the palace, iHiose grandeur greatly sorprised
him ; the waUs and cdling befaig coated with gcM and glass, and in
the midst was a kiosk, also richly gilded and glased. He prostrated
himself in the prescribed way, and then saw a hand issne from the top
of the kiosk and heard a voice speaking in ^the Turkish of Kitai,* whidi
said, ^ The Emperor deigns to ask, does my 8<m Narbuteh bi eBJoy good
health and contentment ? ^ The envoy prostrated himself again, and
replied, as he was told, ^Narbuteh has no other wish than to satisfy the
bdiests of his majesty." Afterwards the EmpercMr gave him praseots for
the Khan to the value of ten laks of rupees, which were put into the
carriage in which he once more returned to Khcdcandt
The A%han envoy speaks in high terms of ^ qualities of Narbotdi bi,
he says, '* He had built hhnself a palace of singular beauty, whose walls
were covered with encrusted glass (? porcdain). No one was allowed to
approach him ; and fifty or sixty soldiers mounted guard at his gate, who
carried the requests of suppliants into the palace^ and returned widi written
answers. Every Friday he went to the Mosque^ escorted by about lo^ooo
soldiers^ There he met the Ulemas and Seyids, and heard dispitles.
The easier matters he decided himself, remitting the more difficult ones
to the Muftis. He then went to his palace, which held a vast crowd of
people, where he gave a feast His food was the same as that of the other
Usbegs, but he ate little rice. Envoys were received by him with the usual
ceremonies practised by sovereign rulers, and he had by him, re^esen-
tatives of the different Uzbeg states.*^ Mahsum Khoja says NariMdi
conquered all Ferghana except Khojend, and we elsewhere read that he
subdued Andijan, Namangan, Ush, and other places. His latter days
were spoit in a struggle for Khojend with Faril bi and his son Khudayar,
the governor of Uratippa. It seems that, in idliance with the Amir
of Bukhara, he tried to take Uratippa, but was completdy routed by
Khudayar, who is said to have killed twenty thousand men, and miide a
pyramid of their heads.f In 1799 he undertook an expedition against
Tashkend, which was governed by Yunus Khoja.
Here we must divert a little. Soon after YoJbars, Khan of the Kasaks,
was killed at TaAkend to 1740^ as I have described , Tashkend passed
Si9
imdertliedomtiwHon of the Stng«r Katattukiy and wai nM for tome
timebylCtttlakbiy wbowatpfolMdilsrfittk wpoBt Upm the deputy of the
Simgarian soirereigii.* He etffl geweieeil the tewn in ij^f A few
years kiter the Stmgariaii eofiife was a f tilhi wr a by the Chinese* who
in 1750 occupied Tashkead Lflce Fsq^haaa sMs dislnct seems to have
passed under die coniral of vaiietts Kho^eachof whom ruled over a
town and its suvrounding distykt We do not read of Tasldiend again
till the end of the century when wo ted it subject to Yunus Kboja^
who is caMed a descendant of the todous KhaM Abubdchr, by Abdul
KeriuLt He reduced tiw sumunding districu to oider,and in 1798
seveiely punished tiie Kasaks of the Great Horde, who had io long
harassed his borders, and at length completdy subdued them-S Yunus
Khoja was now master of Tashkend, Turkestan, and of a wide district in
the neighbouiliood, and in 1797 came into conflict with Narbuteh bi, of
Khokand, as I have mentioned. The ktter was defeated and captured,
and was put to deaA at Tasl^cend in iSoal He left three sons, Alim,
Omar, and Shahrukh.
ALIM KHAN.
Naibutdi bi was succeeded by his ddest son Alim Khan, who
on his accession put his brother Rustem B^ and several of hisotfaer
rdations who had opposed him to death. He had the Khutbeh said in
his own name, and also struck money.f Meanwhik, Yunus Khoja of
Tashkend marched with the Kasaks who were subject to him ^^st
Khokand> and attied himself with Bek Murad, the son of Khudayar Beic,
who was then ruling at Khojend. The armies of Khokand and
Tadkkend fiied at one another across the Sir Daria but they did not
come together, and afterwards retb:ed. Subsequently we find Yunus
Khoja and his ally trying in vain to capture Uratippa, which was
governed by Khudayar's brother Baba Bek. The latter thcieupon went
^nst Khojend, whence he drove away Bdc Murad bdc Baba was
subsequently murdered by his nephew Bek Murad, in return for which
Bek Murad was himself IdUed by the children of Baba Bdt in Samarkand,
whither he had been invited by Ae Bukharian Amir, Haidar. Yunus
Khoja was finally unsuccessful and obliged to retreat to Tashkend, which
was captured by Alim Khan in 1803 or 1805,** but it was apparently not
finally conquered till the reign of Omar Khan his brother, who we are
told took it from the sons of Yunus Khoja.tt Alim then subjected the
Kasaks, turned his arms against Buldiara, and tried unsuccessfully to
♦^•l#.«75.«7«. 1UtAIii%x» IScheltr.fir. ^l**)^
|T»tfdtorPwpWol.aoMMm.Qtof.a<».«ISwP«»«ini^-4».*c. Notts.
t SdMfcr't Abd«l XMifli,«ix. ** ScbvylerJ., 340^ S4X-
tt WilktBt Jonra. Aaltt Soc, BMf ., iU., s^i.
Sao HinO&T OV XHB MQIWOOMi
atpbu» Ufatippty wbidi fcfl lioMifw in a teooad cuapaigB.* It was
Khan seonf to have been a aelMifflad obatfnate peitoa, and he paid no
heed to the Shiiflrht and Sofia. OneneoocaaonaSheildiQCKhokandwho
had a gieat nnniber of dJicipieiy pvelended thai he poaaeaaed the power
of doing miiadea. He was aoBunonedhyAttm Khan wIki was aeated near
> pond ofer which he h ad s uspend e d a iope> and who Attsadd i awa A hia^
O Sheikh, on the day of rssarraction yoo will no doubt csndact yov
dIsdplesoverthegidfQfhaabrthebiMfeofSiiatk InowwiahToato
cross over the pond by this rope^ tiiat I Biay intness one of Toerminides.
The Sheikh began to nuke cxcittes and to dte the Koran, but the
Khan was inflexible. Hardly had he set foot on the rope when he £b11
into the pond, wharanpon they beat him with sticks till ho died. He
had all the dervishes and p r o fe ss ed religiotts arrested and co n vert e d into
camd drtvers>t When the Chi n ea e oonqaered Altishehr or Eastern
Ttailcestan, the eons of die fiunoos Kbqja Serim Sak fled to Bokhanu
Thence f orw ard it seems the Imperial Court of China paid an annual smn
of money to the governor of Khokandyin consideration of his looking
after the yoong princes, and preventing tiiem from letnming to
Kashgar,and an envoy accordin^y went every two or three years from
Khokand to China. This pension having on one occasion friled to go,
AHm Khan forbade the caravans of Bokhara and Khdcand visiting
Kashgar, which qpeedOy brought the Chinese to terms and theyiendtled
the arrears of pension in one sum.|
Latterly AHm Khan became very tyrannical and cnid. He disposed of
the daqghten of hb m^tGtM as he liked, and put to death many innooent
people, and Us sabfects prayed for his death. On one oocasioa, dnrii^
the Khokand fob,he went to Tashkend with a laige army, which was
comrnandud by his brother, Omar bd^ and his maternal onds^ and he
ordered them to lay waste the country of the Kaiaks. Notwithstanding
the rigour of the aeason this order was carried out The Kaiaks sub-
mitted, and Omar thereupon returned to Tashkend» and reported how he
had slain some of the nomades, and secured the submission of the rest
Attm abused him for having shown any mercy, and ordered him to
retnm, and slani^iter tliem without mercy. Omar went outside the dty,
where hb troops to the number of ten diousand lay, and he reported to
nghal and the other officers what had taken place. They all agreed that
dMir horses could not then march, that the season was too severe^ and
that ^ Kasaki^ beskles being Mussufanans and innocent, were scattered
over the desert, and that it would be impossible to find them* Omar
thereupon asked what was to be done. Taghai, his uncle, replied,
'^ Omar Bek must be Khan; we cannot obey a tyrant like Alim Khan,"
and he swore the oath of foahy to him. The army then m^f^^^
su. t8dnqrtor,i.,94i. I feh t ftr, aii, sn. flA,«i7,tiS.
OUULKHAK. Sai
tft KfcniTMMl, when Omir Khan wm diilf procfafaned. AOm tocm
fomd Minif.lf witk only tiutc lumdred UtowtxM^ awniig wiMii bo
libcnlly dteOwted lafgM* He maidiad tomdi Kholaaid wMi Mi
tfeMuxeSy kis hMeBi, and his son. Shah RnUi MnrMf whoit motfMr
wa$ a Kaak. £n nrnte he came to a fbct, wfaidi leAiied to tiineaderf
and havbg halted for the ni|^ eren hit tfuee handled ftUow^n deserted
him and went into Khdcand. He theneopony with tears hi his eyes, snm-
mmedhis son, gave him one thousand tiOas^ and bade hto go to the
Amir Haidar, at Bukhara. Then leering his irives and tieasuies bi a
village^ to whose chief men he intrusted tteniy he set e«t with twenty
h o r s emen and his Divan beg^ Mohammed Zohmr, for DerehVnhp whence
he could see Khokand. The Divan b^ asked hhn not to trust
himself further, but to go to Khojendi where there were four thousand
men who would probably support him. He insisted upon gomg near the
town, and was abandoned by his remaining followers^ except iSvee
only. When the patrols, who were outside the wall% saw him th^r gave
chase, whereupon the Khan'k horse became bogged in a marsh. Hetheo
asked the Divan begi to give him his, hot the Utter replied that he iMd
not heeded his counsel, and he was not prepared to sacrifice his life lipr
him. Hethereupon pot his horse to the gaUop, and went towards ^
town. The soldiers of Omar Khan having now come up one of them tfho|
him in the back, and they buried him at night This was in 1M4 of tkf
hej, l0^ 1809. Mohammed Zuhur was at first well received by Omar
Khan, but was afterwards stripped of his wealth, and eventu4ly devoted
himsdf to a religious life.* Mahsum Khoja says Ahm Kbsn was tiie
first of the Khokand rulers to strike money in his own name, and that
these coins, wiiich were of bronze silvered over, were made from old
cumons left by Nadir Shah at the time of his conquestt One of his
corns has been published by Savilie£ It was struck in iaj6 hq, i>.,
1801-a, and on it he styles himself Alim bek.|
OMAR KHAN.
The young prince, Shah Rukh Muna, instead of going to Bukhara m
his fether had counselled him went to Tashkend, where he was wsW
received, but news having arrived there of the death of Alim Khsmy Ibe
Knsh b^ seized him, and had him conveyed towards Khohmd, jHe
was killdl en route. Omar Khan seated Umsdf on the thions^ end
confided the admbistration of the i$pnntry to his maternal unde,
Muhammed Riza bek.| The rule of Omar Khan was ^ beneficent on^
and Khokand became a great resort of jooerchants.
* 8cfa«fv, sig-dtt)* t MuxjliT, t., 34^
IlfcaM.fiif,Aish»Soe.,Bftst0ni8oGtioOfiI.«z2x. ^Scli0fBr,a^CM..
Saa HISTORY OF THE IfONGOLS*
We are told he captured Mahmud Khan, of Uratippa, and sent him
pris<Hier to Khokand, replacing htm by one of his adherents, and although
the latter was soon after driven away, Uratippa, in fact, remained subject
to Khokand. Omar also conquered Turkestan and several surroumUng
towns, and Tozai Khan, who, Schuyto says, was the last descendant of
the Kazak Khans, fled to Bukhara, where he was afterwards killed.*
A dependent of Alim Khan, named Muhammed Rejeb Karajeh, who had
been a ftigitive at Bukhara, having repaired to Khokand, secured the
hatred of Muhammed Riza bek, and of his friend Kitaki, who was a
Karakalpak and a famous commander. The two latter plotted toge-
ther to seize the throne. Their scheme having been disclosed by a slave,
Omar Khan and Muhammed Rejeb ccmcerted measures for defeating it
They were invited to a feast at the palace, where Muhammed Riza was
arrested, put in prison, and then strangled, his ftiend Kitaki was cut
in pieces, their property was confiscated, and Rejeb Karajeh was
appointed governor of Khojend. Omar Khan sent an envoy to Russia
to arrange for the visits of caravans to Khokand, and he proposed that
when they were pillaged on his side of the half-way line, he would recom-
pense the merchants, if the Emperor did the same on his side. This was
accepted, Abdul Kerim says, that when he wrote, many such caravans
passed to and fro. He reports how an envoy from Khokand having been
killed by a Russian soldier at Kiziljar, the Russians paid a fine of i,ooo
dllastt
This intercourse with Russia led to the famous visit to Khokand, of
Colonel Nazarof, in 1 813-14. He went to explain the death of the Kho-
kandian envoys on the Russian frontier, one of whom had been killed by
an outlaw on the frontier, which was doubtless the event referred to by
Abdul Kerim. He took an escort of Cossacks, and merchandise to the
value of 20^000 roubles. On arriving at Khokand they were assigned a
place to camp in, in the garden of the palace, and were there kept strictly
guarded, but themselves and cattle were supplied freely with food, their
own consisting of white bread, rice, tea, and melons.} Twelve days after
his arrival Nazarof had an interview with the Khan, whom he calls
Amir Vali Niami. They were escorted by some of his guards riding
arghamaks, who were richly dressed, and wore red turbans. The
envoy rode, and his Cossacks followed on foot. On approaching the
palace all dismounted. The streets and roofs were crowded with people.
The Khan sat at a window, and Nazarof was told to salute him as he
did his sovereign, whereupon he uncovered himself which was deemed
a solecism. The Khan was about twenty-five years old, he was seated
on his throng and richly dressed ; at the audience there were also envoys
from Bukhara, Khiva, the Sarsans (?), and China— the last, probably,
frcmi the Chinese governor of III After the presentation, at which
*Op.dt.,i.,54iiS4S* t Schefer* s«S-M9> t Mttar, WmC Ad«i,vU.,7^
UASAU KHAK. 813
Nasarof i^aced die impedAi letters on hit own head ; they were feasted
with hdrseflesb, and rice stained of a rose colour ; Naiarof refhsed to eat
this as contrary to his religion. Several of the Cossack officers were
presented with state robes, and allowed to return home^ but Nasarof
himself was detsuned ; he was closely confined, and told he must either
pay the blood penalty for the lives of the two envoys, turn Mussulman, or
be hanged on a gallows ; but this wasa barren threat, and he was,in £act,
kindly treated and taken to many festivals, musical entertainments, &c.
In order that he might not try to escape he was invited by the Khan to
go with him on a hunting excursion to Marghilan, where he stayed for
some time^ aBd where the devoted Mussulmans thiew stones at him as a
Kaffir ; he afterwards returned home again.*
Izzetulla also visited Khokand ; he tells us Omar Khan maintained
a standing anny of lo^ooo horse, which he paid by grants of villages
and lands. The troops could not keep the field for longer than
two months as their provisions then became exhausted ; besides them
the tribes could raise 3o/xx> men, who served for a month, and that once
a year. The services of these last were not paid for by the Khan ; most
of them were armed with spears, but some had matchlocks.! Omar
Khan died in 1822 ; according to aonie he was killed by his brother,
Muhammed All ;t on his coins he is styled Seyid Muhammed Omar
Sultan, and Muhammed Khan Seyid Omar.l
MUHAMMED ALI OR MADALI KHAN.
Muhanmied Ali, who now succeeded, was also called Madali, which is
a contraction of the former name. On his accession he exiled several of
hb relatives, and among them his brother Mahmud Sultatr, who went to
Shehr i Sebz, where he married the daughter of the ruler. He was after-
wards patronised by Nasrulla of Bukhara, by whom he was appointed
saccessively governor of Urmitan and Khojend. | Schuyler reports that
s disagreement with Bukhara, which broke out at the beginning of
Madali Khan's reign ended peaceably in 1825.^ This probably arose out of
the shdter winch Madali offered to NasruUa's brother Omar Khan. Some
time after the Bukharian Khan seems to have conquered Jixakh, which was
his when Bumes wrote. In 1826 Yehanghir Khoja, a descendant of the
fonner rulers of Kadigar, rose in revolt against the Chinese, but having
been defeated by them he fell into the hands of the Kirghises, and
eventuaDy into those of Madali, who kept him in restraint for a while^
when he again took shelter with the Kiighises, and persuaded them to
march with him against the Chinese.
■ — ' — iiiiiiiii ' —
* /i., 7^ Uairvn Phtoretqiie, Aua, vi^ xxx, 1x2. t Jour. Roy. AiUt. Soc* Til., pts»
t Sckiyltr, I., S4S. I SavUtof, op. cit., MS. tSehttfUt,U,m, Y Op. ci|«, I., 54S>
$24 HXtXOBV or TBS iKmoo
UtAaU, ute was iiritatcid at tbe trMtmeat fht Muttolmaits had
ttcdftd, alio flMadied aa iiniiy ^mt, and tnrpriaed and cut up tiie
Oiinine Tbe Khoja aeciiied poaaettioii <tf Kashgtf, and the Khan^
GKnkf ovtsnuL the whole <tf Chmete Tartary, and got postetskm
ofYaifcaiidyAkaayaad KhoteD,wfaidi victories seamed Ibr MadaMthe
title of GfaasL Pieseady the Khoja grew jeakms of Bfadali, and
drew cH bb people^ and, as tbe Oiinese advanced in fbite^ tbe latter
withdrew. Ydiangfabr blmsdf was captured, and was sent to Pddng to
be eieciited. Tbe Chinese now sent an eavof to Khokand to negotiate
ior peaos^ which was agreed upon on condition of the Khan retaining a
dqmty at Kasbgar to superintend tbe religion of tbe Mnbanunedans
diere. He was granted a share in tbe transit dnes, and Madali agreed to
restrain the Kiighises, and to assist the Giinese in maintaining order in
Chinese Tartarf.*
In 1828-9^ while Mnrza Shems was living at Khokand, Yosuf Khcja,
the brother of Yebanghir, who was also fiving there, asked permission
fromMadalitoreconqiierhis&theriand. Tbe Khan gave him some royal
robes, and a contingent of twenty-five thousand men, which he accomr
panied himsdf as far as Ush. Twenty days after leaving Ush they
readied one of the Chinese frontier stations, garrisoned by about one
hundred and fifty men, which they assaulted for some time, when the
garrison blew the place up* Murza Shems teUs us how when they
deq;iaired of success and thus committed ''the happy despatch'^ wholesale
te Chinese dressed themsdves in their best dotbes, drank much wine^
and then fired the powder magaxine. When the Khokandians entered
the fort they found the bodies of fifty or sixty Chinamen charred and
swollen, and others who had shot themsdves. Fourteen were found alive
in a well, and were sent back as trophies to Madali Khan. TheKhokan-
dians then went on about fifteen varsts ftuther, and came to another for^
with a garrison of about five hundred Chinese^ where the neighbouring
heights were covered with a laiger force. One report making it seven
thousand dght hundred and anotherthirteen thousand strong. After a ter-
rible struggle the Khokandians won the day, and most of the Chinese were
dther killed or committed suidde. Leaving the fort to be invested they
continued their advance by way of Mushi and Liangar, about ten versts
from Kasbgar. There the feud was still in progress between tbe Blade
and White Khojas, of whom the latter were the partisans of Yusuf, while
the Black Khojas were the partisans of the Chinese. The former now
came out with great joy to wdcome thdr diampion, who entered Kasbgar
to the sound of trumpets and drums. Meanwhile Ishak beg^ who belonged
to the other faction, withdrew with his supporteis to another Chinese fort,
apparently called Gul bagh, with a garrison of some thirteen hundred
men. This was bdeagured by the Khokandians, while Yusuf himsdf
*VlftllMa» or. cit., ITS*
1UDAX.I &RAN. $2$
west to Yans^ Hissar, om himctred and fifty venU oSf and tlwnce to
Yafkmd, leaving his son at Kashgar in diaige of the Mvna Shems*
Four nu»|]is after Ynaaf had left the capital, news anhred that a huge
Chhiese anny one handled thousand stroi^ was maidung to the lescney
and had aheady veadied Faisabad. Mima Shems at once padftd up
the YahiablMlie had chaige of in sixty boxesi and prtpaied to depart,
bat this baggage was phmdeied by the BkdcKhojas. The Khokandians
xetfaed in all haste, and were accompanied by a great crowd of
Xashgarians of the Whito Khoja fiurtion; one accoant says twehre
thoasand, and another ftem fifty to sixty thowsand. It was a rq;akr
migratiofi of meoi women, and ddldrsn on Ibot^ on horses and
donheysb and the weadier being very cold mai^ of them perished on the
way. Yusof himself died at Khokand, about five montiu Uter.* The
ftqiitives from Kashgar were settled in the dty of Shehri iChana, bailt by
Omar Khan, and on the Sir Daria, bdow Khojend.
In 1831 a treaty was condaded at Peking between the empire and
Khokand, by whk^ the nder of the ktter country was ^to receive the
doties on a& faeign goods imported into Akso, Ush T^rfan, Kashgar,
Yanghl HIssar, Yadooid, and Kholen, and was allowed to mahitahi
aksakabiaanthose towns to collect the doties, and to protect the Mo-
haamedans, while he bound hfansdf to prevent the Khcjas leaving his
domlnlens, and to punlrii them if they did so. In this way Khokand
aoquirsd great Inftusnee In Kashgar.t
On another side k began to have more rsgnlar intercourse with its
mors aangerDus nstsnoour JCttSwa*
At tfus time a faage nund>er of Kasi^ netaUy those of the Great
Horde werc^ as wo have seen, subject to Khokand, and much dilBoalty
arose in conseqnencc of the nnceitafai fimitsof the Isiritocy over iHddi
rights were dafaned by Russia and Khokand rs^pfctivdy. About
1827 or 183^ envoys were sent from Orenbuigh to settle the matter, who
took with them as presents firom the Tsar several mirrors of very huge
rise^ a musical dodc, and guns and pistols. It was finally agreed that
the river Kuk Su should be the boundary of the two countries, the sub*
Jects of Russia keepii^ to the north, and those of Khdcand to the south
of it Beacons were also erected along the frontier, but it would seem
the Russians were not long in encroadiing on these limits, and built some
forts south of the river; whereupon Che Khan sent another envoy to
St Petersbuig with an elephant, and some Chinese slaves, as a present
lor the £nqpetor4
Madali Khan was a martial penon in his young days, and itiUr alim^
c onq ueied Kaiategin, and compelled Kulab, Darwai, and Shqgnan to
recognise his aothority.S
*IC««t.«fMana8hnM,«p.cil^SM.S9tb t acli«]rl«»i.|o*
4H
826 HISTORY OF TUX MONGOLS.
I have described how at this time the £n|^ish and Rwtsiant wave
trying to checkmate one another in Central Asia, and each endeavouring
to secure the assistance of the Vtheg Khanates. Vfhm. Colond
Sioddart went to Bokhara, Captain ConoUy, who had had coaaideiaUe
experience, was seat on a mission to Khiva, and told to go on from
thence to Khokand, and to explore the road between the two Khanatei,
leading by way of Altun Kiddi, Ak Mnsjid, and Achkian* Ha was six
weeks on this journey and ii^^tiafecd himself into the iavoor of Madali
IQian and his supporters by the rich presents of expensive firearms,
inlaid and ornamented, and Cashmere shawls which he lavishly
dlstribnted. He travelled we are told with a train of eighty servants
and an immense quantity of baggage, and the chief people of die
country he passed through shared his hlierality as wdl as the
Government officials, however tow or high might be their rank.*
This created him many partisans. It seems that at this time the feud
between Khokand and Bukhara had recommenced, for although Madali
had in 1839 submitted to the Amir of the latter country, the presence and
attentions of ConoUy seem to have made him more arrogant^ and the
Amir had once more to mardi against him. Meanwhile Nasnilla, who
knew of Conolly*s visit, attributed this altered conduct of his dependent
to his instigation. Having been pnnnised a safe conduct by the Amir,
ConoUy determined to trust himself at Bukhara, notwithstanding the
advice of his friends at Khokand. He was received in a cold and
haughty manner by -the Amir at Jizakh. There he brought about
negotiations between the two rulers which ended in a short peacct
He then went on to Bukhara where he joined Stoddart, and where he
was put to death as I have mentioned.}
Let us now revert to Madali Khan. About 1840 a great change came
over him, and from being a vigorous warrior he degenerated into a
debauchee. The change was attributed to the remorse he fdt at the
execution of Hak Kuli, by whose counseb he had generaUy been guided.
Weakness at head-quarters had its usual effects, and we find a
conspiracy was started by the Kushbegi Leshker of Tashkend, the
Kazi Kalian, the commander-in-chief, Isa Kboja, and others.S They
determined to displace Madali and to put Shere Ali, the son of Alim
Khan or Murad bi the son of Haji bi, the brother of Narbuteh hi, on the
tiirone. The former had lived for many years among the IQpchaks^and
the latter at Khiva where he had given his daughter in marriage to Allah
Kuli Khan. The conspirators sent an invitation to NasruUa Khan of
Bukhara to go and assist them* The latter was only too willing to go»
but so rash did the proceeding seem on the part of the Khokandians that
he Guided there was some sinister motive bdiind it, and it was only on
* Pmin't ASi^nB, 437, 438. t Id,, 43^-440* I ^«^» Soo^ Sm.
%VtLZmQ Hilt NoCtoM of Khokninlfana. Rom. Arch. Soe.OriMt.Stet.,U..399-S3i.
IfAPAU KKAK. Si7
the receipt of a stcood mvhetion diat lie set QOtin April, i843>widitA
anny of 18^000 men, and encainped fifteen or sixteen milM fr^
Fri^tened by this demonstiatlon MadiU sent out his son Mohammed
Amin wiA the Knshbq^i Leshker and te Kazi Kalian to <^ier hnmble
terms, iniiralta that he wonld acknowledge himsdf a vassal of Bukhara
and have Nasmlla's name inserted in the Khntbeh and on the coins*
These envoys were amicably received and t#o of them were sent back but
the Knshb^ Lesker was detained, and at a private andience he inf<»med
the Amir that the Khokand diiefo and people were ready to surrender
the place to him. NasniUa thereapon sent to summon Madali to his
presence. Tb# latter vras naturally afraid nor could he get any assistance
from his usual counsdlors. He then discovered how unpopular he had
become^ and packing up his valuables in 100 arabas and taking with
him but 1,000 men he set off for Namangan. The grandees now sent to
invite Nasrulla to enter Khokand which he did in state, and deeming it
good policy to be beared rather than loved, and by striking terror to
overawe his other neighbours, he ordered the town to be pillaged, and
it was given up to plui^der for about four hours, the mollihs themselves
being robbed of thdr books, and the w(«ien and children subjected to
great outrage.* The next day the captured property was resold to the
citizens, except the gold, diver, and other valuables which went into the
treasury. The Amir now ordered Madali to be searched for.
The latter was gradually deserted by his escort which carried <d his
baggage, and at last he was left with but three foUowers, and deemed
it best to return to Khokand and throw himself on the demency of the
victor. He had icarody reached the town however, when he was seised
with his mother, wives, sons, and brother. His harem was transported
to Bukhara in forty arabas. Nasrulla now summoned a grand council to
try his captive^ and he lei it be known that he intended to kill him, to
appropriate the Khanate^and to put his own deputy there. Thegrandees
who had cooqpiied were now diaenchanted» the Kushbcgi Lesker and the
Kaii Kalian, with an old noUe called Erdineh raised their voice against
this p61iqr,t and htggpi of him to a|point as their chief (subordinate to
himselO some prince of the frmiOy of Narbuteh. This news was not
wekome to NasmUa, tdio gave a hint to his own subject the Kazi Kalian
of Bakham, and the latter like a good courtier pressed his master's
wish, aad nffod that Madali was a criminal for having married his own
nother^n-lcv, the widow of Omar Khan, and deserved death together
wiHi his fiunOy. NasmQa adopted this view and the unfortunate Khan,
his mother and bfother, and hb ekiest son Muhammed Amin were
brought into the hall and executed in the presence of the coundL
Twehmdied and fif^ of the prindpal Khokandian chiefe, with their
fiua2Uei|Were aneeted and sent to Bukhara as hostages, t We are tokl
■ ■ . ■
^id^nhin- t/Ajj4-ijtf. Xid^tsi^'t^
8^ HISXOitY OP TBI MOMOOLt.
Ouit a second son of Madall, nimod MonaffBr,' wm also Idfled bjr
Nasnilla^« order, ^^d a third son by another w£e, named Ashiila^wu pot
to death long after, namely in i866-7inear Qmsta, by Khndayar iOian.*
NasniUa sent to annonoce his victory to the various towns of the en^ir^
and he appointed Ibrahim Datkha, the former governor of Samatlrand,
as his dqnity, with a force of 600 soldiers to control the newly con^pMved
city.
SH£R£ ALI KHAN.
The Bukharian Khan was greatly puffed up by his success, but
his triumph was only short lived. About three months after the
capture of Khokand an insurrection broke out there, and the Bukharian
sway came to an end. The new governor had oppressed the dtisens
and forced them to pay one-fourth of their produce, besides the usual
taxes levied at Bukhara, into the treasury. The people thereupon sent
to the Kipchaks to ask them to assist in putting their guest Shore Ali
on the throne. After some hentation they consented, and on their
approach the Khokandians fdl on the Amir's garrison and killed neariy
aU of them. Ibrahim Datkha with difficulty escaped, and Shore Ali
was speedily proclaimed Khan. Nasrulla was greatly enraged, he
ordered his late deputy to be killed, and prepared an army of 20^000
men, with which and the 250 hostages he had with him he marched for
Khokandt He pressed the si^;e for some days. One of the hostages,
a Kipchak, named Mnsswiman Knl sumamed Chulak, or the Cripple, idio
had focmeriy commanded a company of 100 men in Madali's service
gained great influence oyer the Amir, who was so artless on this occasion
as to allow hhn to ride into Khokand on his pretending that he could
secore the town for hhn. On getting inside he speedily roused the
mihiiiinim of the garrison to whom he was wdl known* and they built
themseltes great ramparts of wood and eartfi and made several suc-
cessful sorties. He also wrote a letter to some of the Bokharian nobles
pretending that they had promised him to put their master to death.
Clinlak took good care this should fall into the Amir^s hands^ who at the
same, time heard that the Khivan Khan had invaded the Bukharian
territory, and carried off many of its peq^. He was much moved
by all this, rdeased his hostage^ raised the si^ge, and retnmed homei t
Schuyler tells us that Shere Ali was sin^ and good-natOTBd, and was a
kind and mikl ruler, and so weak as to get the nickname of pastiak(^.,
matorrag). He distinguished the beginning of hir reign by disinterring
the body of Madali Khan and burying it again with great funeral cei^
monies conducted by all the deigy.f
Shere AU virtually owed his throne to the efibrts of his friends
^8€lwyl«r,i.,S44.94S« t Vtt Ztm , p^ dt, 133.540. l/dnH^'Ui* iOp,cmi,94S.
KHUDAYAR KHAK. t^
Uie Kipdialoy wbo now ckinMd thdr mrard and to oooUol tke
rKUf dcDftrtmenti of the Stftta. ^iitfti^fi n^ tht Stitt fimn their fofmir
fliDremacv. Their leader Ymof lyfinsfaethi waa phiifd at the head ef
afiairs at Khokand, and Mnttnlman Knl hdd anthority at AadUan.
Meanwhilei Shere Ali behaved with demencj. One of the ions
of Mtthammedbii a descendant of Narbutehi was pvt to death, and his
brothers eiqpatriatedy hut otherwise he did not in tJiensnal Eastern fashion
lay violent hands on his rdatlves»*
The jealousy between the IGpchaks and Sarts continued. The latter
were headed by Shadi, who was aiavoorite of the Khan^and who secured
the death of YusufMingbashi, and ordeicd his adherents to be executed.
He now smnmoned Mossulman Knl to Khokand. The latter jndidoasly
professed to be pleased at the death of Yusof^ whom he styled his enemy,
but he nevertheless collected a considerable ibrce^ and incorporated a
number of YusuTs fugitive retainers in it When Shadi heard of this he
sent some assassins to Andijan to kill Mussulman Knl, who, however,
caught and hanged them. Matters now came to open war ; a struggle
ensued at Tux^ in which the Sarts were defeated, Shadi killed, and the
Khan himself captured. As he found some difficulty in securing another
person of royal lineage to fill his place he reinstated Shere Ali as Khan,
and himself took the post formerly filled by Yusuf and Shadi. Mussulman
Kul was a Kipchak, and naturally favoured his own people, which again
aroused the jealousy of the Sarts, and we accordingly find that
Rahmet Ulla and Mehmed Kerim, two leaders of the latter, repaired to
Shehr i Sebz to invite Murad, the son of Alim Khan, to occupy the
throne.t Having received assistance from the Khan of Bukhara, he
accordingly, in 1845, marched there. Unfortunately Mussulman Kul
was then absent with the army collecting tribute from the Kiighises, and
Murad had no difficulty in securing the town. He put Shere Ali to
death, and proclaimed himself viceroy of the Bukharian Khan.t No
coins of Shere Ali are apparently known.
MURAD BEK KHAN.
The citizens, who hated Nasrulla, with good reason, were disgusted at
this subserviency, and at once sent off for Mussulman Kul, who speedily
returned and occupied the town. According to one account, Murad Bek
was put to death, while another says he retired to Shehr i Sebz.S
KHUDAYAR KHAN.
Murad had five sons ; by Jarkin, the daughter of the Kipchak Tokhta
Nasar, Sarimsak then twenty-two, and Bek of Tashkend ; Khuda-
yar, then shcteen, Bek of Maighilan and Saltan Murad; and, by
*V«iZ«B.,of.cit,f4S. tacin9rter»of.eit,I.,94ibS|7. I Kutiache Rtvne, riii., a)J«
t VflL Z^m^. 00. elk., ^ak.
I ViL ZtlU» Op. ClC.» 345
$30 HISTORY or T8B MONGOLS.
another wBb^ Sana Aim^ alao a Kipdud^ Malla, tiien seventaen^ Bdt of
Andijan iand Sufi.*^ Moasuknan Kx^ having a feud with Sarimsak^
summoned hhn to Khokand by a letter sealed widi Khndayar^ seal, and
he was put to death on the way there. The next day his death was
announced^ and Khudayar was prodatmed Khan.t Khudayar was
Mussulman Kul's son-m-law^ and was kept by him under strict
surveillance being allowed very little money lest he should buy himsdf
friends. Meanwhile, his father*in-law concentrated the power in his
own hands, and as he was a good-natured and benevolent person, he coukl
not restrain the rapacity of the Kipchaks, whom he naturally employed as
his subordinates, nor was he strongly supported by some of the latter, and
we find the governors of Maighilan, Urattppa, and Khojend conq^iring
with Nur Muhammed, who held authority at Tashkend against him.
The latter^ who was an important personage and had been ofiered the
post of Mingbashi by the other conspirators, marched to meet Utenbi,
the Bek of MarghOan, but Mussulman Kul having heard of their
manoeuvres, planted himself between them and cut off their communica-
tion with one another. Nur Muhammed thereupon retired to Tashkendf
while his ally feigned that he had gone really to the Mingbashi's help.
This excuse was not accepted, and he was deposed. This was in 1851.!
The following year there broke out a fresh dissension between Mussulman
Kul and Nur Muhammed* The latter had paid a large sum of money
into the treasury, but had taken no receipt fer it The man in charge
thereupon appropriated some of it, and distributed it among hb
friends, Nur Muhammed himself apparently sharing. Mt«Mulman Knl
having heard of this, summoned the Khokand council, and then
demanded from the treasurer an account of the dues payable by
Tashkend. The implicated officials lost their ten^^er, and even drew
their swords on the Mingbashi, who| however, escaped, and reported the
matter to the Khan. Meanwhile, they fled to Tashkend, as did the Bek
of Khojend. Mussuhnan Knl now, in the Khan's nam^ sommoned Nur
Muhammed to surrender the fugitives, and to go in person to Khokand.}
On refusin to do dther, the Khokand army, 4c^ooo strong, with eight
guns, laid siege to Tashkend. Through the treachery of the Bek of
Marghilan, who deserted with 600 men, and the incessant rains, the
siege had to be raised, and Mussulman Kul returned to Khokand
with his prestige greatly reduced, so much so that his enemies
rapidly increased in numbers, secretly supported no doubt by the
Khan, who was weary of hia fether-in-law's surveillance, and in Jime,
1852, in order to recover his position he was oUiged once more to march
against Tashkend with 30,000 meiL This momi tan^aign was &tal
to him. Nur Muhammed had put Tashhsnd tkm food state of detace^
and installed his creatures as govcrmNn ^ tfit sarroaading towns.
* SdnqrWr, )48, t Vd. 2eniH op. cH., 347* I Scbqyter, 949* f V«l. Itni.. 148^ $49^
lUfUDAYAlt KHAN. S3I
As lie found k impossible to take the place by stomii Massalman
Kal sent a detadunent to Tmkestan while he himself went to the
fortiess o£ Niadidc^ ntuated at the sooroes of the Chirdiik which suppli^
Tashkend with water^ and whidi be apparently cot oft He then went
Bordi and captmed Chtmkent Meanwhile the Tashkendians made a
sortie, defeated the garrison he had left near Niasbdcy and recovered their
water. Marching speedily to the rescue he encoimtered the army of his
rivals^ but at the very beginning of the fight the Khan Khudayar, who
was with him, went over to the enemy, and so disconcerted his men that
they fled. Many of them ware killed and about 1,000 drowned in the
Chirchik. Mussulman Kul with difficulty escaped to the Black Kirghises,
hb mother's people. His partisans were duly punished. Meanwhile he
was succeeded in authority by the conspirators, who were themselves
Kipchaks. The Khan had not freed himself from one patron to fall into
the hands of another, nor were the Sarts content to be again under the
heel of thehr enemies ; and about two months after the revolution just
described a conspiracy broke out against the Kipchaks. Utenbi and
his chief adherents were killed, and their places given to Sarts. Nur
Muhanmied was replaced at Tashkend by the Khan's brother Mallabek.
'* General orders were now given for the massacre of all the Kipchaks in
the Khanate from Ak Musjid (Port Perofski) to the mountains separating
Khokand from Kashgar, and they were killed everywhere, in the bazaars,
in the streets* and on the steppe wherever they were found.** Twenty
thousand men are said to have been thus slaughtered. Khudayar was
himself a Kipchak on his mother's side, and this act of carnage was never
forgiven nor forgotten.* Safurbi, who had been commander-in-chief,
was bastinadoed, he had his hands and feet broken, his head was
then placed under leaden weights till his ^es protruded out, his body
was then coated with paste over which hot oil was poured, and lastly he
was cut to pieces. At length, in the beginning of 1853, Mussulman Kul
was himself captured and taken to Khokand for punishment. They
chained him to a high seat on a wooden platform in an open space with
a tall cap on his head. There he was kept fpr three days, during which
time they killed six hundred Kipchaks before his face. He was then
hanged. Thns ended the lifo of a famous Usb^, who had twice saved
his country from the Bukharians^ and had ruled KholrOTd for ten years.t
It was now the turn of the Sarts and their leaders Kasim and Murza
Ahmed. Mallabek having quarrdled with Khudayar was deprived of
his go v e rn ment at Tashkend, was defeated and had to fly to Bukfaica,
and Mnna Ahmed was put in his pUce. He severdy aroused the
Mu mo eit y of the nomad Kaxakt living about Chimirmt and Avlie Ala,
with wteia hehad eventually to niake tttiflBS and to satisfy their demands.}
Thiftwas in 1857. At the same tfaae Mallabde, who had letmncd and
- - - - - ^ — . j _
• MM3Plir,L,|S«. I Vel. 2«an 99S> Scksyte. 0^ dt., L, )9«. liii.
$32 HISTORY OP THE IC0N00L8.
settled at Khokand, formed himself a partjr out of sudi of the Kipchaks
as remalaed and of the Black Kixgfaises, and was also snpported by a
leading Usbeg named Alim KnL
MALLA KHAN.
The rebels proclaimed him as MaUa Khaoi and marched towards
Khokand. A decisivo battle was fought at Samandiii in which Khndayar
was defeated, and had to retire to Bukhanu* Wo must now divert
somewhat to consider the intercourse between Khokand and Russia.
At tho beginning of this century the Khokandiaas had no settlement on
the lower Sir, but after the capture of Turkestan in 1814 they heguk to
daim tribute from the Kazaks therei and as this daim was resisted a
bitter and prokmged struggle ensued between the two powers. To
tother tiieir ends the Khokandlans built a number of forts on the Sir
below Turkestaiii at Jany Kurgan, Julek Ak Musjid, Kumish Kurgan, Chim
Kurgan, Kosh KuigaOi ftc The most important of these, Ak Musjid
was built, according to the fcasaks, about the year 1817, on the left bank
oftheShvbtttttmovedayearlatertotherig^bank, The other forts were
subject to the bog of Ak Mu^id, who was himsdf subordinate to the
governor of Tashkendt The IQiokan^Dans were very rapadous, and
now levied exotbitanl taxes oil tho Kazaks, Six sheep were taken from
eachUbitka, beside a tax of one-third of the crop of com and the usual
presents to the siakediiks or tax^^adierers ; a tax on wood, diarcoal,
and hay, eadi kibhka ha^dng to frtmish twenty-lbor bags of diarcoal
annually, four ox loads of saksanl for foel, and i/>oo sheaves of leods.
Those Kazaks Ixrlio were too for off c ow f o und ed for their taxes
in cattle and com. Tho Kasaks had also lo fomish one man and his
ktep for every kibitka* and to work fa& the gardens of the Khokandians,
at the repair of the forts, and for deaning out the stables, 9dc^ in the
forts, which took place sk tfanes a year; while in time of war every
able-bodied Kazak had to serve, and also to supply himself widi
his own horse and proviskms. The Khokandiaas behaved otherwise
brutal^, carrying off the women from the Kazak cub without giving the
customary kalim or payment for a wife, and vidated Aem, marrying
them in oppositktt to the Shariatt Aldio«gh they kept the country of
tho lower Sir under their control, |hek ganisons there were very smaB.
At Mtti^ bat fifty sipahis and 100 BiAliarlans and Khokand traders ; at
Konish Kmgan, twenty-five ; at Kodi Koigan, four ; at Julek^ in tSsj^
there were frxty ; and at Jany Kurgan, a small quadrai^iular entreadi-
ment of a q>oar's height, but two or three.! In order to protect their
cara f a n s and the Kaaks subject to then^ the Russians, in 1846, sent
Cqitafai Schnlz to survey the months of the Sk, and plant a smdl fort,
^' ■ — — ^^— I I ■ III M^^^— ■ I ,
•JBi.sss* t Midwir^ tinilin hi Aiiiw S«4« Sl^ t/^917. Md^^tB,
MALLA KUAN 833
tbeie. The foOowii^ year saw the fowidatkNi of the fort of Raims]^
afterwards caBed Aralsk. At first this only aroused the jealousy of the
Khivans, bat in 1850 the Khokandians attacked the Kazaks under
Russian protection, and carried off in one raid 26,000 head of cattle^ and
in another 30,00a In i8$i, they capcitred 75^000, whereupon the com-
mander oi Fort Aralsk attacked and took Kosh Kurgan.* In May,
18521 two steamers, built in Sweden, were forwarded in pieces, and put
together again at Fort Aralsk. During the summer of that year Colond
Bhuramberg was sent up the river to survey it as fiur as Ak Mu^id,
and to insist on the removal of that post. He had between 400 and
$oomen wi^hioif andtwonineopounders. As they neared Ak Mui^ th6
environs were laid under water by the citizens; nevertheless, the river was
safely crossed <m rafts and by wading.t Two envoys, one a tax-coUector
and the other a Bukharian merdiant, now went to their cmnp to inquire
the reason for their going. Bhuramberg replied that he and his men were
marching on the Russian side of the river where no Khokandian settle-
ments would be permitted. On reaching the fortress it was reconndtred;
the enemy now reappeared and asked for a respite of four days with the
ittdtive of giving time for his reinforcements to come up. As the place
could not be stosmed they having no ladders, the Russians threw some
grenades into it which were answered by musketry and the cannons on
the wails. The latter were speedily silenced, the wooden gate battered in,
and the outer fortification stormed. The citadel, however, with its walls
four fathoms higji made of day, proved impregnable. All inside the
fortification was burnt and the Russians then retired, having lost fifteen
killed and seventy-five wounded. Their retreat was conducted under
great difficulties, but they destroyed the small forts of Kumish Kut^an,
Chin Kurgan, and Kosh Kuigan on their, way down. In 1853 a laiger
force consisting of 2,138 men, 2,442 horses, a/)38 camels, and 2,280
sumpter oxen with twelve guns^ and carrying moveable pontt/ons, &c.,
marched from Fort Aralsk. To preserve the herbage ftv the cattle the
Kasaks had been ordered not to encamp during the summer between the
fixmtier and Fort Aralsk. The expedition arrived safely at the latter fort
and again set out, the steamer Perofski co-operating on the river. The
route lay across a terrible country, with bad water, increased heat, &c, to
contend against, but the Rus^ans duly arrived at Kara Uziak and reached
Ak Musjki <m the 2nd of July. The fort had been greatly strengthened,
the outer wall having been demolished, and the ditch enlaiged, so that it
was one and a half fathoms wide and ten deep. The waUs were four
fathoms high, protected by crenelated battlements and a breast-work
skilftilly constructed of cemented lumps of clay. There was a garrison
of 300 men inside with a month's provisions, three guns were «n the
ramparts, besides heavy missiles to huri down on the assailants with the
■ < ■ 11 ■ I ■ ■ ■ .. Ill I.I ■
*/^3S4- tM.lSS«
41
$34 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
liand. The place was speedily beleagured and a bombardment
commenced. A summons was sent to its commander to tell him the
Russians were firmly determined to definitely appropriate the fort, and
bidding him surrender.. He asked for fifteen days' grace, and if this were
not granted replied that he should continue to resist so long as his weapons
and stock of Kisiak hand-balls of hard clay held out. After the si^e
had lasted three weeks an expedition was sent to reconnoitre the country
towards Tashkend. The defenders of the fort of Julek abandoned it and
fied on the Russian approach. The fort was dismantled and its buildings
destroyed, and the Russians returned to Ak Musjid with twenty guns,
falconets, and stores of powder and lead as trophies. At length a mine
having been prepared was successfully fired and a wide breach opened.
Twice the assaultmg party was repulsed, but the third charge was
successful. Muhammed Vali, the governor, with 230 of his followers
were killed, two horsetail standards, two spear fiags, two brass guns,
several falconets, sixty-sbc pieces of artillery mostly broken and shattered,
one hundred and fifty sabres, and two coats of mail were captured.
The place had been deemed impregnable, having withstood several
sieges. A Russian fort was now built at the headwaters of the Kazala
and was named Fort Nmnber One, another was built at Karmakdii and
called Fort Number Two, a third one at Kumish Kurgan called Fort
Number Three, and Ak Musjid was renamed Fort Perofski.
The Khokandians did not submit quietly to their defeat. In the
autumn of 1853 a large body of 7,000 men set out for Tashkend
under Sabdan Khoja and advanced towards Foil Perofski. A force of
275 men and two field pieces was sent against them. The enemy speedily
attacked this contingent and kept up a violent assault all day,
but without avaiL They lost very severely, and although they camped
all around at nightfall, they made off at dawn, ninety-two camels
carrying their wounded. They left 193 corpses behind. At the approach
of winter fhey again .advanced, and on the 14th of December appeared
before Fort JPerofski with 12,000 to 13,000 men and seventeen brass guns.
The Russians made a vigorous sortie, and surprised and fired the
Khokandian camp. A terrible struggle ensued, with the usual story
as to results, where arms of precision are pitted against savage weapons.
Two thousand Khcdcandians were killed, while the Russian loss was only
eighteen dead and forty-nine wounded. Four horse-tail standards, seven
flags, seventeen guns, and 130 pounds of gunpo^rder were captured.*
In the spring of 1854 the Khokandians began to prepare even a larger
expedition. A gun founder was sent to Turkestan, and to supply him with
materials all the utensils of brass were seized by the Beg of Tashkendi
and a large body of men was ipade ready. In order to resist them
Perolski determined to strengthen the fort called after his name, and to
SHAU MURAD KHAN. 835
abandon Fort Na 2, which was not strong enough to hold out agamst a
strong force. The Khokandian advance meanwhile was delayed by the
threatening attitude of Bukhara.* They incited the Kazaks, however, to
make continual raids^ and also negotiated with the Khivans for a common
policy against Russia. The internal disorders in the Khanate, however,
which were not diminished by the recent victories of the hated KafErs,
prevented any active hostilities for some time, and we must now revert
nuMre immediately to Khokand itself.
I have described Khudayar Khan's flight to Bukhara ; there he was
wdl received by the Amir, who hoped, doubtless through him, to regain
his hold tqH>n Khokaod. He gave him a poet at his court* and allowed
him to live at Samarkand, but presently growing suQ>iciotts he sent him to
live at Jisakh, where he ordered him to be kept in sednsion, and where no
one was to see him. Schuyler says, he lived with two personal adherents
in a little hut made of mud outside the walls. Afraid to nfpear in
public himself, his attendants gathered reeds and roots which could be
used as fuel, and disguising themselves, sold them in the town, and with
the money thus obtained purchased provisions, while his mother sent him
a little money, with which and under an assumed nan^ he bought two
or three camels, and began to traffic as a merchantt
MaDa Khan, after a reign of two years, which is described as benevo-
lent, was murdered by the Kipchak grandees ; they had expected great
favours from him, but the authority was monopolized by AMm Kul, who
allowed no one to approach the Khan. Their leader was Shadimaa
Khoja, and during the absence of Alim Kul, who had been appointed
bek of Andijan, they gained access to his chamber and killed him while
sleeping.
Schuyler met at Tashkend with a person named AsuduUa, who had
been doctor to various Khans of Khokand 3 he described to him how
during the night of the murder he occupied the next room to the Khan
and that he suspected something was wrong, but was unable to fix upon
anything definite so as to warn his master. Malla Khan was sleeping
soundly, having taken several love-potions during the day. Presently
he heard the door being unbolted, and some one say, ** The Khan is
here.* A crowd then rushed into the room and beat and stabbed him
with their knives ; he defended himself bravely but was at last cut almost
to biU.t
SHAH MURAD KHAN.
The conspirators now proclaimed as Khan, Shah Murad, the son of
Sarinuak, and therefore a nephew of the two last Khans, who was only
fifteen years old. Seyid Sultan, the son of Malla Khan, escaped to Alim
* //., S6I. t Op. ctt., t, 351. I Scbvifltr, i., 9a.
836 HISTORY OP THB MONGOLS.
Kill at Andijan. The latter took him under his pcotectioa and made
pfofession at least of a loyal attachment toihe new Khan Mmad. Mean-
while an important revolttt on occorred at Tashkend. Shadiman Khoja,
tne chief conspirator against Malla Khan, widi Khanayat Shah, the bek
of Turkestan, recalled Khudayar from Jisakh, and the latter with Ua
adherents tode possession of Tashkend. Mmad with the army of
Khokand marched against him, but after besieginigTaAkend for thirty-
one days retired. As the army was retreating Attm Knl came op from
Andijan, seised ftttr of the late conqpiatocs against Malla Khan who
were contemplating desertion, and put fhem to death, and the foOowiag
day he ordered another of them named ABm hi to be eaecuted. Alim
Ktti was now made tegeat of the Khanate. Khudayar foUowed the
retreating army, seised Khojend and then Khokand, while Alim Knl
retired to Marghilan, and then to the mountains. Shah Murad Ml into
Khndayar^s hands, and was killed by him.*
KHUDAYAR KHAN (R£ST0R£D).
There were now two parties in the Khanate. Khudayar Khan was
supported by the Sarts and the townsfolk^ and Alim Kul, the rq^ent, by
the Uzbegs aad Karakalpaks, and a vident strug^ ensued between
them, in which not only the armies but also the individuals of each party
murdered each other whenever they had an opportunitytt The Uzbeg
party was somewhat distracted by the appearance of three pretendersi
descendants of fomer khans, namely, Shah Rukh, Sadik bdc, and HijL
bek. Ahm Kul got possession of all three and had them executed
at Ush, where they are buhed on the side of the hill called Solomon's
Throne. He now proclaimed Sultan Seyid as Khan, and began
a vigorous campaign. He captured Marghilan and Andijan, and
twice defeated Khudayar's army. The latter appealed to the Amir of
Bukhara, Muzafiar ulla, who had succeeded his father, and on his
approach with a huge army Alim Kul withdrew to the defiles of Kara
Kulja. Presently the Amir quarrelled with Khudayar, sent Alhn Kul a
present of a golden staff, a cap, belt, and a fine koran, and withdrew to
Bukhara. Alim Kul now speedily re-occupied Khokand, and Khudayar
had once more to find refuge in Mavera un Nehr.}
SEYID SULTAN KHAN.
Ahm Kul again placed Seyid Sultan on the throne, but his rule
was only nominal, and his powerfbl patron retained control of affidn
and proceeded to restore order in the Khanate by a series of executionsi
which it is said caused as many as 4,000 victims. Presently his
■ ■*■■■ .,...., „ , ■■ . ■
•8ch«]rtor,op.dL,in3}i. Russ. RcYve, vlii., 317. t Schiyltr, 1,332,333. I /it, 333*
SByiD SULTAN KHAN. S57
rigid twajT caused many in the Khanate to turn once more to Khndayai^
who had been livfaig at Jiiakh. He was pfe|>arinf an expedition to
recover hb dominions when Alim Kul died, apfMurently of a wound
received in an attaick made on Tashhend by the Ruttisns in 1865.* We
must now tnm shortly to the encroachments of the latter. In 1859 they
captured Fort Julek^ which, in the opinion of the Russian Governor of
Oienburgh Katenin, was a menace to Fort Peroftki ; and two years later
they bnUt a new fort on its site, and also demolished that of Yany
Knifan.t
Further north they had gradually encroached upon the area subject to
the Kasahs under Khokandian rule^ and had some years before captured
the Khokandian foru of Pishpek, Tokmak, &c.t We now find a
plan organised for a double attack upon the Khanate. While one
division was to advance upon Avlie Ata or Talas from the north, the
odier marchffd upon the ancient dty of Turkestan or Yassy from the west
The outbreak in Poland and the danger of a war with Western Europe
caused this plan to be postponed till the next year, ^«., 1864. The forts
built by the Khokandians along the Kara Tau and Boroldai Tau ranges
foil one after another into the hands of the Russians. The Khokandians
were soon on the move, and proceeded to strongly fortify the fortress of
ChimlBent^ on the road between Tuikestan and Avlie Ata, and threatening
both positions. This was not to be tolerated, and General Chemaid;
who was in command on the Lower Sir, having learnt that it was only
garrisoned by about lo^ooo men, advanced upon it in September, 1864,
from two points. In a very fow days the siege was so hardly pressed
that the outer wall was stormed and the citadel surprised, a number of
solfiers having forced their way in through a water conduit Its
ganison of lo^ooo men, four standards, twenty-three cannons, dght
moitarsi and many other tn^ihies fell into the hands of the victors.| By
this victory the whole route from Ak Musjid to Vemoie was secured, and
a huge and faqportant section of the Khanate was irretrievably lost
The Khokandians under Ahm Kul prepared to revenge their serious
foes. General Chemaief fought a battle against them on the 9th of May,
186s, near Tashkend, m which AUm Kul was wounded ; AsuduUa, the
doctor akeady mentioned, was dose by ; we are told he took off the
warrior^ dodies one by one and gave them to the Iqretanders to hold, so
as to give some fresh air to the dyii^ man; these were carried off by the
Usbegs, so that by the time Alim Kul died, his body was quite naked,
and the doctor had to cover him with hb own khalati After their
victory Uie Russians beleaguered Tashkend itselfi that fiunous centre
of wodth and of Mussulman culture, the central point where the
caravans of Bukhara, Khiva, and Russia met, which speedily suneodered ;
*M*»9SS* t IflBMri CmmI Atit, jS^ I S ifc ml w,l.,S5i.
»B«lhrM«p.cit.,IS.ti. iMMvlir.lntt.
838 HISTORY or THS MONGOLS.
its wtaltiiy merdunts preferring to be onder the strong hand ef Russia
than to be made tht victims of Khokandian and Bnkharian tyranny.
The Russians guaranteed the town its autonomy and fieedom of
worship to its inhabitantS| and in August, 1865, General KryschanolUd
having summoned its grandees and ckrgy to a conference, dtey
gave him bread and salt on a silver salver, and presented him
with an address, in which they declared themselves subjects of the
White Tzar— ''You cannot split a sea in twain, nor have a kingdom
within a kingdom," they said, and Tashkend was accordingly annexed to
the Russian crown, and the conquered districts were erected into a new
province, to which the name of Turkestan was given.
While the Russians were thus conquering Western Khokand, Khu-
dayar, the expatriated khan, again marched to recover his own under the
aegis of Bukhara. Alim Kul, as I have said, fell in the battle near
Tashkend, and the Bukharians had little difficulty in conquering
Khojend. They then marched on Khokand*, where they reinstated
Khudayar, retaining Khojend as the reward of their services. Seyid
Sultan Khan escaped for a while, but was eventually taken to Khokand,
and executed in Isfara in 187 1.*
KHUDAYAR KHAN (Third Reign).
I have described how in 1866 the Russians quarrelled with the Amir
of Bukhara, and how they captured Khojend.t Khudayar, although
secretly bating the Russians, judiciously sent to congratulate them on
this victory, and for some years he retained possession of what remained
of his Khanate by subservience to the White Tzar, under whose
patronage he became very avaricious and arbitrary in the seizure of his
subjects' wealth and in the taxes he levied on thenii and the nomad
Kazaks and Kipchaks for the first time for many years were in sympathy
with the Sarts and townsfolk. Mr. Schuyler has translated a native account
of the taxes levied from the unfortunate Khokandians, and as it is a good
specimen of the tyrannical way in which Central Asiatic Khanates were
trodden under by their rulers, I will take the liberty of extracting it.
^ To keep the roads in repair, to build houses for the Khan, to cultivate
his gardens and to clean out the canals, men are seized in all parts of
the country and forced to work. Thes6 get no pay, not even their food ;
and besides this, when half a village is forced to work, the other half is
compelled to pay a tax of two Un^as (iid.) a day for each man during
his work. Anyone who runs away or who refuses to pay is whipped.
Sometimes people have been whipped to death, and others have been
buried alive in the place of work. This same forced labour existed under
previous Khans, but with less cruelty, and the workmen at least received
* Sclroxlcr, i., 3)4- tVidnuiU,tit,
KHUDAYAR KHAN. Sj)
their daily foo<JU Fonoeriy, the inhabitants had the right of cdlecthig
without pay graas» reeds, and brushwood ; now, everyone is obliged to
deliver to the Khan the half of what he cdlects, and these articles are
then sold by the Serkar at fixed prices. Besides this, every cart load of
reeds or brushwood must pay at the entrance of the town half a temga
(2]d.X and at the basaar a Unga (std.) more. Leeches were formerly
fifte, but now the Khan makes people pay for them foiir ckeka (id.) a
piece to the official who lives near the pond where they are. When
cattle are sold, besides the ordinary ukat there must be paid to the
Khan one tenga each on homed beasts, half a tenga on sheep, two ttngas
on camels, and one tenga on horses and asses. AH imported merchandise
besides the tekat of one-fortieth part, or 2| per cent., pays in addition 5
per cent, of die price to the Khan ; this is called amniana* Silk and
cotton, wheii exported, pay 10 Ungas per camel-load. In sales on the
bazaar, men's and women's clothing, beds and silk stofTs and other
valual^e objects pay half a Unga a piece ; things of less value, from one-
eighth to one-quarter of a tenga. Soldiers of the Khan are set every
night to guard the shops, and for this each shop must pay from two to
ten tengas everyfour months. On grain sold at the bazaar four chekas
(Id.) a ckarik (180 lbs.) must be paid. V^etables and melons and
fruit pay from one to three tengas a load. This tax is called tek-jaiy or
right of sellii^ at the bazaar, and is in addition to the haradj and tanap
{Undtax), Milk, sour cream, &c, must pay a farthing a cup* Of every
pahr of ducks or wild geese sold at the bazaar, the Khan takes one. On
domestic fonds a £uthing each is paid ; and a cheka {\ farthing) for every
ten eggs. From time immemorial the tribe of Liuli (i>., gipsies) has got
its living by amusing the people, and leading monkeys, bears, and goats
through the streets and viUages. This means of earning their livelihood
has now been taken from them by the Khan, who has ntade it a source
of revenue for himseK Khudayar has set his agents over them, and has
increased the number of animals. On every bazaar day, in the large
towns three times a weekf his .showmen go through the bazaar with
bears, wolves, hogs, goats, and foxes ; every shop must pay four chekast
The buffoons of the Khan also go through the bazaars, arid all that they
get goes to pay his kitchen expenses. When an Imaum is appointed to a
mosque, he must pay the Khan ten tengas; and a Sufi must pay five
tengmt^ or neither of them will be permitted to perform his functions. If
the Khan learns that there is a family feast, or a circumcision, or a
wedding, he sends his musicians there. The master of the house must
^ve each of them a gown, and besides, from two to five tillas (18% to
451.) Ibr the Khan. Every spring, outside of Khokand, there is a
popular festival, called Dervishkhana ; and then every guild must
felicitate the Khan and mi^ a gift of money, according to its
meanit from 100 to lyooo iUlas {J^i to ;f 450). If this were not done
the leaders would be beaten and tortured. If the Khan desires a
840 HISTORY or TKB UXmOOLS.
pwoB ot gioQnaf or ft gMngHj nfioiigiflg to m pawist p c i' ioii y m lofott
him to ten it, qbAj payiiif Urn tho pdct at iHMi it vat originallsr
bo u g ht, aad takias no ^^*fiwfM of tha otaacot iauvovaaMBfta aiida
on it Evoy panon wishipf to laaya tha Khanata ptoaaali a patition
thn pfetcntad to tha Makhnua, who raodvaa ona iim^ and at
avoy ttatioa on tlia road an additional tax nwst ba paid* The caodpt
of tha taxai on grasiy bniihwood, and leaches, as weD as on pastaiafs^
which it lid. per month, for every head of cattle^ is intnistad to
Sidik Kuichi, who pays to the Khan annually aoyooo HUms (£g/joi>\
The km^j\ or harvest tax, gives yearly 500^000 chsniks (a million
busbeb) of grain which are sold by tha Khan. In each dbnict thave is
a ^MCial officer for this. The district of Sharikana gives 9^000 ckariks^
Balikichi loo^ooo^ Sokh 14,000, Nedosnt 12,000, dec The iami^ or
tax on gardens and orchards, produces 6o/xx> iilUs (jCtjpoo). The
Sirkar receives the tolls on the Sir Darya, between BaKlrlrhi and
Chil-Makhrani, tha taxes on provision sales in the basaar, on tha r^is-
tration of marriages, which comes to half a iiU^ (4s. 6d.)^ the tax on
inheritance, ona46rtieth part, and the tax on making salt ; and ha pays
annually to tha Khan ao^ooo /tf&i# Cf^yooo). Tha j»4»/ on the country
people and the nomad tribesy intrusted to the Cherdu-Bashi, gives iifioo
fi^^(£4f9y>). The Mekhter who collects the Mikai from themarchanti^
pays over 35,000 iiiias (jCis,7So) The caravanserais and shops bttUt by
the Khan,, which nmnbar over a thousand, are fiurmed out to a man
named Issaie, and bring into the treasury 30^000 iiilas CfiJtSoo). The
cotton tax and the brokers^ tax bring in loyooo HUms CC4,Soo). Tha oil*
presses, grain marirets, silk maikets, hay markets, uad milk maikets
bring 5,000 iilku CCs,35o). The exactions from marriages and node*
nastical nominations bring in also Sfioo tiiUu/**
We win now return to our story. The Khan had becoeat little moie
than a A^ceroy of Russia. Rittsians traded Ireely in his towns and
dominated his policy. Discontent soon a ppeared. In 1871 a revolt
broke out, which was quickly sup pr esse d. In 1873 a aoia serious
insurrection took place. Khndayar wished to impose new taaea on the
Black Kifghises as much as three sheep instead of one fiom a fiunily,
and also a new impost on the cultivated land in the mountains
Tins they refused to pay, beat the tax coUectot% and when troops were
sent against them they retired into the recesses of tha a^wntahis.
At this time the Aftdbacha Abdur Rahman Haji, the son of Muasuhnan
Kul, and brother4n-law to the Khan, who had been to Mekka, and had
visited Constantinople te ask the Suhan*s aid against the Rttsaian%was
sent at the head of the troops against the Kirghises. He persuaded
the htfter to send forty of their number as a deputatkNi to pat their
•acini)rlw.ii.,SH«.
KKUDAYAK KHAN. $41
grievanoei bttee tht Khan, wliom he at Uie same time admcd that
he should letain them as hostages but not harm them. Khiidayar in
the most ruthless way put them to death, and the Aftobado, who
was compromised, had to leave the Kirghiz country and to redre to
Khokaad. The Kirghises now took up arms, captured Uzbend and Suk,
a small fort in the mountains where the Khan kept pait of his treasure.
In the open country they made little way, many of them were made
prisoners and 500 executed in the basaar at Khokand, and Muzafiar the
son of Madaliy whom they had apparently set up as Khan, was impaled
alive* The Khan applied to the Russians for help but they would not
move. As many of his people secretly sympathised with the rebda, he
became very suspidous, and was jealous even of his son, the Khan Zada
Nasruddin, Bek of Andijan, who at length quitted th^t post with his
family and treasure, saying he no longer wished to hold a public position.*
Ush and Andijan, Suzak, Uch Kuigan, and Balikchi speedily fell into
the hands of the insurgents. The bek d the last town was put to death
by being pinned to the ground with a stake driven through his mouth.
Many of the Khan's soldiers passed over to the enemyi and their com-
mander the Aftobacha shut himsdf up in the fort of Tiura Kurgan near
Namangan, and refused to take any further ;ictton.t During the cold
weather of the autumn of 1873, there was a lull in the insurrection, and
the Khan recovered some of his toivns. It broke out again however in
the spring of 1874, and it was proposed to put Muhammed AmiUi
Khudayar's second son, on the throne. The plot was disclosed it is said
by the young prince's too great talkativeness, and his uncle Batir Khan
Tiura, who was his chief supporter, being summoned to the palace with
sixteen other conspirators never returned, and it is supposed that they
were all drowned in a pond within its predncts, while the young
prince was placed under surveillance. Another victim was the Mekhter
Mollaih Mir Kamil, who was poisoned by order of the Khan for not
having warned him. He had previously, on being charged witit eoibcuzle*
ment, been made to gallop his horse several times over a thin laMice
bridge suspended over a ravine, from which ordeal he had escaped in
safety and been therefore deemed innocent, t
Another plot was now formed in favour of Abdul Kerim bek, a
grandson of Faiil bek, Khuda/ar's tmcle, who was only sixteen years old,
and was living at Khojend, but the Russians removed him for safe
custody to Tatiikend, and his chief adviser Abdul Kerim to Chimkend.
The Khaa now became more suspidous than ever, he distrusted even his
body guaids or prsetorians. Foralong time h^ did not leave the palace, and
had the door guarded by a black slavcmuchattadied to him, named Nashn
Toga, who was told to allow no onc^ not even his wires tod children, to
enter widKrat consulting him. His eldest son was dosely watched, and
• W.f SSS» J5«. t //^ SJS. I id., J57,
4^
g^-l HISTORY Of THl MONGOLS.
an elaborate system of espionage was organised. Meanwhile other
rcTOlts occnned and were put down. In 1875 General Kaufinann
contrary to aU the laws of Eastern hospitaDty and asylmn, without being
asked to do so, and with the mere object of conciliating the Khan and
getting permission for a Russian contingent to march through Khoksnd
to Kashgar, surrendered Abdul Kerim and sent him to Khokand.
This discrediuble transaction injured the prestige of Russia con-
dderably.*
The Aftobacha it would seem had long been preparing to revenge his
father's cruel death, and now put himself at the head of a fresh rebellion.
The army deserted to him en masse, as did Khudayar*s brothers and sons.
The Khan accordingly fled with all his treasures to Tashkend, where he
was well received by the Russians, who were perhaps not altogether
guiltless of the manifold outbreaks which had recently occurred, and
whose policy has often been to sow internal discord amongst their
neighbours and then annex them. He was accompanied by the Russian
merchants and their families. Then: exit through an angry and excited
mob, says Schuyler, was attended with considerable difficulty. The Khan*s
soldiers deserted him, and always fired at the Russians m doing so, but
he at length reached Tashkend in safety with his harem and about 650
attendants of whom some were women. He also carried off treasure to
the amount of 1,000,000 sterling. The Khan was well received at
Tashkend. This welcome, with the patronage the Russians had con-
stantly extended to him, and their surrender of Abdul Kerim, naturally
created a bitter feeling among the insurgents against them.f Khudayar
was sent to live at Orenburgh. No coins of his immediate predecessors
are known. Savilief has published several of Khudayar, in which he
calls himself Seyid Khudayar Khan and Seyid Muhammed Khudayar
Khan.t
NASRUDDIN KHAN.
On the withdrawal ^f Khudayar, the insurgents proclaimed his son
Nasruddin as Khan. The young Khan and his chief supporters Abdur
Rahman Aftobacha (1./., holder of the washing can), Mollah Issa Avlia, and
Halik Nazar Parmanachi deemed it prudent to send conciliatory letters to
General Kaufmann, setting out the late Kiian's ill-doings and asking for
his friendship. This he promised on condition that the young prince
would carry out his father's engagements, and would recompense Russian
subjects for their losses in the late rebellion.} The Russians hoped
much from the weakness of the young prince, who, among other Russian
tastes, was very fond of vodka.
Meanwhile the Khokandians prepared a holy war against the hated
I llemt. Imp. Arch. Inttitotlos, Euurs Sectioa, (i., ta4-u7- I Schnyltr, ii.. a8s» 283.
KASRUDDIN KHAN. 843
Kaffirs^ and a prodamation was issued calling upon the Rnssians to
accept the ^ftith or the consequences of refusing to do so.* This
proclamation led to outbreaks on the frontier. Three stations on the
post-road from Tashkcnd to Khojend, as well as that of Nan between
Khojend and Samarkand, were burnt and sackedt and the station masters
and post boys either killed or carried o£ Travellers shared the same
htt.f Khojend itself was sharply attacked and was lor some time
in danger* Mr. Schuyler has told the story in graphic fiuhion^t
Meanwhile General Kaulmann prepared a formidable force to crush
the threatening enemy, his lieutenants being Genera] Golorachef, who
had succeeded in clearing the district of Kurama of marauders and
inflicted a serere defeat on them, and Cdonel Skobelef, the last of whom
has latterly become so iamous. He accompanied the esqiedition in
person, as did Jura bek and Baba bek, two princes of Shehr i Sebs and
Farab, who we are told proved themsdves of great u8e.$ The expedition
reached Khojend on the 31st of August, and found that the enemy had
already retired. After waiting a day they reached Makhram, the only
fortified post between the frontier and the city of Khokand, where
the Khokandlans had collected in force. The fort was captured in less
than an hour, its wooden doors being broken in by the soldiers who gave
rqieated thrusts with their shoulders, beating time meanwhile. The
main body of the enemy outside were now attacked and routed. The
victory was conqtiete, and there was the usual disparity in the casualties.
The Russians lost but six killed and eight wounded. Eleven hundred of
the enemy's bodies were buried, and this does not include those who were
drowned or fdl at a distence. Thirty-nine cannons and other trophies
were also captured. H The district was duly annexed and a pro>
rlamaHon issued recalling the people who had fled to their homes*
On the yth of September, the advance was continued towards Khokand.
Issa Avlia was now sent by Nasruddin with apologies and protestations
of amity. He was detained and his overtures were not received. The
advance was continued in a triumphant fashion, the people on the route
presenting the victorious General with dosturichans, /./., bread and salt.
Another mission was sent to the General from the Khan with presents,
and with the prisoners captured at Nau, &&» including the daughter of
Dr. Petrof, who had himself been beheaded there. They had had their
heads shaved, but reported that they had been otherwise well treated,
the women and children having been given quarters in the Khan's
harenLir On reaching Khokand no resistance was oflered. The Khan
came out to meet General Kaufmann, who rode into the place for some
distance with his stafl; and then returned with him to the camp. The
troops remained encamped there for some time and were marched
*A&,S«S. tM.aSs- |Op.eit,I.,3i«-3X9* i/i£,U.,t80.
844 HIST0K7 or TBI MOKGOLS.
through the town. The General issued a proclamation cafiing upon the
ether places in the Khanate to surrender, but although Muzsafo himself
went daily to his camp, these towns made no sign of giring in. In
fkct the Aftobacha b^^n to collect a considerable force at Maighilan,
and the people of Khokand itself seemed uneasy, the basaars being largely
deserted.* General Kaufmann therefore on the 17th of September
advanced on Marghilan, whereupon the Aftobacha lost heart and retired
with the Kipchaks who stood by him. Marghilan submitted, and
Colonel Skobelef went in pursuit. He went as far as Ush, which also
surrendered, as did Andijan, Balikchi, Sharikhana, Assald, &c, while
Halik Nazar, one of the three insurgent leaders, was given up to him.
Nasruddin was now invited to Marghilan to make peace. The district
north of the Sir, dependent on Namangan, was to be given up to Russia,
an indemnity of 3,000,000 roubles or ;£4io^ooo was to be paid in six
years, and a general pardon issued. The Russians succeeded afterwards
in excepting from this last clause three of the most vigorous and patriotic
of the Khokandian leaders, Issa Axdia, Zulfukar bi, and Muhammed
Khan Tiura, who were transported to Siberia, a measure which was
doubtless dictated by proper prudence in the very disturbed condition of
the country. They now retired and their new subjects, the people of
Namangan, presented them with 120 carts of provisions and 40,000 cakes
of bread, a grand tent was prepared for the General and he walked to it
from the river over silk, while silver coins were showered on him*f It
was not long before disturbances again broke out, and a fresh expedition
consisting ef 14,000 men and eight guns was sent to quell an outbreak at
Andijan, where it was said that the Aftobacha had collected from 60,000
to 70^000 men, while the Kirghlses had proclaimed Pulad bek as Khan
and gathered round him to the number of i $,000. He professed to be
the son of Atalik Khan, son of Alim Khan, but was in reality a tobacco
sdler of Piskent named Mollah Iskak, whom the Kirghises had chosen
the previous year to personate the real Pulad bek, who was then living
with his mother at Samarkand.! The city had to be stormed and the
streets were found to be barricaded. The barricades were forced
and the basaar and other chief buildings fired ; the Russians then
withdrew to their camp oittstde and afterwards to Namangan, burning
and ravaging the villages e» route and closely pursued by the enemy.
The whole matter, as Schuyler says, looks very much like an unsuccessful
attempt at occupying the city and a forced retreat ; nevertheless honours
were duly showered on General Trotzki who commanded* When the
Khokandians learnt the terms which their Khan had accepted they drove
him out of the city and he arrived alone at Khojend, while the
partizans of Pulad bek and Abul GafTar the former bek of Uratippa
occupied the capital. The people of Namangan, who had so lately become
*//.,a9i. t /if., 294. I/i^tss*
URATIPPA AND JI2AKH. S45
Roisiao subjtcU, aUo revottod^ and Genend Skobekf did not scrapie to
bombard and almost dostroy tbo placa in order to poaish the Kipcbaks
who had seixed it * Anarchy now reigned in the Khanate^ huge bands
of Khokandians appeared in varioM directioos> nor did the burning and
devasuting of the country break th«r ^rit Skobekf defeated them in
the field and was ordered to waste the district between the Narin and
the Sir, the head-quarters of the Kipchaks, He accordingly set out in
January when the nomades were all collected in their winter quarters.
Following the north bank of the Sir he destroyed Paita, the chief
Kipchak settlement, defeated the Kipchaks, and destroyed everything aa
far as Sarkhaba. Andijan was then appniached and summoned, but as
it refused to submit it was bombarded and captured with terrible loss to
the enemy. Another victory was won at Assaki, which led to the
submission of Shahrikhana and Marghilan, and at length on the 1st of
February the indefatigable Aftobacha, who iiad been the soul of the
opposition, gave in. He surrendered unconditionally, together with BatUr
Thira, Islendiar, and other chiefs.t
The people of Khokand having grown weary of Pulad bek, sent to
Khojend to Nasruddin to ask him to return, but on his way thither he
was atUcked by Pulad bek's supporters and his force scattered, and he
barely escaped with his life to Makhram. Pulad bek meanwhile took
refuge in the Alai mountains near Uch Kurgan, which was shortly
after taken and many of his followers captured. Nasruddin then
returned to Khokand, but the Russians had madt; up their minds
to annex the Khanate, and General Skobelof was Oidered to occupy
the city, which he did on the 20th of Februa.<y. Nasruddin, the Afio-
bacha, and other prominent persons were sent prisoners to Tashkend, and
on the anniversary of his accession, March and, i«'^76, the Emperor issued
an order by which the whole district was annexed >.o Russia under its old
name of Ferghana. Pulad bek was soon after captured by a Kiighis
and taken to Marghilan, where he was hanged on ci charge of having
killed twelve Russian soldiers whom he had taken pris:oners.t Thus was
the fiunous country of Baber, which he has described in such picturesque
language in his Memoirs, added to the dombions of the White Tzar.
We must now describe the history of the other .^mall principalities
which arose on the decay of the central power at Bukhara.
URATIPPA AND JIZAKH.
These two well-known towns — one on the road from Khokand and
Khojend to Samarkand, and the other on that from Tashkend to the
same place— wwe the camping ground of the Yuz tiibe of Uzbegs. In
the last century, when the feeble sovereigns of Bukhara lost control of so
*/<A,i|S> tM,299. ;v. 3««.
^46 HI8I0RY OP THB lfOM<XH.8.
many of Us d gpen d e n c ias, it would seem that Fsza bi set ap anthoritjr st
UrstipiML I bay mentioned how Naijmtdi bi of Khoksnd and Rahimbi
of Bddiaia mayrhad afsinst him, and how ho looled them with great
losBiandnttdeapyfamidofthenrskallsatUfatipiMu* He was succeeded
at Ufatippa by his son Khudayar bek. M. Schefer has given an account
of Xhudajar bdc from the rebuion of Shah Ghafran uOa Serhindi, who
visited Ehoicand in 1794. He calls him Khudai Nasarbi and he says ho
ruled at Uratippa, and had control over 10,000 £unilies. He once
defeated Shah Murad bi and pursued him to the gates of Bukhara.
Every year he spent lo/xo tillas upon the Ulsmas, officers of the law,
the sheikhs and students ; and Timur Shah of A%hanistan, out of hatred
foe Shah Murad bif sent him presents of sOver and vestments. His
authority extended to the neighbourhood of Balkh. One of Khudayar's
dependents reported that, notwithstanding his age^ he ate a sheep daily.
He slept during the day, and at night a ragout comprising a whole
sheep which had been cooking a long time was produced, and two huge
deep plates were filled with it and placed before him^and although he ate
aU night, yet he complained that his appetite had decayed* He was
reputed to bo very brave, and his lance was so heavy that no one could
carry it but himsdlt
On the death of Khudayar he was apparently succeeded at Uratippa
by his brother Baba bek, while his son Bek Murad bek hekl Khojend.
The former, in alliance with Omar Khan of Khokand, succeeded in
driving out his nephew Bek Murad from Khojend, but he was afterwards
murdered by him. The latter was in turn killed by the sons of Baba bek
at Samarkand, where he liad been invited by Mir Haidar of Bukhara, and
Uratippa was for a short time reunited to Bukhara.} It was shortly after
captured by Alim Khan of Khokand, but the latter having left a feeble
garrison therei the place was suiprised by KhojaMahmud Khan, a sister's
son of Khudayar bek. Ixxet uUa says that through his mother's side he
was related to Abulfaii, Khan of Bukhara ; he was also descended from
the Khoja Ahrar of Herat He was assisted in his enterprise by the ruler
of Bukhara, atid took possession of the place in the latter*s name, whicU
was also mentioned in the Khutbeh and on the coins, but the Amir's
authority extended no forther. The Uzbegs in the district could supply
Mahmud Khan with a force of from 15,000 to 20^000 men.| Mahmud
Khan was ruling at Uratippa when Inet ulla travelled in these parts in
1813. Omar Khan, the successor of Alim at Khokand, marched against
Uratippa, wludi he captured, and carried off Mahmud to Khokand,
appointing one of his followers iU governor. The latter was turned out
in three months, and the struggle renewed. Schuyler says it ended by
Jisakh being added to Bukhara and Uratippa to Khokand, while
^Ani0,9t9. Sdivyltr,l.,U9. t Schcfw't Abdil lUrtm, 984, 185.
X8€haiyler,i.,s^S4i* Hova. Roj. Atitt 8oC| TiLi 5t7i Sll.
8HEHR I SEBZ. 847
Mahmud'fl ton Thirt bek Yirua went to KhoSamd, atnd was given a pott
at the Court there.* A large portion of its Uzbeg inhabitants of the
Ytts tribe seem now to have migrated to the valley %£ the Lafir Nahan,t
Thus ended the independent history of Uratippay which now became a
part of the Khanate of Khokand.
SHEHR I SEBZ.
Shehr i Sebz, f^., the green city, is a famous site. It is widdy known
under its former name of Kesh, as the birthplace and original patrimony
of the great Timurlenk. Mr. Schuyler has collected its later history^
and to his admirable narrative I am chiefly indebted for this sketch.
Separated from Bukhara by a desert, and from Samaricand t^ a
mountain range, the passes of which are easily defensible, it offered a
good area for the formation of an independent government, and we find
that it early asserted itself. It was subdued by Rahim bi of Bukhara in
the middle of the last century, and he held it for five years, when it again
rebelled and fell into the power of the Chief of the Kairosali Uzb^s who
encamped there.
From 181 1 to 1856 it was gove ned by Daniar Ataliki one of its most
noted rulers. He took the title of Vali n niam and successfully resisted
the attempts of Mir Haidar and his son Nasrulla to conquer him. Ho
was succeeded by his two sons Khqja Kul at Shehr i Sebz and Baba
Datkha at Kitab. The two brothers quarreUed, and Nasrulla took ad*
vantage Of the circumstance to invade the councry, but before he arrived
^ Khoja had driven out his brother, and he then succeeded in deleating
the Bukharians. <* Angry at this, Nasrulla sent his cavalry twice a year
to devastate the meadows of Shehr i Sebi| and each time a truce was
made, which lasted till the following foray .''I Khoja Kul died in 184&
His brother Izkander then took Kitab, and his son Ashur Kuli htk
Shehr i Sebz, but the latter was speedily driven away, and Izkander
adopted the title of Vali n nia^S
This title he retained till 1856, when, after a persistent struggle often
years, Nasrulla captured Shehr i Sebz, haviiig first blockaded and
reduced it by famine. Izkander defended himself at Kitab^ but shortly
after surrendered to the Amir on fovourable terms. He was sent to live at
Bukhara, and given the revenues of Karakul for his support Izkaader's
sister Aim Kenlnghez was a remarkable beauty. She was already
married, but the Amir sent her husband to Chaijui.and appropriated her
lor his own harem, while the chief families of Shehr i Sebft were colonised
in Chaijui, Karshi, and other places. The Amir seems to have groirn
jealous of his exiled brother-in-law, and just before his death ordered him
and his sister, whom he had married, to be killed. H
* SdM^Itr, op. cit* U 34i> 34** t Maycf, G«og. liafn Hi^ $99,
I Schqyler, op. dt, il, 7S' I /A I A^ 73.
84S HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
Tlie account of the execution, as told by an espe-witness, is thus
translated by Schuyler :— ^ Every day people made salaam to the Amir,
Iskander and his brother, Chmnchu Khan, came once to die salaanii
bowed, and went away. As soon as they had gone the Amir called me
and ordered me to call them back and make them sit in a little court in
a separate room. I went after them and brought them back, as they had
not yet got as &r as their houses. They were put into the separate
room. They asked what was the matter, and said, * It cannot be that
they have called us to the council This is something bad. Our afibirs
are wretched.' I said to them, ' I know nothing about it. They pro-
bably call you to some council.'
** That same day Murza Abdullah, who lived in the fortress, received
an order from the Amir not to leave his house. We were very much
frightened, since' we thought that something bad would happen to
Abdullah, because in Bukhara nobody knows what is going to be done:
to-day you are alive, to-morrow they behead you. We were for a long
time unquiet, then said our midday prayer, and sat stiU and waited.
** Suddenly another message came from the Amir, * from above,' to let
all our people go home for the night, and to have only three trustworthy
men stay, and after sunset prayers to be in the fortress at the drum-beat»
and to send for the executioner and a woman to wash the dead and to
prepare two shirts.
** We began to guess that they were going to punish Iskander, but
could not understand what woman was to be punished with him, because
vre knew nothing about it before.
''After this a badacha came from the Amir ordering us to execute
Iskander and the woman he would send to us.
''A badadia is a small seal like an almond, which the Amir uses
when he orders some one to be executed. For other matters the AmSt*
has a large seaL
''As soon as we received the order we immediately sent for Iskander
and brought him to the place of execution. In the Amir^ fortress there
is a place like a wdl, deep, and covered with boards. As soon as they
esoecttte them they throw the body there. There are many corpses
there.
"The executioner was already waiting for us. He immediately seized
Iskander, threw him on the ground, and as Iskander had no beard he
pot his fingers in his nostrils, and, taking hdld of his head, cut his throat
After this they brought a woman from the Anur. As soon as she saw
the dead body of Iskander she immediately began to weep and to abuse
the Amir. We then faw that the woman was the sister of Iskander, the
wife of the Amir. She was of the family of Keneghez, and all called her
' My moon of Keneghez.' The executioner tied%her hands, and shot her
with a pistol in the back of her head.
SUIUE I SKBZ. 849
'' Widi Its ther do not ciit Utt timicu «f fPMBflo, bitt shoot them.
^ He did not kifl her at oBoe. She Cell and strooM ^Nr somo timo.
The execotioQer kicked her twebe times en her bceasts and iMck tiU she
died.
'' They say that she was punished because she, accoidiog to the older
of her brothov poufod metcnry into the ear of- the Anihr when he was
On NasmHa's death Shehr i Sdx revolted. One of the chieCi of the
£unily Kmunglfaes (whidi with dM other fiunilies has the hereditary doty
of raising the Amir on his throne), called Kidentarbdc or the Dervish bel^
had a eon ^>aT^f*1 Baha, who had e n te r ed the service of the Amir as one
of the y oaths in waitiag. OnNasndU'sdeaAheesoqtedtoShehriSdM.
When, six months kter, NaamUa^ son, the Amir Mnaffitf visited that
district, the very same nj^^t the ditsoliitift chief demanded the sister of
Baba bdc who had aheady been £9rced to serve the passions of his
fiiOert This aroused a great ontory, and he withdrew to Biikhai% and
many important persons were imprisoned* They were rdeased by the
populsce, however. Baba bek was appoinled ruler of Shdur i Sebi^ and
Jaca htk of Kitab, whence they expeOed the Amir's officials. Muzafisr
marched against them, but was obl^ped to raise the siege and hastily
withdraw by a diversion caused by the Khan of Khokand. The beks
afterwards sent him yeariy presoits and h^;>ed him with contingents
of troops, but did not aUow him to interfere with the internal afiahs of
the country.)
After the deleat of Muzafiar by the Russians in 1866, two parties of
rebels arose in Bukhara, one of them supported his son Ketta Unra, and
the other his nephew Seyid Khan. Among the chief supporters of the
latter was Jura bcg^ who afterwards said of hin^ ''the more stupid he
was the better for u% we should have been more indq^endent^S One of
thb conspirators Omar htk, of Child^ was ordered to fall on the
Russians, who were allies of the Amir. He was easily defeated and
escaped to Shdir i Sebi, afraid the Amir would punish him.|| This
attack was misinterineted by the Russians, who revenged themselves
on the Amir and captured .Samarkand. When he shoived a bold front
against them, the b^s of Shehr i Sebz, changing their tactics, came to
his assistance with a ftiroe of 20,000 men, and threatened Samarkand.^
They had been hitriguing with General Kaufmann, but when after the
d^iture of Samarkand he summoned them to meet him, they grew
susfHcious, and made overtures to Muzafiar, and offered to help him. He
in turn agreed to make over to them the frontier town of Chirakchi, about
which there had been constant disputes.** Thesi^:eof Samarkand was
duly pressed, and its defence is a very heroic chapter in the history of the
*/4^US5-97- tM,t.«5. I/rf^«^73- ♦//..l.,MX.
Udnid, 5/^nti5. •♦A^..*44.
4L
850 HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
Riisiians in Central Asia. It would doubtless have been captured, bnt
that Jtna bek, misled by ammoor that General Kanfinann was marching
on his appanage^ withdrew his men.*
It was doubtless in consequence of the arrangement above mentioned
that, as we are told, the Muzaftar made a grant of 10,000 tengas to each
of the beks, and also gave Jura bek the title of Datkha-t
In 18701 when General Abramof was absent on the Izkander Kul expe-
dition, a band of marauders attacked Prince Urusof and his escort, who
were collecting taxes. The latter insisted that this attack had been led
hf Haidar Khoja, ^LproUgt of Jura bek% and his surrender was demanded
and as Jura bek refused to comply, urging that Haidar Khoja was
innocent, and had, in &ct, been elsewhere at the time. General Kaufinann
determined to suppress the Khanate. General Abramof was sent agamst
it : Eitab was taken by storm, and Shehr i Sebz directly after surrendered.
The beks fled to Ehokand, and the Khanate was duly made over to
^Mir trotegiy the Amir of Bukhara, by the Russians,! and still remains
his. The bdcs were presently treacherously given up to the Rusaans by
the Khan of Khokand. Tliey lived together under surveiUance at
Taihkend for some time, and at length obtained pensions of 2,000
roubles from the Bukharians. Jura bek has become a strong partisan
of the Russians. Schuyler speaks of him as a very honouraUe, upr^ht,
and chivalrous person.}
URGUT AND KOHISTAN.
The mountainous district east of Samarkand is known as Kohistan, /./.,
the mountain country. Mr. Schuyler says that up to 1870 it was divided
Into the seven bekships of Farab, Magian, Kshtut, Fan, Yagnau, Macha,
and Falgar, which paid a small tribute to fiukhara, but were otherwise
independent
Urgut was formerly governed by some independent beks of its own,
who held its office of governor hereditarily, and we are told the three
petty chiefs of Magian, Kshtut, and Farab acknowledged them as their
suzerains. In the early part of the century Mir Haidar of Bukhara
subdued Urgut, and sent its ruler, Yuldash Parmanachi, a prisoner to
Bukhara, whereupon the three districts just named submitted to the
latter Khanate. Some time after Katta bek, son of Yuldash, recovered
possession of Uigut, and put his brother Sultan bek over Magian and
Kshtut He had a struggle with Haidar, and even threatened Samar-
kand, and peace was at length made by his giving his daughter in
marriage to Haidar*s son Nasrulla, whereupon he retained his posses-
sions as a fief of Bukhara, and on his death they passed to his sons Adil
Parmanachi, who had Urgut, and Allayar Datkha, Magian. ||
•/rf,i45.a4«. t/f.iU74. :/^,i^74. % U.,Utt^
I ScliQjrltr, 1, 179.
URGUT AND KiAISTAN. S51
Shortly before his death Nasrulla svnmoned these diieCi to Bidduun,
and then eukd them with Aeir fiunilies to Charjai wbert most of them
diedf and he appointed new bda to the moimtain districts. The
nominees of the Amir fled when Samaifcand was captoitd hf the
Russians. Meanwhile Hussein bdc, one of the princes who had beoi
exiled to Chaijuiy esoqped to Khokand and dience to Uifut, triiidv <^
the flight of the Bnkharian bda» he occupied. Driven thence by the
Russians, he went to BCagian, where he planted himsdf^ and put hk
brother Shadi in duuge of Kshtut, and his courin Seyid at Fanb.*
In regard to the other petty districts of Eastern Kohistan we are told
that their annals are crowded with internecine struggles, widi tfie
adventures of Bnkharian tax collectors^ and notices of incorsioBs torn
the neighbourii^ countries beyond diemountains. The memory it stifl
green, says Sdxuykr, of a bdc of Falgar, Abdush Kur Datkha, who in 6»
beginning of this century united all the districts under his rule^ and boBt
roads and bridges throo|^ some of the hitherto inaccessible defiles. In
the time of Mir Haidar, Bnkharian begs were established hi these
districu and forts built Thus matters remained till the dose of
NasniUa's reign. On the capture of Samarkand, the Bukharian beks
baring fled, Abdul Gaflar, formerly bek of Uratippa, occupied UrmitaBy
and made himsdf bek of Falgar.t The people of Macha subnitled
however to MnzaffiurShah of Karatigin, who sent his nephew Rahtas
Khan there as his d^uty. The latter drove out Abdul Gaffiur firaai
Falgar, defeated Shadi beg^ of Kthtut, who had gone to his asristanc^
subdued Yac^um and Fan, and marched towards Hissar, bitt on die way
thither his troops rebelled, drove hhn out, and put Pacha Khcya in hb
place. The people of Falgar, iriio deemed themselves more cultured
than those of Macha, agafai recalled Abdul Gaffiu:, but he was beaten
and fled to Samarkand, where he submitted to die Russians, t The
disordered state of the country tenqpted the latter to imerven^ and
in May, 1870^ General Abramof set out with a small division. On
the I3fh he oocoiNed Urmitan, and on the aist, Varsaminor, both in
the bekship of Falgar, then subject to Macha. Pacha Khqiay bdc of
Macha, who was very unpopular, retired and contented htmeelf
with sending threatening letters. The Russians now approached the
bdohip of Macha, forced one of its defik-approaches, and on May
28th captured Obnrdan. Pacha Khoja fled, and the Russian Genend
much to the joy of the inhabitants rated the forts at Paldorak^ and
advanced to die very fountains of the 2Urafshan in a glacier of die
Alai range.S Returning again down the Zsrafshan valley as for as
Varsaminor, he captured Sarvada, on the river Fan, su b dued die
valley of the Yagnau, and went as for as lake Tskander KnL| Tunung
853 mnon or thb momool&
iMw to Westtm Kbliista% he cwmed ofer die past of Kditot, lo^poo
tet above the tea ]ev<d« la detcenduig fion thb past, the Rntsiaiit
foogfat a tevete ei^^tgement in the defilet on the wettOB side, ney
neie victorioosy howeveri and having occupied and destroyed Kshtofc
letecned to Penjakend and* Samaikanda*
After the conqoest of Shdir i Sebz^ a detadunent was sent up the
valley of die Kashka Daria to Farab and Magiany ivfaose beks had been
Implkated in Uie recent attadcs on the Russians. The two IbcCiettet
wore destroyed, and Seyid and Shadi beg sunendeved. Hussein bdc of
If agiaa was net captured for some months after. Fand> and Magian
were at once annexed to the Russian district of Uigttt, and the remaining
mountain districts in 1871. The country seems since to have been in a
▼ery unsetded and disturbed condkioa.t
HISSAR, KULAB, &c
South of the Karatan range^ and between it and the Oxas, are a
number of small states^ whose liittQry it very obscnroi The head waters
of the Surkhab, <me of the main feeden of die Oxus, flows through the
country of Karatigin, a Tajilc staftey.whoee sovereigns daim like those of
teveral neighbouring districts, to descend from Alexander. WathenteDs
«s that iHien he wrote it had been conquered by the ruler of Darwas,t
but the old dynasty afterwards recovered its position. It was subdued
by the Khan of Khokand in 1^^ as I have mendoned, and apparently
afterwards remained subject to that power. Daiwas borders Karadgin
on the soudi, ami like other hill states in the neighbouriiood,.such as
Wattan, Shagnan, Roshan, ftc, is peopled by Ti^ and ruled by
tovere^;ns dajming descent from Alexander. This means, at all events,
that they are not peopled by Usbegs, nor are their princes of Uxbcg
descent When Madali, Khan of Khokand, conquered Karatigin in
it39, he also seems to have subdued or made tributary Kulab^ Darwai^
and Shagnan,S and these states continued appaxendy to be tributaries
of Khokand till the latter lost its independence. West of these mountain
states is the important district of Hissar and Kulab, occupied by the
UdMg tribes of Kunkumt or Kungrad and Kataghan, who have
encamped among ami largely driven out the old Tajik population ; so
mudi so that we are told the whole of Hissar is known in Bukhara as
Ud)es^stan, !>., the hmd of the Uzbegt >er «jr»/2/Wk«.|
The historyKif die distria is unfortunately almost entirdy unknown.
It seems to have broken loose from Bukhara in the middle of the last
century, for Hissar is mentioned among the places which reliised
obedience to Rahhn bLY
Scbvyiv, L. 343. lU9j%i,lnQmg.Uagniiltp>9' 5 Schaftr,
BALKH, XHUUf, AND KUNDUZ. 853
It became tlie seel of several petty prindpalHief, and Shah Ghitfnui
idla says ezpRsaly that the W)eg ddefr wert numeroos in the
neighboiiihood of Kundm^ Hlssttr* and Knlab.* One of the most
powerfbl of these was AUah Berdi Zatix of Kmgfaail, wiio at the dose of
the last caitiirywa» a terror to his ne^hbonrs. While he was besieging
Hissar, he was appsKntly a ttacl c ed and kiUed by the C cfe i ' nei and
Prinoe of Kanhi, who thoeiipon took possession bodi of Hlssar and
Km^ghan. His name was ABih Yar bdc ^The fomsr rukr Seyid bek,"
says Fraxer, ^ sdflxetains his rank if not Us power at Hissar^ prohaUy
en a friendly nndeistandnig widi die raler of Bokhara, who married his
dangiiter.'' He adds diat Knighan was then attached to Hissar.t
kttt uQa, yfho wrote sevemt years bafoe» names Seyid bi as the mler
of Hlssar, and AUah Yarbek of Kuighan. He also mentions Muad AU
bek and Dost Mnhammed as the chiefr of the aeighbonring district of
Kabadiantf
It would seem that the various small states were eventually swaUowed
iq;> in that of Hissar.
I have however no infonnation about its later history till the second
half ol the present ccntmyt when we find it subject to the Kataghan prince
Sari Khan, who alsoiuled over KnlalxS He was a redoubtable person,
and cansed4he prinoe of Karadgin in 1869 to sedc shelter at Khokand.!
In the same' year the Amir of Bokhara marched against and sobdued
hinuf And when Mayef wttMt^ £/., in 1875, he tdls us the district of
Hissar consisted of seven 8ob*districts governed by bdu, and Kolab of
two soch sob-districts. All these wtst dep en de n t on the Amir of
Bokhara. The districts were Shirabad, Baisan, Dehinau, Yurchi, Hissar,
Kmghan-tobe, and Kabadian in Hissar, and Baljoan and Kolab in
Kolab: Besides wtak^ the Amhr rated direcdy over the diree districU of
Derbend, Sarifoi, and Faicabad.**
We will now cross over to the southern bank of the Oxos.
BALKH, KHULM, AND KUNDUZ.
I have described how^ aboot the year 1751-3, die Usbeg possesions
soodi of the Oxus were conquered by the A%hans.tt Shah Morad, of
BoUtta, tried in 1786 to recover theai, but in vain,tt bot about this time
some ofdie petty <^ie£5whamkd over the Uibeg tribes setUed in diese
^striets began to assert a more or less independent position. Amcmg
these the most fiunoos was the roler of the small district of Kholm,
silnated to the sooth-east of Balkh. He was named KHy Ali, and held
the UdMT title of AtaMk 6em the Aficban mler. He ^eedOy annexed
VflM. tPrt«rtT«frt^ApsMrfU,ioi. X Jwm. B«f . Adit. S«^ vU* Sl|.
854 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
the ndghboaring districts of Ibak, Ghini, If osanr, Denagusy Adc He
expelled Allah Berdi Tauz, the Uxbeg chief of Kntghan tep<i abeady
mentioned, who had occupied the district of Haxrat Imamn^and ddhrered
it from him. He also allied himself dosdy with the Uibeg diief of
Kunduz/ who, althou^ he possessed more power and resonroes, was as
much nnder his influence as one of his deputies. KOij in £Eict married
his daughter. He also emjdoyed his influence at Kabul to acquire an
ascendancy over the Sirdar Nejib uUa Khan, son of Hukomet Khan,
who governed Balkh on bdudf of the rukr of A^^iaaistan. The latter
remained in possession of the dty itself and its dependencies, but was
a mere protegi of Kilij Ali^ and all the rest of die province^ cicept
TaHkan, was either under his government or mfluence. Of its revenue
of 50/xx> rupees, one-third went to the treasuiy at Kabul, and the
rest was distributed b et w een die Kohnefa nuker or old servants,t
and in grants to learned and rdigions tom^ in pensions to otheis,
and in the expenses of the Shdar.t KiKj^ who was loyal to the
A^^ian ruler, had a very wide reputation for his oideriy and
equitable rule. He had an army of about lafloo bofse^ of whom
3,000 were in his oWn pay, and the rest were ai^^^eudal soldiery, returning
services for grants of land. He could also draw about 5/xx> men from
Kunduz. His revenue, after deducting the expenses of his army, was
about ;Ci9,ooo ayear. His eldest son had agnmt of ^£9,000 a year, with
the tide of VaH of Balkh, from the A^Sban rukr. Kilij was a handsome
man, with a red and white complexion, with a few grey hairs on Ids ddn
in lieu of a beard, small eyes, broad fordbeadi and Usb^ attire. Onhiir
head he had a cap, and over it tfo turbans twisted up togedier. He wore
an Uzbeg shirt and a gown, over which was a gbdle wound round his loins
widi a long knife stuck in it, and over die iriiole a robe of cottott or other
cloth of soinbre colour. He only used Usbcf boots when on horsdMck,
carried a short stick in Ms hand, and took a great deal of snuff. He
gave audience in the public apartment fer two hours after sunset every
day, and sat on a carpet without pillows or cushions. His intimates and
those whom he chose to honour sat on the same carpet as himsdf ; all
others sat on the bare ground. There he inquired into all the affiurs of
his government, but remitted \tipl matters to the KaiL Thieves were
not put to death, but hui^ to a wall with an ma inn, in the midst of the
market-place. Highway robbers and murderers were always executed.
He walked on foot through the baxaars and rxaminfd them everymarket
day, checking light weights and overcharges. He walked instead of
riding from a sense of humility that Ms feet might not be higher than
the heads of other true believers.S We are ferdier told he was honest
* BlpUBBtOM% CtltfA, ii., X96.
t The deicendaata of th* hSifimA gwriaoo ftaaltS tt Balkfc hf Ahned Shai, «ii4 of the
rundu which afterwards joined it Schder.aSo. I Blp Mim am * a Cahri, ii^ ly, 19s.
l/if.,188.
BALKHi KHULM, AND KUKD02 855
just, wdl-di^iXMedy kind to his ralijects, judicious and discriminatiag
in Ms treatment of his servants, economical in his expenses, vigilant and
wdl-infonned in the affiurs of his government, and that he gave bread
and broth to one hundred poor persons daily.*
In 1814 Zeman Shah, who had been deposed from the throne of
Kabul by Mahmud Shah, asked permission from the latter to visit the
tomb of Ah at Balkh. He went by way of Khnhn, and Kilij
AH Khan went out to meet him and treated him with sumptuous
hospitality. After visitmg the £unous tomb, Zeman went on to Bukhara,
where the Amir married his young daughter and promised to conquer
Balkh and to make it over to him, but the old man was imprisoned and
nuuie his escape into Persia and thence went to Mekka.t Kilij Ali
was the ruler of Khulm when Izzet ulla visited Turkestan in 18124
According to Schefer, he died in 1817. His death was the signal for-
violent intrigues in his family, which, Moorcrolt says, were fomented
by Murad hi, of Kunduz. Kilij had left three sons, the eldest of
whom was poisoned. Khulm and Ibak were divided between the other
twQ^ Balkh bemg dependent on the Ibak ruler.S They were, however,
mere feudatories of the Kunduz chief, whose origin we must now trace.
Kunduz, a corruption of Kohnehdiz, />., the Old Castle,! is the chief
town of an Uzbeg tribe called Kataghan, bearing a name famous even
in the days of Jingis Khan. The chief of this tribe seems to have
become more or less independent towards the end of the last century.
His name was Kokan beg. I know nothing of him except that he
ravaged Badakhshan severely and was succeeded by his son Murad
bi, who became one of the most famous rulers of Central Asia.
Murad bi was the ruler of Kunduz in 1812, when Izzet ulla wrotcf
Until the death of Kilij Khan he would seem to have been more or
less subordinate to him, but he then broke loose and speedily conquered
himself a wide dominion. Moorcroft visited him in the course of his well-
known journey. That traveller went from Kabul by way of Ibak, which
was then governed by Muhammed Ahmed (?Amin) Bek, the son oi Kilij
Khan, who also styled himself Vali or protector of Balkh. He was
feudally dependent, however, on two patrons : at Ibak, on Murad bi of
Kunduz, and at Balkh upon the Amir of Bukhara, who it would seem
had conquered that city.** The young prince went to see him and he
describes him as about twenty-four years old, with Uzbeg features, and
a not unpleasing face. Moorcroft had sent on some envoys to prepare
the way^ but they were met with suspidon, it bdng said the Enghsh
never entered any part of Asia but for interested purposes and ultimately
to become its masters,tt but he determined to go on. Murad bi was
* Elphisttooe, op. cit, 199, aoo. t Schefer, op. dt, 71-78.
I Jow. Ror- Aiiat Soc, vii.. SiS. i Traveli, ii., 399, 400. Schefer, op. cit., 73. Note z
f /4., 18a.' 5 Joora. Roy. Aeaet. Soc, viL, 333. ** Moorcfoft, iL, 399, 400.
tt/rf:, 4081409.
856 HISTORY or THS IfONGOLS.
«t^Alt tiwemimf of Khtthn, Kxmdax, TtJSkanf Aaderab^ Ra<irfrikhiHj
and Hairat ImiHiA. On tke imy from Ibvk to the mountains Koorcroft
pMMd sewil lQi«M in nnnt wluch bad been destroyed by Mnrad, who
had mad^ slaves of their inhaMtants. At Khtdm, he had an audience
with Baba B% Kilij Khan's son and the elder brother of the ruler
of Ibalu He was a short thidc-set person about tiiirty-five years dd,
dqthed in an onter garment of flama<cokmred silk and an inner one
of black satin. He reodved our travelkr cokUy, and in answer to his
statement that he was a merdiant ho said that that country was a bad
one to tiade in ; hojeered at one of his servants for being a Musmdman
and yet serving a Kaffir, and said his master, i^ Murad In, had given
orders that the travellers should be sent on to Kunduz with an escort*
On reaching Kundns tiiey found the Amir's minister, Atma Ram* in ^
wooden porch in the fort Tea was served them, and a matted diamber
was assigned theqi to live in. Shortly after they had an interview
with the grim rui«r Umadl^ whom they found in an inner room with a
number of attmdanttj some kneeling and others standing, the latter
holding white wandi» but all having their heads inclined towards the
ground. The visitors duly saluted the chief with the Salaam Alikum,
and were then tokl to seat themsdves on n carpet prepared for them -, a
prayer was said, and all stroked their beards with great gravity.
The Amir sat on a coshkm of Chinese damask, and wore a tunic of
bhie silk with a sash of the same ookmr, and over it an <^>en coat of an
afanend colour, and long brown boots with iron tipped heels. He was
about torty-five years old, of a dark complexion, and had very small
eyes. His attendants were all smaitly dressed in Bokharian sOk. Noone
wore any weapons. He seemed pleased with Moorcn^'s presents; asked
many questions about England and the motives of his journey.
He then offoed hhaa some bfead and sliced melons, while he himself
took pears and pomegranates and distributed them among his
c ou r ti ers , and also gave Moorcieft some. In the evening he sent him
a ht sheep and some rice.t At Kunduz he saw a brass gun which
had been spiked and bore an inscription showing it had been made for
Shah Tahmasp of Persia.) Moorcroft had taken a large quantity of
merc h a n d i s e with him in bales which he had left at T^^^iini. Murad bi
having leant of diis suspected it was of great value, and sent his Divan
b^ thero to examine the bales. The traveU«3 accordingly returned
to Khulm, where they had to pay an exorbitant duty on all their goods.
During their absence Murad bi marched against the Hazarahs of
Kamand. After which Moorcroft and his party with his merchandise
were ordered to again repair to the unhealthy district of Kunduz.
Murad bi now became very suspicious and uncivil and determined
^ ' — ' ■ _ ,
•/i^4t4,4I5 t/i«.4$4« I/<^440*
BALKH, KHDLM, AND IdTHDUZ. S57
to detain his guasts, who wanted to go on to BuUnura. During this
detention a conspiracy was formed against the Amir,headed by tte' Vali
of Ihak^ ZidfiUcar Shere of Siripd, Ishan Khan of Balkh, the chief of
Masar, and others 1^ raised a body of 8^000 men who were better armed
and eqnipped dian If wad's men.* He set oat against them, leaving
lus son, who was fiiendly to tiie Kngiishmen, m charge of Kundnz. One
of MoQicroft's friends on the Amb's return havbg said to him that if he
had any legazd for his character he ought not to detain than, he replied
in characteristic fiuhiooy ^ What have I— what has an Uxbeg to do with
character? Do not I sit here to phmder the fiuthful, and shadl I
widiliold my hands from an infidel?" Hethenofoed to let them go
if another friend of his, his Pir Zadeh, or quritnal adviser, Mir Fad
Hakh, would find Ji ransom of 5o/xx> rupees, otherwise he piomised that
they should have a taste of the summer of Knndnx. Moorcrofr rqxlied
that he had no money, and the Mir might do as he pleased It was
at length agreed they should go if a sum <ii lo^ooo rupees was paid to
the Amir and 3,000 to Atma Ram.t He then set out for Tashkuigas»
iHiere he arrived salely, and was "welcomed by Baba Beg with apparent
and many of tiie pe^le with unaffected cordiality.'^ The previous
year the people of Khulm, which was dien a very timving place, had
been threatened with compulsory removal to Kundu% where the fever
constantly reduced the inhabitants and required a perennial supply of
victims to keep up the population. It (mly escaped by bribing the Amir.
The people of Old Khuhx^ the capital in Eilich All's day, and of Sar
Bagliy had been already xemoved.
Meanwhile, a treacherous person named MoUah Muhammed Amin,
who had been in Elphinstone's service^ sou^ an audience with Murad,
threw his turban down, and pledged himself that Moorcroft was in hct a
spy. Messengers were at once despatched to recall him to Kunduz.S
He thereupon determined to fly, and to escape to Kassim Jan, Khoja
of Talikan, the Pir or spiritual guide and father-in-law of Murad
b^.i Having disguised himself as an Uzbeg, he set out, and afier a
teirible ride, whose incidents are described with picturesqueness in his
journal, he at kngth reached the Khoja, with whom he had an inter-
view, and on whose generosity he threw himself to protect him.^ The
Khoja promised to do his best, and to show his disinterestedness refused
to acoq;>t Moorcroff s presents. Meanwhile Baba beg arrived at Talikan
and had an audience with the Pirzaddi, to which Moorcroft was invited.
He ftfimc*f~^**^ what he had done, and advised him on no account
to ^dt the protection of the Khoja. Soon after he had to go through
the ordeal of 4 Ute^tiU in the council chamber with the Mollah
Amin already mentioned, and who had been sent by Murad
•M,444- tM.iC. t/A,448. «M»454i459. |/<^496.
4«
85$ mSTOltY OF THI MONGOLS.
to try and prejudice the Pinadeh against hun. The fierce demmdatioiis of
this person, directed to the Asiatic policy of England and the antecedents
of Moorcroft, with the tatter's answers, are told in detail in his narrative.*
Soon after, Murad himself repaired to Talikan. At an intenriew with
him the Khoja warmly eqponsed Moorcroft's part, and insisted that he
should be allowed to go, on paying a suitable ransom. Khoja Jan was
about forty years old, of a fiur complexion, and pleasing features for an
Uzb^. Although a holy person, he was a dealer in merchandise and
especially in slaves, and the beg generally presented him with some after
his forays. These he sent for sale to Yarkand, receiving back, tea, China
sadn, and porcelain. He also kept a laige number of brood mares and
many sheep, but as his character required him to exercise unbounded
hospitality he was not wealthy. It reads curiously to find that Moorcroft
translated for him Gibbon's account of Jingis Khan and Hmur, with
which he was much interested.! Moorcroft was lodged at first in a
kirgah or circular tent, but afterwards in a small day chamber, and was
supplied with salted tea and wheaten bread for breakjGut At mid-^y,with
boiled rice and poise, in the midst of which was above a pint of kunit or
curd, made into the consistence of cream, and over which about two
ounces of melted hi from a sheep's tail was poured. In the evening
tea was served, and about ten broth and bread, with mutton, bee^ or
horseflesh. Among others, whom he met at Talikan was the brother
of the last king of Badakhshan, who denied the tradition about
his fiunily being descended from Alexander, saying it had not
been settled in the country more than one hundred years. He
said the diief of Darwaz, however, was so descended.} On takmg
leave of Moorcroft the Pinadeh did him the unusual honour of
embradng and blessing him, and gave him two pieces of green dinese
silk, and one of crimson satin brocade with flowers of gold, the last
of which he hoped he would wear in remembrance of him. Moorcroft
in retnm left him some razors, scissors, some genuine attar of roses and
mnsk, a telescope, and gold repeater. Murad bi had given his promise
that he should freely depart At Kunduz he had another interview with
him. He says he had a very repulsive face, excessively high cheek bones,
with a very narrow lower jaw, leaving scarcely any room for the teeth|
which were standing m all directions. He was also near-sighted. Abddl
Tash, the manager of the religious establishment at Hasrat Imanmi prayed
for them as they left, and the hypocritical b^ held up both hands as if
joining in the prayer.J He passed through Tashkuigan and Mazar. In
the latter place he was well received by Shuja ud din Khan, its chie(
and by the ValiV Baikh, who happened to be there, and who boA
inveighed against Murad bi as a disgrace upon all Turkistan.| The
> ^
BALKH, JUajnMf AND KUMiyUZ. 859
Khiii of Ifaar hdd Ae pott of If titawalii or custodian of the Zhx9t Gab,
orthxineof AIL
From Mazar Moorcroft went to Balkb, which he found a huge mass of
nunsy the pq^Nilation having dwindled to about ijooo families. The fort
was in charge of Ishan Khoja. Thence he made his way across the
Oxtis to Mavera un Nehr, and died the next year at Andkhud.
Our next authority on diis district is Bumes. He says Murad's
government was well consolidated and his measures vigorous. On
ccmqnering a district he retained the former chie& in authority; but
stipulated for the supply of a contingent of troops, and planted agarrison
of his own there* His united forces amounted to 20^000 men, all cavalry,
with six pieces of artillery, including a thirty-six pounder, which I have
described as having belonged to Nadir Shah. The cavalry were armed
with nnwiddy spears, and some with matchlocks. The soldiers were
paid in grain; their commanders he retained closely by him. He was
an active person and himself led his troops, and made many d^T^^nt
towards Balkh and the Hazarah country, whose Shia inhabitants were
sold as slaves. The chief of Chitral also paid him a tribute of human
beings. His people had a considerable trade with Yarkand, and he
exchanged envoys with the Chinese governor there. He was not oh
cordial terms with the Amir of Bukhara.
One of his campaigns in the Hindu Kush, about 1830^ was not a
success. The Siah Posh Kaffirs allowed his people to advance into the
mountains, when they attacked them, and a snowstorm having ensued
one half of their army of 4,000 horse perished.* The revenue was paid
m grain ;md com was very scarce, the money current ther^ when Burnet
wrotc^ beingthat of an emperor of Hindostan before the time of Nadir
Shah. The beautiful country of Badakhshan had been wasted, its
inhabitants largely transported to Kunduz, and its ruler, who daimed to
descend from Alexander, had been deposed. The Amir's affiurs were
managed by a Hindoo from Peshawur, named Atma Khan, who held the
post of Divanbegit and although as a rule Hindoos were despised and
not allowed to wear turbans, this person had secured the privil^e for
himself, his servants, and his tribe. He had accumulated considerable
wealth, and had about four hundred slaves.
Burnes teOs us Murad styled himself Mix, and that he had conquered
his neighbours on various sides. He was master of the valley of the
Upper Oxus and its tributary rivers ; had cf ptured Balkh, which he
sacked, and carried ofif great part of the people to his other conquests.
He also redtfced all Badakhshan, and was engaged when Burnet
was there against the hill states north of the Oxus. The district of
Kulab^ one of thes^ lying between Darwaz and Shughnan, was aUeady
in hit possession. His power extended southwards to Simian, within
*Op.€it,iL,SS0b
86o HISTORY OF THE )CONQOL&
thirty milev of Bamian and across two of the pastes of tht Hindfto
Kosh.
Sighan, when Barnes passed through i^ was hnmediately subject to
Muhammed Ali bdc, who he sajrs was alternately dependmt on Kabol
and Kunduz. He satisfied the chief of Kabul with a few horses and his
Kunduz lord with a few men captured in forays by his sons and officers.
These captives were Hazarah% who were carried <^ on the plea that they
were Sbias, and it would be well to convert them to orthodoxy. He was
a tyrannical person and had shortly before laid his hand on some
Jewesses, excusing himself by saying their progeny would become
Muhammedans. Bumes satisfied him with a present of a nankeen
pelisse, and a present of eight or nine rupees, being the usual tax paid l^
a caravan, and received a present of a leg of venison from the Khan, who
was under the impression that the travellers were Armenians,*
North of the Sighan, and separated from it by a ridge called Dundan
Shikun, or the tooth breaker, was the small principality of Kamard,
governed by Rahmut ulla Khan, another dependent of Murad bi's. He
was addicted to wine, and having been , some time without it he
pathetically exclaimed to Bumes that heaven and earth were the same
to him without his dose.t As an instance of the tyrannical rule of these
petty princes, Bumes mentions that not being able to make forays and
alamans like his neighbour of Sighan, he, in order to satisfy his suzerain^
deliberately seized the whole of the inhabitants of one village, and sent
them all, men, women, and childreni ds slaves to Kunduz. Murad hi
duly rewarded him with three additional villages.^ Let us now return
to the latter's history.
Speaking of his character^ Bumes says he was at once cruel and
indulgent; he encouraged all the plunderers who left his country
and shared thefr spoil. Hi<. policy of removing whole populations from
one province to another, ?Jid especially from a healthy to a pestilential
one, and his raids on th<^ Hazarahfs and Ka£Srs were the chief instances
of his tyranny, otherwise traders v/ere well treated and duties were low,
those on shawls and silk being entirely remitted. He was very jealous of
the Ens^sh, was about fifty years of age, tall in stature, and with the
features of a genuine Uzbeg; his eyes were small to deformity, his
forehead broad and frowning, and his whole countenance repulsive.
He was not however addicted to excesses, like his contemporary at
BuUtanu He had two sons, one of whom was then eighteen.S
About two years afber Bumes' visit, and in the end of October, 1856^
an envoy arrived at Kabul from Murad bi, with a present of a dozen
horses for Dost Muhammed. Murad bi's brother Muhammed had
leilf been a victim to ophthalmia; shrines had been visited and charms
lyed, but all in vain, when the news of a British mission being
0».*nL.i8s-i9iu t/ifc,XB. T/A,X94. f Wl, It, S5«. SSS-
E4LKH, KaULM, AND CUNDUZ. S6l
at Kabul reached Kimduz. Theretqxm Mana BndcB, t)ie ronfidant
and physkdan of Mnrad bi, was tent to bring the Ferins^ hakmiy or
Engli^ doctor, over the Hindu Knsh** Captain Burnett who was tlien
at Kabul, detennined to utilise the o p port un ity, and accordingly sent
Lieutenant Wood (to whom we owe the ftmous memoir on the Qxns
country) and Dr. Lord on a misaon thidier.t On dieir arrival they were
graciously received in durbar by Mnrad \Af and after a letter from
Bumes had been read aloud, a piece oC Rassian loaf si^^ar was
l^aced before the travellers, and their presents were produced. Wood
says that a spying glass and some bottles of eiscntisi oils and other
restoratives particularly pleased the Mir. The bottles were duly labelled
in the chief's presence. In the recq>tion room the belcs were seated in rows
on one side of the room, and below them, on another levd, were the Mir's
personal attendants and slaves. Opposite stretdied out on a coloured
fdt, and leaning on a large silken pillow, was Murad bi himselfl AH the
beks present were old men.) Wood compares his host, who had carved
such a large fortune for himself, with Muhammed All in Egypt^ and
Runjet Singh in Hindostan. His power was absolute, and his tribe
was devotedly attached to him, and seldom mentioned his name without
adding, May God add to his riches. With the Tajiks, whom he subdued,
he was not so popular, but they also acknowledged his great abilities.
When he conquered his neighbours he razed every hill fort which fell into
his hands, reserving the Uzbeg strongholds in the plain, which he com-
mitted to members of his own family or devoted adherents. Wood
speaks of the rigid equity of his proceedings among his own people,
notwithstanding the desolating wars he carried on outside his borders.
Offenders never escaped punishment ; theft and highway robbery within
their own country were invariably punished with death. In consequence
of this rigid discipline crime was greatly diminished.1 He also reports the
strong predestination which prevailed among his subjects. Having one
day deplored the untimely end of a chief whom Murad bi had put to
death, an Uzb^ called out, His Hme had come, spare your pUy^ for
nothing happens that is not ordained^ Murad bi's brother's case was
wtU nigh hqpeless. The sight of one eye had entirely gone and the other
was fast waning; and the doctor had to have recourse to a good Mussul-
man habit of supplementing his own skill by declaring that cures were in
the hands of heaven.f Wood himself obtained permission to survey the
upper country of the Oxus. He found Talikan ruled by Murad*s son,
who was styled Atalik. He describes him as like his father in appearance.
He was charged with the surveillance over Muhammed Shah and his two
brothers, the sons of the dispossessed ruler of Badakhshan.** Wood paid
the Khoja who had treated Moorcroft so well, a visit He then went on
* Woodf* OsM, 177. t/i£>xi8. lid,, 137* %Id.,i3$,i^
lA^Lft. f/^145. ••Ai.xsS.
$$% HISXORT OF THI MONGOLS.
to Kila Afghan, where in 1823 die people of BadaUithaiii uadet
Miliar beg Khan, made thdr last stand against Mtirad bl The latter
had lOjOoo men with him, the BadakhsMs about 9,00a They were
charged and dispersed, 300 of them being kiUedy but it was not tin two
years later that the comitry was annexed/ and in 1839 Mnrad trans-
ported a large portion of its i]ihabitants.t Wood went as £ir as Wakhan,
which was ruled by Muhammed Rahim bek, who claimed descent from
Alexander the Great, and who was nomina&y a subject and tributary of
Murad bit The latter was not pleased at the tone of independence he
had shown, and Wood, who found him preparing to start on a visit to
Kundusy seems to have warned him of his danger, and he describes
how he set out with his half-savage escort of armed, ddn-dad
followers.S On arriving at Kundisx the Wakhaa chief was wdl treated,
but when, instead of paying his arrears of tribute, he offered only a
paltry present, Murad hi had him confined, and then tried. His fate was
predetermined, and at a word from the Amir a courtier, whose father had
been killed in Wakhan, clove him to the ground with a wooden billet,
bespattering with brains those near him. ^ Kub kurde, knb kurde*—
^ Well done, weU done "--shouted the savage ruler from his musnid*!
Speaking of the vast transportations of people which Murad bi carried
out, Wood says, ''The aggregate of foreigners thus fordbly planted to
these unhealthy marshes from the year 1830 to the present time (1^/., 1838)
is estimated by the Uzbegs at 25,000 families, or in round numbers
100,000 souls, and I question whether of these 6,000 were alive in 1838,
so great had been the mortality in the space of eight years. Truly may
the proverb say, * If you wish to die, go to Kunduz.' Twelve months
antecedent to our visit a great portion of the inhabitants of Kulab were
brought from their own hilly cotmtry down to Hazrat Imaum. Dr. Lord
and myself walked over the ground which their straw kiigahs had covered
and where some still stood ; but silence, and the numerous graves around,
told us the fate of their numerous inmates.*^
Dr. Lord's patients, Murad's brother and nephew did not recover. The
Amir insisted upon the boy being handed over to a native doctor, wha
prescribed an oil bath, and under whose hands he perished. ** His time
had come," was the philosophical reflection which covered the reputation
of both the native and Feringhi doctor. The death of the prince was
followed, soon after Wood's departure, by that of Muhammed b^, the
Mir of Hazrat Imaum, Murad's brother. He had been an incorrigible
patient, and we are told that while Dr. Lord prescribed for his indigestion
he continued to gorge himself with sour milk, hard boiled eggs, and rich
pilaf. He set him to rights three times, and each rime his indiscreticm
brought on a relapse.**
|A^,«7. f/WU^ **/A,s<4.
BAlKHy KRUUfi AND KUNDUZ. S63
It b not known when the potent chief, who so cruelly derastated the
coontry tonth of the Oxus, died, but it was probably about 1840. He
was succeeded by Muhammed Amin bek, who adopted the style of Mir
Vail He was the son of Kilij Khan, and had governed Khulm during
Murad bFs reign.* He is doubtless the Muhammed Ahmed mentioned
by Moorcroft, and he was the ruler of these countries when Ferrier
passed through them in 1S45. He then had a standing army of 8,000
horse and 3,000 foot ; of the last 800 were saibasis or regulars. He also
had ten guns, served by some escaped Sepoys from India and some
Imaks. Biir Vali's son, Genj All Beg, was governor of Badakhshan,
and Mir Rustem Khan, Murad bi's son, governed Kundux in his
name.t Balkh, which had been the alternate victim of the mlers
of Bukhara and Kunduz, now acknowledged Mir Vali, and was
governed for him by Ishan Suddur,t and the ruler of Andkhud also
acknowledged his supremacy.$
Ibak, when Ferrier passed through it in 1845, ^^ occupied by the
Usbeg tribe Kankali, whose chief was subservient to the ruler of Khulm,
and paid him dues under the name of presents. || Mahmud Khan, the
governor of Sirpul, was the Vali's son-in-law, and one of his best and
most faithful allies^lf He was of Uzbeg descent, but as his ancestors fof
several generations had allied themselves with Persian women, his
countenance had largely lost its Turanian appearance. Hb influence
extended far among the Imaks of the Paropamisus, among whom he was
dreaded for his great daring and bravery* He kept up a standing army
(d 3,000 horse and 3^000 foot, which number he could treble when
necessary.** He wished General Ferrier to mediate an alliance with the
English on his behalf, only he begged ** he would not do so in Asiatic
fashion, by retaining half the subsidy he expected from Calcutta.** ft
From the &cts here quoted and from the number of his dependents
it will be gathered that Mk VaU was a very powerful chie^ and held
sway over quite as great, if not a greater breadth of country than
Murad bl
Although the Afghans had been so long deprived of authority in this
district of the Upper Oxus, they had not finally abandoned hopes of
recovering it, and it was at kngdi recovered by their famous ruler Dost
Muhammed.
When the latter declared war against NasruUa, the Amur of Bukharst
he asked permission from the Vali to march through his territory^ but
was sharply refused, being tdd that to grant the request would be to
surrender the sovereignty of his country, for the Afghans would ravage
and keep it if they were strong enough. Dost Muhammed r^ied, that
what was denied in friendship should be taken by force.|t Besides this
*F«Riw*iTr»TeIs, aiobau. t/4n an. I/i^mS. f/4l.,ao3. lld^ns.
9H BISTORY or THE 1I0NO09LS.
roftson be was pressed on by his son Akbar Khan, wbo dining Ins exOe at
Kbukn became enamoured of a female slave belonging to Mir Vali^ ifbam
he carried off to Kabul, but she managed to escape and retamed to hoc
fSormer master, who scarcely ever allowed her out of his [^lesence. As
he refused to surrender her, Akbar Khan was clamorous for war. The
army of Kabul was commanded by the Sirdar Akrem Khan, while
another son of Dost Muhammed occupied the hilly country in firont of
Bamian. The forces of Khulm were posted in a difficult district beyond
Sighan, and several engagements were fought between the two. Thisi
happened while Ferrier was in the country in 1845/ '^c ^f^ ^^
a protracted one, and ended in the complete victory of the Aighansi
who in 1850 crossed the Hindu Kush and conquered Balkh. In 1859
they also recovered Kunduz, and the Uzbeg possessions south of the
Oxus now became known as Afgdan Turkestan. Badakhshan was also
conquered, and a descendant of its oki princes, Jehandar Shah was
placed on its throne as ihtprotegi oi the A^hans.
On the death of Dost Muhammed, his son A&ul Khan was living at
Balkh, as governor of this district, and in 1854, lie in concert wiUi his
brother Azim rebelled against Shere Ali, their older brother, who was
the Amir of the Afghans. The rebellion was crushed, and Afzul was
reinstated in his position at Balkh : this was in 1864. His son Abdur
Rahman had meanwhile fled to Bukhara, where he married the Amir's
daughter. Suspecting this flight to be part of some organised plot|
Shere Ali seized upon Afoil and imprisoned him* Abdur Rahman now
incited the Amir of Bukhara to assist him. He corrupted Shere Ali^s
representative in Afghan Turicestan, and secured the loyalty of his best
general, Muhammed Rafik. He was also joined by Azim Khan, who had
for some time been a refugee on English soil, and speedily secured Kabul
and severely defeated Shere Ali : this was in 1866. Afzul was released
and for a short time adopted the style of Amir at KabuL Shere AH now
repaired to Herat and raised another army, but was again defeated*
Three days after the battle Afzul died, and was succeed^ at Kabul
by Aiim. Meanwhile, Kandahar and Herat remained fidthfiil to
Shere Ali, and in thespring of 1868 he once more set out This time,
as is wen known, he was successfliL Azim was driven into etile and
shortly after died in Persia. Abdur Rahman was also driven away ; ha
.fled to Meshed, whence he sent messengers to Samarkand to ask the
Rnsrian authorities if he might shelter there, and receiving a favourable
answer went to Tashkend in March, 187a He eventually took up hb
residence at Samarkand, and received a pension of 35,000 roubles a year
from the Russians. He was visited by Schuykr, who describes hhn as
taU and well built) with a large head, and a marked Afghan, almost a
Jewish fsoe^ He wore tong lodoi of haur at the side^ and a full curiy
__^_^__^_^_____^_^^_^__ .1 ^^_x... ^^ — ^_^_i..^_^_
BADAKHSHAK. 96$
biftdc beard, tad was dressed in a long d|ik Kaftan, with wide silver
galloon, and tegs of sihrer braid, a luf^ wrought silver belt and
silver-moiiated sabre, and wore a white turban striped with blue cm his
head. He qxdoe to Mr. Schnyler in bitter terms sjboot Shere AIL*
Abdur Rahman evidently has his hopes fixed still on die Ai^faan
throne, and his future may yet be determined by the condition of A^han
Turkestan and Badakhshan, which have always been nneasy under
the A%faaa yoke. He is the son-in-law of the Amir of Bukhara and also
of Jehander Shah, the ibnner ruler of Badakhshan, who still as{»res to
recover his position there. Jehandar was driven away ircMn RttrfaH>iyhy«>
in 1867, by his nephew, Mahmud Shah,^ who married Shere All's
dau ght er, and n^o took his place and became an Aljgfaan feudatory. The
result of his intrigues will dq[)end largely on the policy of Russia whose
gnest he is, but it is not very hopeful to read M. Terenticf expiemng a
wish that there may be constant rebellions in these northern districts of
A%hanistan, untU the Amir of Kabol is compelled to wididsaw his troops
from Badakhshan.t
BADAKHSHAN.
A few words will suffice to rdate the story of Badakhshan, so fer as it
concerns our present object Like the country bordering it on the west,
Badakhshan was conquered by the Uxb^s, and formed a government
dependent on the Khanate of Bukhara. The old race of Khigs who
retgned there when Marco Polo, and stiU later when Baber wrote, datmed
like the petty princes, further east, to descend from Alexander) but thin
dynasty was disi^aced by the Usbegs, and its later rulers like many others
who founded more or less independent principalities, on die decay of
the Bnkharian Khanatft, were doubtless of Uzb^ descent. Cdonel Yule
says they were Sahib Zadahs of Samarkand who were invited to go there
about the middle of the seventeenth century.^ I don't know on what
anthority dus is stated, but it is very dear that it was not tiH mndi later,
and after Nadir Shah's death that an independoit principality arose here^
and lioorcrolt was expressly tohl by a Badakhshan prince^ that his
fendly had only bona settled there about a century.S The first sovere^
of this dynasty I fbid recorded was Yar bdc, who is mentioned as lA»
founder of die dynasty and ^ builder of Fatsabad. Sultan Shah ruled
there when the Chinese overthrew the dominatiffin of die Khojas at
Kashgar. Khan Khoja who had been driven thence, soo|^ refuge at
ladakhshan with 40,000 of his people. His wealth and his harem
attracted tte cupkKty of Sultan Shah, who attadosd him at Reishkhan,
and his peofb west defeated. On suing for his life in vafa^ he cuiaei
Badakhsbasd^ >uid prayed it might be three t&ies depopulated, and that
• Sdmrlir. i.. a6s. iid^VL^iVh^t^ Z Muvo P«to. i. iH.
866 HISTORY OF THK MONGOLS.
not even a dog might be left in it alive* A few years later, namdy,
about 1765, Badakhshan with the other districts south of the Oxus was
conquered by the famous Afghan ruler Ahmed. On this occasion, Sultan
Shah was put to death, and the Afghans carried off (h>m Faizabad a
&mou8 holy reHc in the shut of Muhammed.t The Munshi Faiz Buksh
promised m-hi^ memoir to publish the materials he had collected for
the history of Bulkh ami Badakhshan,t but this valuable work has
i^parently not been done, and I have no notice of the district tiH
about 1812, when Izzet ulla passed th^t way. He tells us Mir
Muhammed Shah who then ruled was the son of Sultan Shah.f
A few years later, namdy, 1823, Badakhshan was invaded by
Murad bi of Khufan, who defeated its ruler Miriar Beg Khani^ at Kila
Alghan.| The district was finally conquered about 1829. Thereupon
Miriaz's brother Mir Muhammed Riza Bck went to live at Talikan, and
was there visited by Moorcroft-f Two other fugitives were Muhammed
Shah and his younger brother, the sons of the late Shah. They
were also given a residence at Talikan, Wood saw them there, and
says though poor and unfortunate the family was much respected
by their countrymen, among whom Muhammed tlie head of the
house was still honoured with the title of Shah or King.** For
a long interval Badakhshan remained subject to the ruler of Kunduz.
I have mentioned how about 1859, Jehandar Shah a descendant
of the old princes was reinstated there as the dependant of the
A^ghans.tt His dependence was very nominal however, for he seems
not to have paid tribute. Although he was a drunkard and a dissolute
person, the coontry prospered under him. He Avas on friendly terms
with Abdur Rahman, and jealous of the lattcr*s rival Shere All One of
Major Mon^omery's sappers was present at an interview between him
and the ntler of Qiitral, when an alliance was apparently cemented
against KabuL The former had 2/300 horsemen with him and the latter
TOO. The Chitral diief gave his fri^d twenty-one slaves and also
his daughter in marriage to his son, while Jehandar presented him with
sixty cbogas of Bukhara manufacture, two swords and a horse.tt
Jehandar was diqilaced as mkr of Badakhshan in 1861 by his nephew
Mahmud, a paitisan of Shere A1L$$ Manphul thus enumerates the
various divisions of Badakhshan and its dependencies. Faizabad and
Jirm directly dependent on Mahmnd. Daraim, Shahr i buzurg, Gumbazi
Farakhar, Kbhnii Rustak, Rushan, Shaghnan, Ish kasham, Wakhan,
Zebak, Minjan, Ragfa, Daung, and Asiabi. All these dependencies were
either held by Mahmud's relatives, or by hereditary rulers, with a feudal
tenure, conditional on fidelity to him and rendering military service.
♦ Wood*! Om. t6t. t /*, xnrJ. I Jour. Roy. G«of . Soc. xUi.. 473.
|)o«B.AdM.8o«.,vU.,304Uissi' I Wood". Oxnt, 159. ^O^dt..48?.
•• WooTt Om, US. 1iAm»,9ti. 11 }•«». «ojr. Q«)g. Soc., xUl, i». «JWn«9
MBIUNSH. 36/
MEIMENEH.
After the death of Nadir Shah and the elevation of Ahmed Shah to the
throne of Kabul, jan Uxbeg soldier of fortune named Haji Khan was
i^polnted by the latier governor of Mefaneneh, on condition of fuxnidiinf
a contingent of troops. He took up his residence at Balkh, and nominated
one of his relatives as his depaty at Meimeneh. Ho was succeeded by his
son Jan Khan, who was forced to fly from Balkh by an oatbreak of the
inhabitants^ and withdrew to Meimeneh. On hb death in 1790^ there
was a dispute among his sons for the inheritance ; one of them was
blinded, another perished in an outbreaki while the youngest, named
Ahmed, governed Meimeneh from 1798 to i8ia He was killed in an
insurrection and his eldest son* Mixrab Khan, fled for refuge to the
t(Mnb of All, near Balkh, while his cousin Allah Yar Khan ocCTiplfid the
throne from 18x0 to 1826, when he died of cholera.*
He was apparently succeeded by Mizrab Khan, who was poisoned
by (me of his wives. This happened shovtly before Ferrier passed
through the town, where he found his two sons Ukmet Khan and ShefO
Khan flghting for the succession. The former, who was the ekier of
the two, mnch preferred wine to business, and would have abandoned
his dahns, but those about him would not consent to his doing sa
This struggle led to much misery, and Yar Muhammed, the A%haa
ruler of Herat, and nominal snserain of the place, interfered to settle
the dispute. It was arranged that Ukmet should continue to rale
over the merf;antile and agricuhnial population, while Sheve Khan
should reside in the citadel and command the army, a plan
by which the latter was virtually given control of the state.t Yar
Huhammed, apparently, really controlled the affiurs of Meimeneh till
his death, in 1853, when it again becan^ indtpendentt Ukmet Khan
was by order of his brother hurled down from the walls of the
dtadd, ''so that," as he said, ''his abler son might be placed at
the head of affairs.'' This brother was named Muna Yakub^ and was
sdll living when Vambery traversed the district His nqihew, for whose
interests he was so solicitous, was named Hussein Khan, and was largely
in his hands. Yakub held the post of vizier,and is described as a person
of handsome presence. Instead of hiflicting corporal punishment or
imposing ftnes, he sent culprits to be sold in the dave markets of
Bukhara.$ The little Khanate, although surrounded by sudi powerflil
neighbours, had very largely preserved its independence^ and been
especially successful against Dost Muhammed, of A^hanistan. On his
death, the Amir of Bukhara seht its youi^ Khan a subsidy of 10^000
titlas, and a request that he should join his forces with those of Bukhara,
and make a common attack on the Afghans. Hussein Khan was too
* Schtfer. Abdul Kerin, afia, 4(3^ t Ftrriaili ttmnlk, 197, 19S.
I Id., 204, Noit. I Vanbwy, Travili^ §49.
MS HISTORY or TBI 1I01IOOL&
impatient to wait He set out on his own account, captured aeveral
small places, and omfunented the gate of his fortitsa with dnee
hundred long-haired A%han skulls. When Vambery was there in 1863
he was pr^aring for another campaign.*
ANDKHUD OR ANDKHOI.
Andkhttd is situated between Herat and Bukhara, and is accounted as
belonging to Khorasan. It retained its allegiance to the A^i^ums for a
long time, and the Khutbeh was said in the name of Tinmr Shah, on
whose behalf it was governed by Rahmet UUa of the tribe AUhu. He
was killed in a struggle with the troops of Shah Murad hi, of Bukhara,
and was succeeded by his son Ilduz Khan.t Ilduz was ruling then
when Isiet ulla travelled in these parts.^ He had a body of i^ooo troops^
and seems to have secured a practical independence, for,Schefer says,he
paid no mie tribute.! Andkhud remained toleraUy flouridiing tiH
about the year 1840^ when it was dqpendent on Bukhara. Yar
Muhanuned besieged it when on his way to Oxns, and captured it after
a siege of four months. It was then plundered and reduced to a hmp of
ruins, and the greater part of the inhabitants who would not otherwise
escape, were put to death by the Afj^ians. When Vambevy visited h, its
governor GazanferKlian was ajhviA^ of the A^S^ians, and at issue with
the rulers of Bukhara and Meimeneh.! He says the town then contained
about 2fiOo houses and yooo tents sca tt e red about, and its popuktioii
was about 15,000^ principally Turkomaas. Its cKmale is notorioosfy
bad, and is summed up in a Persian verM. ** Andkim has bitter salt
wateri scorching sand, venonums flies, and even scotpions. Vaunt it
not for it is the picture of a real helL'' It was there that Mooccrolt
apparently of fever.f
SHABIRGHAN.
Shabiri^ian was kmg the seat of a petty principality. Izset ulla <^ii« H
Shiighan, and teQs us that it was ruled by Iraj Khan.^ When Ferrier
was in these parts, its ruler was Rustem Khan. He had married a
dau^ter of Misrab Khan Vali of Mdmeneh, and inflated by thismatdi
proceeded to turn Kaianfer Khan Afthar, a ^Ug€ of the Amir of
Bukhara, out of Andkhud. The Amir persuaded Mir VaH of Khalm to
rdnstate Kaanfer, idio handed the business over to his son-in-law,
Mafamod Khan, of SirpuL The latter fonned a league with the governors
of Masar, Balkfa, and Akshi, and marched against Andkhud and
thabiighan. Rustem had appdnted as hi» deputy at AndUmd, Sufi
^14^%K^%^ t8di«Ctr,op.ck.,a4f. I Jovb. Roj. Aiint Soe.. tU^ sss-
|0».dt,s49. |Va«kM3r.Tnf«te,a4i.
ti^.a40. **Jo«».l«r*Aaitt.8«c.,«IL,3SS.
sntpuu Mf^
Kkan AM», Ite nephew oC Kaxante. This prince was made ofcr
te the enemy, while Rnstem Khan hhnaeif was made by the
inhalHtants vdiose crops had been ravaged, and who were snffiBring from
want, to surrender. Kazanfler having regained possession of Andkhnd^
dedared hmisdf the vassal of Mir Vali of Khufan, regardless altogether
of tiie ruler of Bukhara. Shabirghan was surrendered to Mahmud Khan,
of Sirpul, who appointed his brother Hussein its governor, and Rustem
and Sufi were sent prisoners to Bukhara. The Bukharian ruler felt he
had been duped, and assisted Rustem to recover his own, but shoitly
after the Afghan prince Yar Muhammed Khan arrived from Herat with
30/x)o men, and subdued Meimeneh, Andkhud, Akshi, and Shabii|;han,
which remained subject to him till his death, in 1853.* They then
remained independent for a short time^ but except Meimeneh, were
^»eedily conquered again by Dost Muhammed, and have since remaned
mote or less dependent on the A%hans.
SIRPUL.
The history of die little principality of Sitfiil is very obscure. When
Ferrier passed througk it, its governor was Mahmud Khan, who was the
son-in-law of the Mir Vali, of Khnhn. As it is not mentioned in tiie
notices of Izzet ulla, nor by Schder^ authorities, it had probably but
recently become independent, and doubdess formed part of Khufan
during the leign of Murad bL Mahmud Khan's influence we are
told extended far among the Imaks of the Paropamisus, and he con-
trolled a force of 2/)0o horse and 2yooo foot soldiers.t Sirpul fell under
A%faan rule like its neighbours, in the reign of Dost Muhammed.
I have thus surveyed the meagre annals of the various Uzbeg princi-
palities of any note, uriiich were formed out of the ruins of the old
Bukharian Empire. The greater part of them are now nominally at least
subject to the A^ihans, but this has been only a recent conquest on die
part of the latter, and they bear their yoke uneasily. How for it is
prudent or wise that En^and should insist as she has done, diat they
Aould be treated as an intend paft of Afghanistan, is a question ai
politics and not of ethnography or Mstory, but it may be pointed out as
beyond question that from the point of view of both race and history, the
dominant populations of these princqudities are drawn towards Bulduum,
mther than KabnL
AMr x.^The title Atalik ocean frequendy in the later histoiy of RdAaaiL
>ienkfllMri says this tide answers to the title Lala Pasha at tne eovt «(
Constaadaople. Ha says the Khans of Kipcfaak and the kings of <}eofgk alto
had tbfir atalfts. Originally the duties of the AtaKk consisted hi sopet^
870 HI8T0RT OF THS MONGOLS.
iotMrftng tlM edacadoii of thd heir to the throne tad looUaf after hit
hootebokL Aftecwitfdt the Atalik hecame one of the chief digmtiee of the
court, ehnott equal to those of Diran begi and Grand Visier, and eveotnally
having become hereditaiy and £Ulen into vigorous hands, the holders of the
post became the virtual rulers of the countiy, like the Merovingian mayors of
the palace, and succeeded like them as we have seen in nsocping the chief
authority in the state.* It will be remembered that the recent fiunous ruler of
Kashgar styled himself Atalik Gaxi.
AMraw— The Seyids and Khojas occupy such a prominent positioii in the
history of Central Asia, that it is well to remember who they weie. The
Seyids according to M. Schefer were all who claimed descent bom the Khalils
Osman and Ali, through the daughters of the Prophet Hie Khojas claimed
descent from the Khalifs, Abu bekhr and Omar by other women than the
daughters of the Prophet. The Seyids had precedence of the Khojas. The
latter were divided into two categories, the Khojas Seyid Ata who possessed
deeds proving their descent, and the Khojas Juibari whose title deeds were
lost and could only appeal to tradition and reputct
NoU 3.— I have by inadvertence omitted in the notice of Bukhara reference
to the visiU paid to it by three early English travellers. The first of these
was Anthony Jenkinson, who was there in 155S. He reached Bukhara, which
he calls Bogar, on the 33rd of December in that year. He describes in his
quaint language the appearance and manners of the place. Initr aUa^ he tells
OS its king had little power or wealth, his revenue being small and being
derived from the eacactions he made from his subjects. Craftsmen and
merchanU had to pay a tax lor the things they sold, *<and when he
bu:keth money," says our traveller, " he sendeth his officers to the shops
of the said merdunts, to take their wares to pay his debts, and.will have
ccedit of force." The corns were of silver and copper, each of the former being
worth twelve English pence, and of the latter which were caUed puis, one-
tenth of a penny. The king caused the value of the silver money to rise and
fan accordmg to his caprice, •* not caring to oppress his people, for that he
looketh not to reign above two or three years before he be either slain or
driven away, to the great destruction of the cocmtry and merchants.?}
Jenkinson had an audience with the Khan, to whom he presented a letter
from the Tsar, and by whom he was treated " most gently, and was caused to
eat in his presence, and he divers times devised with him familiarly in his secret
chamber, as wdl of the power of the Great Turks, as of the countries laws
and religions of Europe, and he caused him to shoot in handguns before him
and did himself practice the use of them, but after aU this great entertainment
before his departure, he showed himself a very Tartar, for he went to the
wars owing him money, and saw him not paid before his departure.'*! He
nevertheiest praises him for having punished some marauders who had
attacked him m romU, and caused all four of them to be hanged at his palace
gat^ as he says, ♦• because they were gentlemen, to the exMnple of others."!
• Scnkofcld, Sapplemcnt. Note, 33- t Sche£«r*» Abdul Ketiai, «▼. Note, i.
I HAkloyt. Voyages. L,3:po, 371. %l4L,jji, ,lfd^3Jt,
NOTES. 871
He iimikt of th« rigid ditcipliiM mftiiitaiiied in tlM Khmte^ ttp^^tXty in
regard to intoxicmting Uqaofs, and dmwt a cwiont picture alKywing the
enbemennent of on the one band drinking water wldch bied die fmons long
worms of Bokhara, which borrow under the akin and of bebg heaten hy the
police for drinking strong drink. He tella oa tlie Metropolitan, ^a, the heed of
the priesthood, had more power than the Khan, and coold displace liim,haTing
done so with the predecessor of the then mier ** whom he be traye d, and in the
night slew kJm in his chamber, who was a prince that loved all ChrietiaBS
weU.*^ Having been warned that he had better letnmaa there wne a danger
of the dty being attacked, he set ont oa the 8th of March, X5$9, acGOoipeidcd bj
envoys firom the rolers of Bukhara and BaBdi to the Rnasiaa Empuw^ and bj
a caravan of Ooo camels. Ten days alter hie departure he telb us the king of
Samaikand went with an army and besieged the said dty of Bogar, the
king bebg absent and gone to the wars against another prince, his kinsman,
*aathelikechancethio thoMconnUiesonceintwoorthreeyears, For it is n
manr^if the kmg reigns there above three or four years.*^
In 1746, the enterprising agents of die British factory in Russia tried lo
establish a tirade with Khiva and Bukhara, nnd accordingly Mesers.
Thompson & Hogg made their way to the former town, whence Mr.Thompeoo
went to Bukhara, intending to return home through Persia and by the
Caspian. He arrived there safoly, and tells us the Khan had little anthori^
beyond the city, the adjacent district being governed by several beks, indepen-
dent of each other and of the Klian. He tells us how the natives imported
rhubarb, musk, and castorium, and many other valuable drugn from the Black
Kalmuks and Tashkend, and that former^ they received li^is laxuli and
other precious stones from Badakhshan, but that the route thither was then
much interrupted by robbers. Mr. Thompson tells us they used gold and
copper coins of their own, but that the silver used then was Persian and
Indiao4
Bumes was at Bukhara in 1832* On arriving there he was introduced to
the Kush begi, an elderly man who occupied a small room in the palace,
and who desired Bumes to seat himself on the pavement outside. The latter
presented him with a silver watdi and Cashmere shawl, and afterwards with a
valuable compass, which he explained as an instrument that would always
point in the direction of Mekka. He describes the motley crowd he met in
the Rii^iistan ; Pasians, Turks, Rnssiana, Tartan^ Chinese, Hindoos and
Afghans, Turkomans, Kalmuks and Kazaks, Jews and Armenians* Each one
who visited the Khan was accompanied by a slave. His account of
Bukbarian lifo is picturesque. He saw the Khan visit the Great Mosque on a
Friday, and tells us he was about thirty years of age, with a gaunt and pale
fkce, small eyes, and forbidding look. He was dressed in a silken robe of
** ndrus,* with a white turban, and sometimes he wore an aigrette of feathers
ornamented with diamonds. The Koran was carried before him, and he was
preceded and foOowed by two golden mace bearers, who called ont in Turkish,
**PnQr to God that the Commander of die Patthfhl may act Justly.*' His snite
•Id^Sn, t/4^S73* I n iB Oiy' ^ Twweis, i, 14»S44*
872 HISTOitY OF THE 1C0M00L&
ooaiiiiMtf qC.abottt loo perioitt, wiio ww dmiid in tchm of Ihmiio kpcadib
and wore gold onuunentod daggen. The peoj^ drew aside aa be paaaed,
atieked their beards and wished hies peace. Sespidoa sofrounded his daily
lifft. The water he drank was talcea in sidns torn the river nnder the charge
and seal of twio officers. It was first tasted by the rixier and hia men and
U^n again sealed. The meals he ate were similarly tested, an hoor being
allowed to pass to see the eflbcts belbte the bos in which they were kept
was mlecked. Of this box the Khan had one key and the visier the other.
Fruit, sweetmea t s, Ac. wsre all tasted, and Barnes remarks that it mnst have
been diScult te him to have a hot meaL It was a recognised cosiom in
taking food frees a psnon to present the giver with some first as a ptecantkm.*
As an instance So be added to the many previonsly qnoted, of the rigid
Mohammedanism then prevailing at Bokhara, Bomes describes how one
day a IfoUah who had violated the law went to the Khan, suted his crime,
and demanded justice according to the Koran. Twice was he bidden to depart,
but the third time having upbraided the king for hia remissness in dispensing
Justice and entreated that it might bring him punishment in this world instead
of the next, the Coandl of Ulemas was smnmoned, and he was didy con-
demned to be stoned to death. Turning his &ce towards Mekka and drawing hn
garments over his head he repeated the weil known phrase, ** There is but one
Qod and Mnhammed is his Prophet," and met his late, the Khan throwing the
first stone. When dead he wept over his corpse^ ordered it to be washed and
buried, and read the funeral service over the grave. On another occasion a
son who had cursed his mother siinilarly demanded punishment, and although
she entreated for him he was executed as a criminal, according to his own
wish. A merchant from China having imported some picturss, they were
immedisfdy broken by order of the Government, as against the express orders
of the Koran^ and their vahie was returned to the owner. In view of this rigid
adherence to the law, there is something pathetic in the exdamatbn of a
Bukharian when told the Russians had recently found some gold veins
between theb country and Bukhara. '*The ways of God he said are
unsearchable which concealed these treasures from the true believers, and
have now revealed them near the very surface of the earth to the Kaffirs.*t
For an admirable description of the internal government and general polity
of BuUuffa, I must refer to KhsnikoTs work so often cited in the previoos
A^i^4.— The account of the topography of Bokhara and iu borders I shall
remit to the next volume, which witt desl more largely with this district, and
uow limit myself to a descriptionofKhokand, which is a pursly Uxbeg town of
quite a modern- date, being not nmch more than zoo years old Mr. Schuyler
has described it in his usual picturesque phrases. " From its being more
modem it has wider streets, and is more spaciooa than most Asiatic towns.
It is nearty square in form, and is said to contain 500 mosques, wbkh with an
averafgs of thirty houses to a parish pves a population of about 75/mm».
From the roof of the caravaneerai where Schuyler sUyed, he tells us he could
• BoniM, Trtvtli. af9«a94. 1id.,%ti,
NOTKS. 873
sec the wbole city wpnaui out, in conttnaoos lines of broad flat day foofo, mott
of the bazaars also being covered 10 as to give an easy passage from one end of
the town to the other. Near by was a group of mosques and medressei^ bnOt
of reddish grey brick, with high melon-shaped domes, the cornices covered
with blue and white tiles forming texts from the Koran. In front was the bridge
Kush-knpriuk, with its bold arch over the little stream which divides the city,
while above it stood oot the large MedressI Khan. To the left were the
beautiful facade and portal of the Khao*s palace, glittering in all the brightness
of its fresh tiles, blue, yellow, and green, which had only recently been built.
All around were clay rooft half hidden by foliage, and surrounding all, gardens
and orchards, baeked up in the distance by mountains.'^
* In a large open space at the end of the basaar'are two large Medressis or
colleges, well built of burnt brick, picked out with blue tiles, and surmounted
by domes and small blue turrets. One is called All, and was built by
Mussulman Kul. The other which is unfinished, was begun by the Khan*s
brother. Sultan Murad bek, in fulfilment of some vow. Near the bridge above
named is the spacious Medressi Khan, built by Madali Khan, and containing
accommodation for aoo MoUahs. In the eastern part of the city is the
Medressi Mir, built by Narbuteh hi, and close by a cemetery formerly con-
taining a famous monument put np by Madali Khan to one of his wives, with
the pathetic inscription : —
I hope to Me h«r At th« resorrtction,
Her of lovely slender fonn,
IflJoBot tee her then.
Go look after the Judgment.
This monument was destroyed by the Amir of Bukhara when he took the city,
on fikt ground that it was improper thus to honour a woman.'^t Schuyler
visited the mint, the armoury, and paper manufactory. He ssjrs the chief
Bazaar at Klu^and is very well built and regular, the streets crossing at
right angles, and with ipany of the nhopt built of burnt brick. The streets
are wide, ^ftd the whole is covered by a roof supported on timbers high up
above thd houses, so that the baiaar itself is shaded, while plenty of resh air
comes in at the sides. There are two basaar days weekly, namely on Sunday
and Thursday.! The Khan was the owner of the bazaars and drew a large
revenue from them, thus the Cocoon basaar, which was only open for six or
seven weeks in the summer, brought in;f8io a*year. The citadel there called
the urda, while at Bukhara it is called the ark. It is a large rectangular
bttibling |ff|h high dny walls, containing several small courts and numerous
buildings. At the further extremity beyond the large court is the new palace,
the largest and most magnificent in Central Asia. It is a building of two or
three storeys high, with towers at the comers and two in the centre, the wbole
front faced with glased tiles, white, blue, and green, and a large Inscription,
* Built by Seyid Muhammed Khudayar Khan in the year 13S7,** running along
the cornices.!
• Op. cit., 11., 1 1, la. t I4.t I J. ; Id., 10.
40
S74 HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
^^ $.— Genealogy of the Khant of Bukhara und Kbokaad.
ABULKHAIRIDS.
PuLAD Khan. (Set chapCtr si.)
IbrahteOcUM. Arabtfcah, a ui M t o t cif tU Wbtm tf Wkkn.
I S«« next chapter.
Dcrltt
I.
Ogfaltn.
t. Atalkhair Khan.
I
L
ShahBodagh
Saltan.
Khoja MnhamuMd 5- Kuchlra^ii Khan. MeBkliKMa
Saltan.
MalmMd t.
Saltan.
— r I 1 1 i I
Muhammed Janibtg 4.Abotaid 6.Abdolla y.AbdalLatif 8.Nawas
Sbelbaai Saltan. Khan. Khanl. Khtfu AhaadKhaa.
Khan.
I 1
S.Ubaidaila Ifahammad 9. Pir Mohammed xo.Iskander Sallman
Khaa. Timor Khan. Khan. Saltan.
Solun^ I I
I i I
II. Abdolta Zehra Khanom married 15. Pir Mohammed
Khan II. to Janibeg the foonder Khan II.
J of the laoid dynaoty.
12. Ahdol MomiB Vid€im/ra,
Khan.
BaW Saltan.
JAN1DS OR MANGUTS.
Kochok Mohammed, Khan of the QoMen Hordr,
I
Chorak Saltan.
iBhander, Khan of
Bokhara. Vidi ntprM,
I
Zebra Khanom.
I
Mangodilafc.
Yar Mohammed Soltan.
Din Mohammed
Soltan.
1
^!:i!:i!r •'•*""•
I. Bald Mohammed
Khan.
a.ValtM
ohammed
I
ridl
3. Seyid Imaom KoU
4. Seyid Nadir
Mohammed Khan.
i
SeyM R^ Mohammad
soltui.
I
Sojrld Ibrahim Sohan.
ti. Seyid AVolghail
Khan.
5.8eyidAbdalAaia
e. ieyU SoMma KoU
Khan.
I
7. Sayid Ubeidolla Khaa. 8.8oyid
AMotfyi
A.
I
9* Seyid Abdol 10. Seyid Ubeidolla
MnaiaKhan. Khan.
Shema han Aim
married Shah Morad
the father of Haidaf^
the Iboader of the
Haidarid dynaaty.
NOTES. 875
HA1DAR1D8.
Xlradiqrw Atalik.
I
I AbolfiidsKlMaof
DftBialbi. Bokhara.
L ...1 .. .,
If ohaamed Rahim Xhaa. SluihMarad. Sbtmabao Aim.
1 1
X. Seyid Amir Haidar.
j J
s llif Houtin. 4. Mir Naaralla. s* Mir Omar.
5, Mir Momflar adiia.
KHANS OP KHOKANO.
Yadigar Khoga.
I
Dancbtor. i. Bbab RuUi Bak.
..x;r-^iwL
rr: — r^.
itar. Abdor Ra
L
4. BidMi Btk. DMChtor. Abdw lUluHa Bak.
■ R«kli
. J r I
«.ABBKIum. 7.0marKhaa. Shah R«kli Mnnm. 9. Shera AH Khao.
' I t
io. Marad Atalik. Shahrulih. %. MadaU. Sarimtak. xx. Khadayar. xa. Ifalla
- ~ i Www. Kbt
X3. Shah Maxad | t
'f atmddla 14. Sevi
Khaa. Svlun Khan.
CHAPTER X.
KHUAREZM OR KHIVA.
ORIGIN OF THE KHANATE.
KHUAREZM, the oasis formed by the Lower Oxus and now
known as the Khanate of Khiva, is separated by deserts from
Khorasan and the Caspian Sea, is bounded on the north
by the Sea of Aral, and on the east by another strip of desert which
separates it from Transoxiana. Its isolated position has given it peculiar
facilities for independence, and thus it comes about that except in the
days of the early Mongol conquerors this island of verdure, surrounded
by a sea of sand, has generally had a history of its own. When
Sheibani the leader of the Uzbegs overthrew the power of the later
Timurids, the Uzbegs also conquered Khuaresm, and since then they
have been ks dominant race. When Sheibani was defeated and
killed by Shah Ismael, about 1610, the latter also acquired authority in
Khuarezm, and appointed three Persian governors, one of them over tfa«
towns of Khiva and Hazarasp, a second over Urgenj the capital, and
the third over Vesir. The last of these held a grand lev^ on his arrival
which was well attended. Among the absentees was Omar, a kadhi of
the town. He shortly after pointed out to his friends that these Persians
were heretic Shias, and that although now tolerant, being weak, they
would shortly be recruited by others, and would then persecute the
Sunnis, who were predominant among all the tribes of Turkish descent
then dominant north of Khorasan. Two years later the inhabitants of
Vesir were persuaded by a pious man named Husamuddin Katal to
raise Ilbars, the son of Bereke Sultan, an Uzbeg chief^ to the dignity of
Khan. Thus was founded a second Uzb^ state, largely conterminous m
boundary and rival in policy to that of Bukhara. We will now revert
somewhat in order to trace out the lineage of Ilbars Khan.
Ibrahim Oghlan, the grandfather of Abulkhair, ancestor of the
Khans of Bukhara, had a brother named Arabshah, who occurs
among the Khans of the Golden Horde. These two brothers we are
told divided their father's heritage between them. Arabshah left a son
Haji Tuli, called Tughluk Haji in the Sheibani Nameh. He had an only
son Timur Sheikh who was killed by the Kalmuks. Irritated at them
for having made a raid on his camp, he pursued them before his troops
had assembled in sufficient numbers, and was defeated and killed. He
died without leaving brother or son and his people were scattered. The
Aksakals or grey beards of the Uighurs, one of the tribes which had
(»tIGIN or THE KHAHATB. 877
obeyed hal^ w«Bt to say good-bye to hit Khsnum or chief WM^ '^Thc
nst of the tribe bave already departed," they said, ^ and we aire about to
follow them. As the Khan had many wives and concubines, see if one of
them does not bear in her person scMne gauge of his afleetion. In ease
diis be so we mil not leave until the child is bom.'^ She replied
that none of the other wives or concubines were mmnUf but that
she had been so herself for three months. The Ui|^urs thereupon
determined to stay, and the Naimans who were already some distance
away also halted, pitched their camp apart, and awaited the birth
of the inCnit. The other tribes entered the service of other princes.*
This naive story gives us a singnlaily forcible notion of the loyal
attachment of the nomads to their royal house. But to continue
the saga. Six months later a boy was bom, who was named
Yadigar. The Uigfaurs thereupon sent round messengers to the other
tribes to ask for a suyunji, or "present for the good news.*' The
Naimans sent a black horse, and then returned to the Ordu. On
their arrival the mother took the child in her anas, and put him on
the royal seat in his fathei^s tent The Uighnrs, who wished to
treat the Naimans as the honoured guests, ceded to them the position
on the left side of the throne. Among the Mongob the left was deeaied
the more honourable side since the Almighty had pot the heart there.
Thenceforward the Naimans always had precedence, and took the
position on the left flank.t The rest of Timor Sheikh's people also now
returned, but the two tribes retained the honourable title of Karachi,
f>., those faithful in adversity as well as in.prosperity. Yadigar had four
sons, Berdn^ Aboiek, AAiinek, and Abak. In regard to the third of
these names, Abulghazi has the interestii^ remark that at this epoch the
Mongol language had not quite follen into defoetttdes, and that Amin in
Mongol means the same thmg as Jan in Arabic, Hush in Tajik (aa»
Persian), and Tin in Uzb^ (i>., Turid)4 The Sheibani Nameh calls
the four brothers Burka, Abka, Ablak, and Upanek.f Bereke Sultan was
famous both for his strength and courage, and it was reported of him
that his chest was supported by a solid breastplate of bone, there
being no separate parts as with other men.R At this time Abulkhair
Khan was acknowledged as supreme chief of the Desht Kipdiaki
About 1455, he sent Ber^e Sultan in command of an amy to
support the son of Abdul Latif Khan of Bukhara. I have already
described the issue of this campaign, and how it ended in the Usbegs
quarrelling with their /roU^i.^ They then plundered the district of
Soghd, and returned home with camels heavily laden with boo^.**
Some time after, a struggle having commenced between two
diiefii named Musab^ and Kujash* Murxa, who were apparently
*AMglmjd.iM.if3. tAA,i93- I/^i96. ild. Hole.
I Id, Y Amtt, 689. •* AbnlgbMi, 100.
StS history op thb momqols.
KBfrii^ the latter woa the day, whereupon Musa anpeeled to Beieke
Soltaa^ He offered hb assittanoe on cooditioii that his fttfaer
Yadlgar wee vaieed to the rank of Khan, and that Musa woald coMent
to ienre tinder him at one of his principal bdcs. This was agreed npen,
and all Yadigar's people having been assembled, he was raised aloft en
the white felt and doly proclaimed. Bereke now prepared to assist his
friend, to whom he gave the coomiand of die advance guard. It was
winter, tiie deep snows impeded their march, their horses begian to grow
thin, and their provisions to fiuL In vain his followers, backed np by
Musa, urged him to retire. At kngth, mounting a hiUodE, Bodce
noticed a number of tents m a valley beyond tiie Kir, or Ust Urt, whidi
proved to belong to the people of Eujash Muna. He was captured and
put to death, and his camp was plundered. Becdce Sultan married his
daughter Malai Khaniadeh, and having ^>ent the winter there, returned
home again in the spring.* Yadigar Khan died a lew years after this,
and was speedily followed to the grave by Abulkhair Khan.
As I have mentioned, the death of the Utter was the signal for the
dispersal of his people, and, as reported by Abulghaii hiiielf, Bereke
Suttan came forward and joined in the 8crand>le.t He quotes the qraical
Usbeg proverb^ that ^ if you see an enemy harrying your fother^ heuss^
you should join him and share the plunder.*
Some years later, Sheibani, the grandson of Abulkhair, finding himself
in winter quarters on the Lower Sir, n^r the camp of Bereke Sukan,
ordered his men to mount in the night, and at daybreak to foil upon the
tents of that chief. They bad orders to secure him, and to neglect
everything else. When the raid was made, Bereke was in his tent
undressed. Hearing the tramp of horses' feet, he threw a sable ckiak
over hb shoulders, escaped barefoot, and running over the ice hid
amoi^ the reeds in the river. The cold was intense, and as he ran he
trod on a broken reed, which wounded his foot
Meanwhile^ Sheibani's people, not having found the SuHaa, scattered
about in the hopes of tracing him. Some of them overtaking one of hb
people, an Inak of tiie Uighur tribe, named Munga, asked him where
hb master was ; he said, I am he. He was thereupon seized and taken
before Sheibani, who recognised him, and asked why he had done this.
*< I have tong eaten hb salt,'' said the faithful retainer ; ^ I have shaied hb
fotlgue and dangers ; I thought if I could detain a number of hb
pursuers he would have a better chance of escaping ; as to the rest, you
may do with me as you choose." Shdbani, pleased with his loyalty, set
him at liberty, and gave him some presents. Meanwhile, hb men
continued the pursuit of the Sultan, and presently he was traced by the
drops of blood from hb wounded foot He was taken before Sheibani,
who put htm to death, and plundered bb camp. Hb widow fell to
* Id,, Mil tot. t A^ tos*
ILBARS KKAN. 879
KlK^ft Muhammed Sultan, the second soil of Abulkhair. She was
already mcudU^ and erentually g»ve birth to JaoAbeg, the graad£ither
•f AbdnUa Khan, as I have mentioiied.*
Bereke Sahan kft two sonS| llban and Balbarsi the latter of whom
was paralyied in both legs.
ILBARS KHAN.
I have already described how Ilbars was Invited to occupy the throne
of Kbuaresnu Messengers were sent to bring him to Vezir, and he was
told to conceal himodf near that town until his friends were ready to
help him. He accordini^y set out with his brother Balbars. Mean-
iHiile, the conspirators seised the gates^ and made a general massacre
of the Persians In the town, of whom only one esca p ed The following
day they conducted Ilbars to the palace of the late governor of the town,
issued a proclamation to the surrounding districts^ and theUzbegsand
Sarts joined in grand leasti where he was duly proclaimed Khan*
Abulghazi dates this in 911 hej»/#^ isoSybut this is clearly a mistake^ for
It happened sometime sfrer the death of Shdbani in 1510^ and Uie date
ought possibly to be 921 hej. The towns of Yanghi Shehr and Tersek,
dependent on Vexiry also submitted. libers appointed his brother,
Balbarsy styled Bilikichy to rule the former, and having nominated a
goveiHor to the latter, fixed his residence at Vesir.f
The Persian who escaped went to Uigenj, where he Informed the
govemw, Sultan Kuli the Arab, of whathad taken pUce. He summoned
the inhabitants, and told them he was prepared to go if they wished, but
they declared the Uzbegs had only made a passing raid, and swore
to assist him in repelling them.
Three months after the taking of Vezir, Ilbars advanced upon UrgenJ.
Sultan KnII gave him battle outside the town, but was defeated. Ilbars
pursued him into the place, where he was put to deadi with all his
naukers.t The Persian garrisons at Haiarasp and Khiva also consulted
the Salts as to what course should be taken, and the latter insisted
on their remainingi Before he attacked those towns, Ilbars convoked
a meetli^ of his own beks, and esqilained to them that he had only
g<me to Khiiarfim with a few followers, and it wouki be better to
summon his rdattves so as to strengthen his hands. All apparently
agreed except an qki man of the UIghur tribe, who affirmed that among
the UibQgs the foture greatness of a sovereign depended on his lovb for
his dependants, while nepotism was a presage of evil, meaning doubtless
that he should reward those who had borne the brant of the fight
and not go to the desert for objects of hb fevour. The last view did
not prevaHi and it was determined to send for recruits to the Desht
Kipchak. The four sons of Yadigar Khan were now dead, but his
*^S/»,Sfl. AMcluisl.9o6. t/4f.,tu. ://ntis,ti4.
88o HISTORY or THK MONGOLS
grandscms were willing enough to go, and a son of Abolek Khan and six
sons of Aminek Khan duly set out whh their fiunilies and tribes.
They settled at Urgenj, Ilbars lemainiog at Vexir. They so devastated
the neighbouihood of Khiva and Hararasp that those towni^ aswtll as
Kat^ were abandoned by their defenders and fdl into their haods, and
they then proceeded to attack Ehorasan. Shah Ismal was then dead, i ^^
it was after 1523, and the governors of the frontier districts north of the
Khorasan mountains as far as Mehineh and Deran fled* The Usbegs
were now masters of a wide districti whidi they made a focus whence to
plunder Khorasan and the Turkomans, and we are told that Ilbarsf
brother Balbars, whose legs werg paralysed, was placed in a chariot
drawn by swift horses, and distinguished himself in these raids riding
at the head of hw troops, ordering their Uctics, and provii^ himself a
femous archer.* Some of the Turkomans consent^ to pay tribute,
while others rcn^ained hostile, Balbars died after a few years <^ this
life, and was speedily followed by Ilbars, who left seven or eight sons, to
each of whom, in memory of his victories over the Kizilbashis, he gave
the soubriquet of Ghaii, while all the sons of Balbars were called Haji,t
SULTAN HAJI KHAN.
On the death of Ilbars, his nq>hew Sultan Haji, who was the oldest of
the sultans, was sent for to Vezir, and duly appointed Khan, bat the real
power was in the hands of his cousin, Sultan Ghasi, who was a very
wealthy and avaricious person, and who only resigned to Sultan H^the
title of Khan and tl^ first mouthful at table. The latter reigned but a
year, and then died.
HASSAN KULI KHAN.
On the death of Haji Khan, Hassan Kuli, the son of Abukk, and the^
oldcst'desccndant of Yadigar, was appointed Khan, with his capital at
Urgcnj. The sons of Ilbars Khan and Avanek Khan grew jealous of
him; and marched against him with an army greatly outnumbering his,
with which they beleagured him at Urgenj, then without a dudd. He
gave battle to them outside the town, his people being all on foot, and
theirs mounted, and successfully resisted a fierce attack they made, hi
which Aghanai Suhan, the youngest son of Avandc Khan perished.
The blockade of the town was very rigid, and at length a famme was
imminent, the head of a donkey, an unclean animal, being sold for forty
or fifty tengas. After a siege of four months, the place was cap|)|red,
Hassan Kuli was put to death, a blood penalty for the death of Aghanai
Sultan ; with him perished his eldest son, Bdal Sultan, whQe his yi\d&w
and her other sons were sent to §^arkand.t
- — — - — - ■- , - —-J — J—
♦ Id., 2X6. t fd., 117. J /*.! JIT^f«0.
aOflAlf KHAN. 88l
SOFIAN KHAN.
SoflftOi the ton of Avanek Khaiii was now appointed Khan at Uiigenj,
and a fiesfa partition was made of the s^ipanages. Vesiri Yanghi Shefari
Tenek, Denm in Khorasan, and the Turkomans of MangtishUdr, wei^
given to the grandsons of Bereke Sultan and Khivai Hasarasp, Kat,
Baldmnsas, and Nikichi in the Su Buyi, or the district bordering the
riveri with Bagh-Abad, Nissa, Abiverd, Chihardii Mehineh, and Jejeh in
the Tagh Buyi, or hilly district, together with the Turkomans d the
Amui of Balkhani and Ddiistan, were made over to the four sons of
Avanek Khan.*
Sofian Khan summoned the Turkoman tribe of Irsari^ which then
encamped near Balkhan to pay tribute, which they did for some
years, when they set upon and killed some of his tax-coUectors^
According to Abulghari, the Amu then had an outfidl at Balkhan <m
die Caspian, and its course was marked by flourishing settlements,
Sofian Khan, having marched to punish the wrongdoers, ravaged the
place where the Irsaris were encamped in company with the Khorasan
Saluris, and captured a large booty of women and children. Many of
the Turkomans, meanwhile, took shelter at Chutak, a high plateau, three
days' journey porth of Balkhan, where there was always a dearth of
water* Having been blockaded there for a short time, ihey were driven
to ask for terms, and sent their elders to ask Aghatai Sultan, the
youngest, or hearth-child of Avanek Khan, to intercede for them,
promising to be always faithful to him and his descendants. He
accordingly appealed to Sofian Khan and his brothers on their behalf
and they consented to pardon them. They had, however, to pay
1,000 sheep for each of the murdered tax-collectors, in all 4o^ooa
i6yO00 were paid by the Irsaris, 16,000 by the Khorasan Saluris, and
8»ooo by the Tekes, Sariks, and Yomuts. This number of sheep was
thenceforth paid annually to the Khan by these dans, who all fbnned
one Uruk, distinguished as the Tashki Sahir in opposition to the Itshki
Salur. S<mie thne after this a census was taken of the other Turkomans
and their herds, and they weie taxed in accordance with it as kSkiws :
the Itshki Salur, or Salurs of the Interior, paid 16,000 sheep, as well as
1,600 for the spedal table of the Khan ; €iie tribe of Hassan a similar
mmber ; the Arabajis 4,000 and 400, the Gtddans 13,000 and 1,200.
The Adaklis of the Khizir tribe, the Alls and Tivechis, known together
as the Uch II, or the three tribes, who were agriculturists, and settled
on the Amu or Oxus, paid a tithe of their produce, as well as a tax
ttp<m their herds, whSe the Adaks furnished a contingent of troetpg.
Sofian Khan died after reigning several yean, and his sons recehed
Khhna as aniqipanage.
4»
SSa HISTORY or THS MOKQOLS.
BUJUGHA KHAN.
Oft the death of Sofian Khtii» he. was tocceeded by his faroUier
Bvgngha. Ubeidulk, the Khan of Bcdara, was now stni gg l to g with
Shah Tahmasp <^ Persk, and the Uxhegs of KhitaBexm supplemented
his attacks, and advanced as fer as Pii Kupraldi and made assaolts on
the fiiontier towns of Khojend and Asferain, near Astoabad. Shah
Tahmasp was also £^htmg the Osmanhs, uid to divide his eastern
enemies, he sent to ask for a daughter of Bnjugha Khan in marriago.
The envoy said his n&aster wished for the honour of an alfiance with
the blood of Jingis Khan. Bujugha Khan had no daughterBi so he
offered his niecef Aisha the daughter of Sofian Khan. Her brother
Aghish Saltan, was sent to arrange the treaty of marriage. He was
received with distinction by Shah Tahmasp^ at Kazvin, and was
presented with die town of Khojend as an appanage. He also sent
Bujn^ Khan nine ingots of gold, nine-times-nhie ingots of silver,
nine ridily-caparisoned horses, nine tents, with their upper parts made
of siOc broidered with gold, and the lower of a stuff caUed Chubdai, with
suitable cushions, &c, i,ooo pieces of silk, and a trousseau worthy of the
princess. The Uzbegs of Khuarezm now ceased for a while to plunder
the borders of Persia. Bujugha Khan died after havii)^ reigned over
the Khanate for many years.*
AVANEK KHAN.
Bujugha Khan left three sons Dost Muhammed, Ish Muhammed, and
Bunnn; the latter two were given the appanage of KAt He was
succeeded in the Khanate by his brother Avanek. The latter manied
three wives, all of the Mangut tribe, two of them daughters of Murzas
and the third one of a slave. By the hut of these he had a son Dhi
Muhammed who early showed a taste for a military life. We are told
that like Napoleon he when quite a child buih a little fortiess of stones,
and divided his companions into two sections, an attackmg and a
defending body, and spoke brave words to them, saying how he wouM
reward those who proved themselves men. His nurse overhearing i>in^^
r^roved hun, saying that one who wouM need fortresses and towns
should not waste his tune with earth and stones, but he letorted
hapi^y that it was with earth and stones that towns weie built.
At this time the district near Asterabad was subject to the Ud>egs
of Uigenj, and Dm Muhammed, when in his twentieth year went
there without his father's permission with but forty companions^ and #»
rufif robbed a Turkoman bek who had refused to give hhn a •«qq
yellow goat he coveted, of his camels and sheep. He thence -^^ ilt
AVANBi: XBAV. 9$$
A aid iato Perrian trntory^ and prepared toTetitm to hii h£bm wtk a
laige nuDber of captires. The bek whom he had (Sundered having
r e p orted the a£BEur to his master Muhammed Ghazi Sultan, the son of
Ubars Khan, the latter determined to waylay hhn on his return, and Din
Mohammed having £Edlen into an iqnbush was made prisoner and placed
in confinement, ^hile all his booty was appropriated.* Avande Khan
who was not very fond of Din Muhammed, his mother having been a
slave, had recently married a sister of Muhammed Ghazi Sultan. The
la;tter having detained the young prince for some time, had him manacled
and his l^gs tied underneath his horse, sent him back to his father, and
acquainted him with his conduct En route Din Muhammed sang aloud,
in the hope that some of his followers might have escaped to aneighbour-
ing aul and hear and rescue him, and, in fact, when he reached Kurdish
this took place. Some of his ^kazaks^ discovered him, surprised his
guards at night and released him. Havingburied their bodies at a distance
from the route, he went on to UigenJ, and told his (iuher that althou^^
Muhammed Ghazi hzd treated him harshly at first, he had released him
with, honour, and given him horses and robes.t The young prince then
caused an engraver to forge ^the tamgha'' or seal of his father and
step^mother, the sister of Muhammed Ghazi, and wrote letters in their
ivames to say that she was very ill, and that they wished him to go
and see her before she died. Muhammed Ghazi at once hastened to
Uigenj, and went to his sister's apartments. He learned from
her that he had been duped, and at once suspected a plot Hearing
the footsteps of Din Muhammed's people, he hid hhnself in a
heap of dry dung in the stables, where he was shortly after traced by
them. He was dragged out and beheadedt News was speedily
carried to Vezir, where Ali Sultan then was on a visit to Sultan
Ghazi Sultan the murdered chiefs brother. In his rage the latter fell
upon Ali Sultan and killed hinL Avanek Khan who had all lliis while
been out hawking, on returning home was informed of Din Muhammed's
crime, and then of Ali Sultan's death. A bk>ody feud immediately
commenced, the family and dependants of Ilbars Khan rendezvoused at
Vezir, while those of Avanek Khan clustered round Urgenj, whence in
sinte of die Khan's remonstrances, his relatives determined to inarch
against Vezir. Sultan Ghazi Sultan went out to meet them as fiur as
Kumk^d, a village on the edge of the Kir. In the battle which
ibUowed, Avanek Khan won the victory, and pursued it to Vezir, where
the Sultan with fifteen other princes of the family of Ilbars were put to
death, and their houses were pillaged. Uhigh Tubeh, the widow of
Sultan Ghazi SuUan, with her sons and daughters was allowed to go to
Bukhara, where they were joined by the £unily of Balbars Sultan, who
niled at Yanghi Shehr, and who were their partisans. The sons of
•AMglutfi»«9o,a3i« t/i^,ast»tS9. t /'., «S4* u$.
M4 HISTORY OF TBI MONGOLS
Avaink Khan were now masters <tf aD:die country of Khoaremiy Avaadk
himself letamed Urgenj, and the other provh&ces were ledistnboted
lunong his relatives^ Din Mohammed Saltan receiving Denm wUch had
bdonged to Saltan Ghasi Saltan.*
Aa I have said, the sons of Saltan Ghaxi Sultan who were saned
Omar Ghaxi Sultan and Shir Gfaasi Saltan, went to Balduura. The
former urged UbeiduUa Khan the chief of Bukhara, to furnish him with
troops to take his revenge. Ubeidnlla who deemed it a good opportunity
to enlarge his borders, prepared to march against Khuarexm. I have
described the result of his campaign, and the capture and esecutioa of
AvanA Khan elseiHiefe.t
Dki IMhammed, whose aj^Muuige of Derun was not molested by the
Bukharians, gathered round him the fugitives from Khuarexm who had
escaped^ including two sons of Avanek Khan.) Presently he determined
to make an effort for the recovery of the Khanate. Havingreached
Kurdish he summoned the chiefs of the AdakH section of the lOiixr tribe
of Turleomansy and offered Aem if they would join him to give them the
position of teikhans, to cede to them the post ci honour on the left dank
of the army, and to number the Adaklis among the Uxbeg tribes. By
these offers he obtained tiie services of i,ooo of them, ^irho raised his
«wn peq^le to 3,ooo« Having reached Pishgah they inarched on Khiva.{
I have elready described the result of tiie campaign and the peace that
was made with UbeiduUa. |
KAL KHAN
After tfie vktoryi Kal khan the fourth son of Avandc Khan, and
doohdess the aenior prince of tiie fsmily, was elected Khan. His vdgn
lasted seven years, and was so prosperous that it gave rise to the proverb,
^'Kal khan 1ms mounted the throne and bread can be bought for apid."T
AKATAI KHAN.
Kal khan was succeeded by his brother Akatai, who wu proclaimed
Khan at Vexir. The ble Khaah sons received the town of Kat as aa
appanage, but they wete shortly driven away, as were Yunus and
Pehkvan Kuli^ the som of S<^an Khan, by a coalition of the sdtts ^
Bujiq^ Khani ef Avandt Khan and Akatai Khan. They retired to
fiQUi»«i Akatai ipade Vexir his capitaL All Sulta% son of Avandc
Khai^ wee giveo^ Penm, hb biother Mahmud, Urgei^i Hajii^Bagfa
AMt^ Pin Muhaaaiaed, Nissa and Abiverd, while Isk and Doa^ the
sens of B^iugfaa Khan took Khiva and Haxaxasp.** MeanwhBe^
AKATAI KHAN. 88$
Yonos Sultan, the aaa of Sofian Khan> had married a dau|^ter of
Itmae^ te faniMa duef of the Nogais. He was on his way to
him wi^ forty followers from Bokhara when he passed by way of
Tnk, which was deserted, the inhabitants being then encamped
near Urgenj, and he conceived the wish to secure that heritage of his
£idier*s. After halting for a day, he set out at midnight^ and dismount-
i^ drew near to the town-ditch on foot. As he neared, he saw some
people beariog torehesi and crying out Hazir Bash, ^ Be ready." This
was a patrol goii^ hb rounds. Having Men down on his stomach tiH
they had passedi he then, with his companions, made his way on to
the wall, wlMQce he repaired to the house of its governor, the prince Sari
Malmrad Sultan, which he entered without alarming any one* Having
secured Mahmud, he sent him under escort to Akatai Khan at Vesir.
The siMlfi'j and citizens of Ui^enj, who were weary of the tyranny of
Malmnid, fi^ndly welcomed Yunus, and he proclaimed himsdf Khan*
Akatai mardied to support Mahmud, and he encountered the
fbfoes whidi gathered round Yunus west of the tomb of the Sheikh
Ni^moddln Kubra. AkaUi was defeated and fled. Kassim Sultan, the
9m of Yunus and of Akatai's daughter, went in pursuit of hhn ; over^
took hhn, and took Um back to Urgenj, where he shortly Hfter had him
pot to death secretly by impatement, so that, like Edward II., no wound
wae teen on his body, and it an^eared as if he had died naturally. The
corpse was dien sent back to his fiunily at Vesir.t
The sons of the dead Ithan mustered their forces, and went towards
Urgenj, on hearing wluch, Yunus hastily fled to Bukhara, but his son
Kasshn was treacherously surrendered by ^e of his followers, who
faiformed Hajim Muhanuned, where he was hidhig. He was taken to
Urgenj, and duly executed there4
We are toki the sons of Sofian Khan and Kalk Khan left no bsue^ and
tiiat the sons <^ Avanek Khan resided in Khorasan. MeanwhU^
Urgenj and Vesir fell to the £unily of Akatai Khan, and Khiva,
Hazarasp, and Kit, to Ish, Dost, and Burum, the sons of Bojugha Khan.
» *
DOST KHAN.
Dost, the son of Bujugha, was now nominated Khan. Hehadamikl
and peaceable dlqpositi<m, iriiile his brother Ish. who was a dlssofiite
peiaon, was eioee^ngfy passionate. He demanded that Urgei^ shoiiUI
be handed over to hhn, iditle Dost Khan retained Khiva, and on thd
beiQg refused, he marched againu it with a considerable amy, and
kmi^ against Hiyim, who held it as an appanage. We ait told he
ptanted hia camp on the river, and protected its other stdes by a nn^art
886 HISTORY or THS MONGOLS.
of waggons. Here the .strife continued for seven days wUbonl rsstdt He
then returned the prisoneri he had made, except those bdonfing to the
Uighnr and Nalman tribc», whom he put to deathvrith cruel pmiishmMiti^*
made peace, and relumed to Khiva, whence he drove out the U^Mgs of the
same tribes and replaced them by Durmans. Some thtie alter, he iigain
marched agah:$t Urgenj^ and having fought for seven days, manage^to
dude its gairison whicli was encamped outside, and entered thtt town
where there were only the Sait^ or citizens. The sonsof Akatal, wittctf^^
Uzbegs oi* the tribes Naiman and Uighiir, \vithdrew to Vear. Shorty
after, Hajim Muhnmmcd, having secured some allies in his brothers, in
AU Sultan, the son of Avanek, and Abul Sultan, son of Din Mohammed
Khan, \s ho was then dead, attacked Urgenj. After a four months'
siege, a general assault Wiis delivered, during which Tin aU, of tha
Dunuan tiibe, who had a grudge Against Ish Sultan, fired an anrow,
which struck his horse. The latter fell and hurt its rider's Isg, and
being deserted by most of his people, ho was found in this beiplew
condition and put to death* Some people were- now despatched to
Khiva, V iio killed his brother Do3t; while Ish Sultan's two sons, were sent
to Buk'^MM, w/.crc they died, and the posterity of Bujugha Khain
extinct. I'hese events happened iu 965 of the hej.t
HAJLM OR HA J I MUHAMMED KttAN. ^
Hajlr; Muhaumied, w ho was tJurty-ninc yc.ivs old, was now prodmraed
Khan. He lived at Vezir, while A": Srluan took Urgenj, Hazarasp, and
Kut. Hajim's brother Mahmud hcl I one h. Jfof Khiva and the Turkomans
of Ulugh tuW and Kunir.h, while Tinun-, another brother took the other
half of Khiva and the Turkom:uis of Kara BukauLf Hajim had already
distinguished himself by pci-suading Din Muhammed to drive the
Uzbegs of Bukh/.ra from Khuurezm, and by afterwards negotiating an
cxchani^c of prisoners with UbcMulb Khan.§ It seems that the brothers
and sons of Hajim were in the hr.bit of making constant attacks onMerv»
which was then governed by Nur Mul^ammed, a grandson of Din
Muhammed Khan. In order to under uand his position, we must make
a short digression. As we have scon. Din Muhammed had received the
appanage of Nissa and Abivcrd, whence he had made constant
incursions upon Persia. Shall Tahmar.^) sent an army to ptmish him,
which captured Abiverd, and left a governor there in the Persian ruler's
name. Din Muhanuned weakened by this loss went in person to Shah
Tahmasp's court at Kazyin, where he lived for sbc months, and then
Contrived to forge an order in his host's name, commanding the governor
of Abiverd to surrender the town to him. He then returned there. Th a
place having been duly surrendered to him he proceeded to kill aU Uie
• //., 233. t fJ., aS9* I A^ 254* I /«^ ^»» AmUt ftu
HAJ1M OH HA.TI MUHAMMED KHAN* 887
Kliilhashii he amid find. Talimasp set out to punish him. Thereupon
Din Muhammed had the effronteiy to go to his camp on the Karasu
with but forty or fifty men. He went straight up to the Shah
and kissed his side aaiklng him for pardot:. The Shnh^ who was
astounded, put one hand on his neck and another on his heart, and
noticing that the latter did not beat more quickly than usual, he remarked
that it most be made of stone* He then made a grand feast»
pardoned himi and gave him Abiverd ! ! I
Ubeidollai the Khan of Bukhanii had appointed a Naiman named
Ydhim bi as conunander of Merv. The latter having proved rebellious,
Ubeidulla marched against him with 30,000 men, upon which he appealed
to Din Muhammed, offering to hand over the town to him if he would assist
him. Din Muhanmied set out from Abiverd, and arriving at the place
where the Muighab loses itself in the sand, he ordered each soldier to
take three branches of a tree, to fasten one to each side of his saddle
and the third one to his horse's tail, and to advance in loose order,
and by short stages. The black moving mass of his troops
was exaggerated by the addition of the branches, and the Bukharian
army afraid of being caught between them and the people of Yohun
bi, hastily retreated homewards. Din Muhanuned occupied Menr,
where he afterwards reigned. He died there in the year 960, when
he was forty years old, and was succeeded as ruler by his second
ton, Abul Muluunmed Khan, who having been made a Kalkhan by
Din Muhammed, was styled Abul Khan even in his father's life time.*
On one occasion his son Jelal made a raid into Khorasan. We are told
the Persians mustered their forces at Meshed, and in a battle on the
KarasUf defeated his army, and killed Jelal and 10,000 Uzbegs.
The loss of his only son preyed greatly on the chiefs mind, and a
doctor said that only another son would be an antidote for his complaint
There was at this time at Merv a woman named Bibijeh, who gained her
living by ikying on a tambourine for the women ef the town and in
drawing pictures. She had never been married, but had a son four years
old. They produced him, and declared him to be Abul Muhammed's
son. The latter at all events adopted him and gave him the name of
Nur Muhanmied.t On the death of Abul Khan, Nur Muhammed
succeeded him at Merv, and had reigned several years when, as I have
mentioned, he was attacked by the sons of Hajim Muhammed from
UrgenJ, who said they would not acknowledge the son of a loll or
prostitutet Stung by their reproaches and unable to resi t them he went
to Bukhara, and offered to hold Merv as an appanage under Abdnlla
Khan. The latter marched to Merv which he occupied himself and
ignored Nur Muhammed, who thereupon returned to Khuarezm and took
refimcat Urgenj with Hajim Khan. It seems that Ali Sultan, the Ion
*Ai;is^a97* t/tf;s9r»«s>*
8S8 HISTORY or THi wmoons.
ci ATSsdc Khan, beades Ufigenj, Haiaraspy and Klt^ wfaidi I lave
mendoned as his appanages^ had afterwards receired Nissa and Abhrerd,
in the Tagfabnyi of Uigenj, and thenoe he seems to have made constant
raids ia spring and summer on Khorasan, as far as Pil kupmkii Tershis,
Terfoetf Jam, and Khaikerd.* lie had conquered Jnijan, Jajram^ Keraihii
and Asterabad| and had an am^ of 40,000 men. He paid many of his
Uxb^ sixteen sheep annnally, partially drawn from the tax on the
Torkomansy and partly from Uit filth of the booty taken from ikt
Persian^ which was his share* On one occasion when he had been to
collect tikmte from the TiirkoiQans, ^ the tribe OUi KnUaiigi and had
3,000 men iridi him, he was attacked on the river Gingan by 12,000
Persians under Badr Khan^ one of Sh^ Tahmasp's bdn. The laUer
intrencbed themsdves with great care, an4 carefully spanned their camels
attd hoi jeS| but after a fiercely contested itruggle, in which the Turko-
mans fought bimvely on the side of tho Usbegs, the latter won a
complete victory, pursued the Persians tffl nightM and captured
nearly 5,000 horses.t Ali died on one of these expeditions into Khorasan
at the age of fryrty. This was in 976. He wa^ succeeded at Nissa by
his son Sanjar SuUan, who died twenty-five year^ after without issne4
Qn the death of Ali Sultan, H^im gave Vezir to his brother
Muhammed Sultan, and himsdf went to live at Uigenj. On one
occasion while he was absent in Khorasan, when Pulad Sultan was in
command at Khiva, i^d Timnr Sultan at Hazarasp, AbduDa Khan of
Bttldiara made an invasion of the country. When the nen^ of this
invasion arrived, Timur Sultan and his people went to Khiva from
Hazarasp, while UrgenJ and Vezir put themselves in a state of defence.
The Bukharians had already reached Yanghi Arik (^., the New Canal)
when news arrived that Hajim was marching to the rescue. ThereiqK>n
Abdulla patched up a hasty peace with Pulad Sultan and Timur Sultan^
and returned home.| Shortly after he again invaded the Khanate,
assigning several ifeasons for his doing sa The first, being that the
Ottoman $nltan had despatched an envoy to him named Salih Shah^
to seek a^ alliance with him, against their common enemies the Persian
Shiask Salih Shah reached Bukhf^ in safety, by way of India, having
been three years on the way^ and was wdl received there. He prQ^^ni^
to return home by way of V^IS^J ^^d Mangushlak, but on his ari^ak H
tiie former town, he was attacked and plun^^d by Muhammed. Ihfahim
Sultan, the son of Hajim Muhammed Khan, who left him barely enough
money to pay for his journey onwards.
Abdulla had another grievance. Shirvan at this time belonged to
the Turkish Sultan, and it was the cu8t<»n of the hajis or pilgruns on
their way from Mavera un Nehr to Mekka, to go by way of Uxgenj
and Shirvan, so as to avmd mesHng the hated Kizilbashi heretickst A
HAjnc OR a^ji mmAiaoD khan. 889
year prevltm» to these eveiiti» ont Hi^ KvAam had anired at Uige&j in
Ghaige of a large cazavan afid a number of pilgrims. They had
been attacked, plmidered, and diif«n back towards Bukhara, by Baba
Snhan, the son of Polad Sukan. Haji Kutas laid his complahits before
AbduHa Khan, who replied that Hajun Mohammed was independent
of him, and that he had no andiority in Khuarexnii whereupon the
irate pilgrim threatened to denounce him before the tribunal of heaven,
unleas he avenged him, and at last seotied his aid.* Abdulla
was further incited by Nur Mnhammed of Merv, as I have men*
tioned. The Khan of Bukhara nHiose fonner raid on Khuaresm
hftd not been very successfel, determined to prosecute a more
important campaign, and made preparations accordingly. Hajim Khan,
who distrusted his Uibegs, left Urgenj in charge of his son Muhammed
Ibrahim, and retired to safer quarters, at Derun, the appanage of another
son, Arab Muhammed Sultaa. At the approach of the Bukharian anny»
the Uzbegs retired from the less defensiUe towns, induding Khiva and
Hazarasp,and mustered at Verir, and we are told ihsx the cavalcade tiiat
kft Khiva, consisting ci 2fioo families took half-a*Kiay to file out, and
looked like a procession at a festival, the very hens and the mats of the
houses being lumg on to the carts.t The town was immediately occupied
by tiie Bukhariaas, who summoned the citizens and issued a friendly
ptoclamarion to them. They then hurried on towards Vesir, and ^r^i^
scattered the followers of Pulad Sultan, who were retiring too leisurelyi
and captured their baggage, the priaees however escaping. A
dissension arose at Vesir, some of the duefii arguing in favour ol
smrendering Baba Sultan, yrho had caused their troul^ by plundering
the pilgrims, but he prud^tly left tibe place and Joined Hajim Khan^
with his brothers Hamzah and PeMevan Kuli, and has feither Pulad Sultan.
Abddla Khan now laid si^^e to Vesir. After he had pressed the attack
lor a month he made propcMMds, saying he had only gone to punish Baba
Sultan, and that if they went tohis camp the princes might depend onhis
treating them wdi for he was thehr rdative.t They agreed to submit if
he wouk) send some of hb princ^ people to assure them of their safety.
He accordingly despatched Hassan Kho]a,Nakib; hisAtalik,Sazkhtnbi;
his divan begi, Muhanmicd Baki ; the governor <tf Samarkand, Haji hi, and
his pervanechi, Dostum bi Aighun, who swore before the ten princes
and forty of their dependents to do Uiem no harm« The people
of Khiva who saw that they had in diese men the five first citliens of
Bukhara, and k the woids of Abulghasi, that Abdulla would not
sacrifice their very nails for all Khaaxesm, were for sebing them, but the
princes thought difierently. They consented to go to Abdulla's camp,
who thus secared the whole of Khuazesm proper without a Uow. He
thereupon appointed governors to the various towns of the Khanate and
■■««■
4Q
890 HISIOItY or TBI MOMOOIA
retnmed to BaUuiza. This was in xooa, U^ 1594. Hi^ Khtnuow
detenniiied to go to Iial^ to the court of Shfth Abbas tbe First* Ht
was accompanied hf Nttr Mabammod the former govemor of Menr, by
his own sons Suiimich Muhammad Sultan^ Arab Muhammed^ and
Mohammed Ktdii by several of his grandsons and othersi in all
deven princesi with an escort of bat 150 men; Pulad Sultan, who was
halfwitted, refosed to go. He returned and gave himsdfiqp to Abdtilla,
saying, <'I am seventy years old, why shoold I go among the infidcis ; I
am a fool, why should Abdulla shorten toy days.''
AbduUa was little carefol of his oath to the princes who had given
tiiemsdves iq> so unwarily to him, and he had them all drowned in te
river Ak su. Their names were Pulad Sultan and his son Kulchi,
Muhammed Ibrahhn, son of Hajim Muhammed Khan; the three
sons of Tinrar Sultan, the four sons of Mahmnd SuHan, and the
two sons of Muhammed Sultan, in all twelve princes capable of bearing
arms, besides ten othen who were young.t Having committed this
atrodous act of treachery, the Bnkharian Khan proceeded to crush the
land with his tax collectors. The poor were forced to pay a tribute <d
^rtyteogas, and those who were Idfc behind were made responsible for
fogitives and those who could not pay. If ten or fifteen people lived
together as one fomily, eadi one had to pay as had also mere boys who
had reached the age of ten year% and the people had to sdl their children
to meet his demands. Meanwldl^ Hajim Muhammed was well received
by the Shah, who we are told assisted him to dismount, and appomted him
a seat beside him. Hsjim's son Suiunich Muhammed with his two sons
went on to Turkey, saying he could not live among infidds, but the rest
of the princes remained in Persia for three years. After his conquest of
Khuarecm, Abdulla prosecuted a war with Persia. This was carried out
mainly by his s(m Abdul Mumin, the governor of Balkh, who overran the
greater part of Khorasan and advanced as for as Isferan, whither the
Persian Shah marched to meet Ymut
In order to supply a sufficient fcwce for this campaign, the Bnkharian
Khan had largdy denuded Khuaresm of troops, a foot of which Hijiin
Muhammed was informed by the Turkomans of Asterabad. Deeming it
a good opportuidty to recover possession of the Khanate^ Hajim's sons,
Arab Muhammed and Muhammed Kuli Sultan, with Baba Sultan,
Hamsah Sultan, and Pehlevan Kuli Sultan, sons of Pulad Sultan, made
a speedy journey from Persia without the Shah's permission, and setting
out at ni^ duly reached Asterabad. They were followed by Hijim
Muhammed, idio had been living at Bostam, and had been advised by
the Shah to posQKme any venture on Khuaresm till after the death <d
Abdulla Khan. The Turkomans at this time ackno^dedged the Usb^
pnnoes of Khnareim as their superior chiefo.
RAjni OK HAji mmjJOOD xran. 891
Fran Astaibtd thd letter wtttt to the moyittitn Koitiif Mid tbttnco to
tPiAgfthf wliere thoy tepafated. Ha{!a Mohammtd and his two sons
making fbr Urgenj, and Baba Saltan and hia brothen for Khhra* The
citadel of UrgenJ was captnredy and its governor Sari Oghlan with its
garrison of fifty men were pttt to death. When Baba Sultan xeached
Khivai its Sart inhabitants sided with himi and he speedOy secured the
town and put its governor Ming&h bi to deathi at which news the
g o f ein o i ' s of Kit and Hasarasp iled to Bokhara. The Turkomans who
had assisted Hajim Muhammed and Baba Sultan in this campaign, which
took place in 1004, now returned home with the prisoners thqr had made
and with thefarpamels laden with booty.* When the governor of Hasarasp
neared Chaijuii he met Khojaddm KuH the Kahnuki who commanded a
section of Abdulbi'f army. This officer was ordered by AbduQa to mardt
at once to the rescue. He succeeded in surprising the town of Khan
Kah and putting Hamsah Sultan who had occupied it to death^f and
immediatdy marched for Urgenj. Sn rauti they encountered Hsjhn^
son Muhammed Kuli at the head of a small force, but he managed to
cut his way through them, and escaped to the Nogai% by whom he
was given up to the Russians, and died among them. Meanwhile Ha}8m
Muhammed having heard of the approach of the Bukharians fled hastily.
He was pursued, and lost his camp and half his people, and befaig
afterwards overtaken was forced to fight at a disadvantage, and again
lost severely* He reached Asterabad however in safety, and once more
repaired to the Shah at Kasvin.
Abdnlla Khan proceeded to besiege Hasarasp in penon, and after a
si^ of four months captured it and put Baba Sidtan to deaths and
Khuaresm was once more added to the Bnkharian Khanate.
That powerful chief died in 1597-8. When the news arrived In Peoriai
the Shah raised an anny and marched to Bostanif and he gave
permission to Hajhn Muhammed and his son Arab Muhammed to make
another venture on Khuaresm*^
They had but fifteen companions with* them, with whom they made
their way to the mountain Kuren, the camping ground of the Tehe
Tturkomans. Having ddayed there a while, they learned that Abdul
Mumin the successor of AbduUahad been killed. Hajim Muhammed
Khan now mounted his horse and rode for Ufgenj, where he arrived
eight days later. He gave Khiva and K&t to his son Arab Muhammed
Khai\, Hasarasp to hb grandson Ixfendiar Sultan, and retained Urgenj
and Vesir for himself, and was speedily joined by the Uzbegs whom
AbduUa had carried off prisoners to BukhanuS
At this time Nur Muhammed the former ruler of Merv, who as I have
said had taken refuge in Persia with Hajim Mohammed, returned to his
old quarters, where he persecuted the Uzbegs, and protected the Sarts
•/^,sBS,43r. t/i^,s8S. I/if.,t9X. %id^n^
89a HISXORV OP THB M0N60L&
and Torkomatts. When Shah Abbe8 heard of dii% he mardied againtt
Mervy whidi he captuxed after a tiege of a month, as well as the towns of
Abiverd, Nlssa, and Dertin, which were subject to Nur Muhammed, and
where he placed governors. He hunself was canied off to Persia, where
he died in prison.* Two years afier his return homey Hajim Muhammed
was rejoined by Suiunich his eldest son, who returned from Turkey by
way of Shirvan, and to whom his fioher surrendered Urgti^ and Vesir,
retiring hhnself to Khiva to his younger son Arab Muhammed. Suiunidi
died the year fbUowing, and was followed to the grave the following year
by his son IbaduDa Khan.
Hajim Muhammed died in the year loii of the hej, s.i^ i6os. The
account here given of him is taken enltrely from Abolghazi, but we have
a curious light thrown on Khuareim during his reign, by the visit paid to
it by the English traveler Jenldnson, who calls him Azim Khan.
It was on the 23rd of April, 1558, that the famous traveller left Moscow
with a caigo of merchandise. He arrived at Astrakhan on the 14th of
July, where he stayed till the 6th of August There he bought a boat,
and in company with several Tartars and Persians set sail for the
Caspian, crept along the north coast, and passed the mouths of the
rivers Jaik and Yemba. On the 27th of August, he landed at some
distance from Mangushlak, a storm having prevented him from making
that place. There he made arrangements with the governor for
camels, &c., to transport him and his goods to Vezir. He found the
people very exacting, and paid three Russian hides and four wooden
disbes lor the hire of each camel, besides presenting the governor with a
seoveaa or present of nine and another of twice seven objects. The
caravan numbered 1,000 camels. After a journey of five days the travellers
reached the district contrdled by Timur Sultan, of Mangushlak, who
treated them weU, and supfdied them with flesh and mares' milk, and
although he took fifteen roubles' worth of goods as his perquisite, he
presented Jenknison with a horse and ^tertained him in his tent
Setting out again Jenldnson crossed a desert twenty days' journey longi
and had to kill one of his camels and a horse for food, and drank only
brackish water, this s<unetimes fidUng for two days together. He then
reached another Gulf of the Ca^an, where we paid black mail to the
Turkoman governors. He tells us the Oxus once fell into this gulf.
Leaving there or the 4th of October, he arrived three days later at the
castle of Sellizure, f./., Shehr Vezir (Lerch Khiva Oder Kharezm, 28 & 43},
(ue,, Hajim), where Azim Khan with three of his brothers was living. With
him he< on the 9th of the same month had an audience and presented his
letters kom the Russian Emperor, and also some presents. The Khan
cnttrtaioed him with horseflesh and xniik, and gave him a safe conduct He
tdls us tiie castle of Sellizure was placed on a high hill, and thai the king's
HAjm OR Hkjl ICUHAHHKD KHAN. $93
palace there was bulk of earthy very bardy and not strong^ and that the
peq>le were poor. Thelandtothe south was very fruillu]. Theregvewa
fine fhiit called Dynie, laige and fuU of moisture, which the people ate after
meat instead of drink (? melons), also another fruit called carbus as big as
a cucumber, yellow and sweet (i>., water melons, still called arbus by the
Russians)*, and a certain com Jegur, whose stalk was like a sugar cane,
and as high, the grain like rice growing at the top of the cane like a
cluster of grapes (<>*i Chugara the Holcus Sorghum).t Jenkinson tells
us the water for inigation was drawn from the Oxus. This h|id so
diminished the river that it it no longer fell into the Caspian.
Two days after leaving Sellinire he reached Urgenj where he paid the
accustomed duos. There he had an audience with Ali Sultan the brother
of Hajim, who had recently made a raid upon KbcMrasan. The town he
said had been won and lost four times in seven years by civil wars,
whence there were few merchants there and they poor, and he could
only sell four kerseys. He tells us all the land thence to the Caspian was
called the land of Turkman, and was subject to Azim Khan and his five
brothers, ''who being the sons of different mothers and sometimes ol
daves, were jealous of one another, and tried to destroy each other, and
when there was war among them, if one was defeated and escaped he and
his followers generally repaired to the desert, and prowled about the
watering places en rouU^ where he pillaged the caravans until, he was
strong enough to again struggle for his own.**!
Jenkinson describes some of the habits of the people^ and then goes on
to say that having left Urgenj, he travelled along the Oxus for loe
miles, when reached the Ardok which was swift and rapid, and
leaving the Oxus was consumed in the ground about 1,000 miles to the
north, and then issuing again from under the ground entered the sea of
Kitai. He then reached K4it, subject to Saramet Sultan, a
brother of Hajtm, to whom he paid g red Russian hide for each
camel and other dues, and assigned him an escort. The latter fed
heartily on his victuals, and after three days elahned a large
payment for going further, which being refused they took their departure.
The Khojas who were with the caravan thereupon insisted upon a halt,
and upon trying their divinations with the shoulder blades of sheep.
Jenkinson teUs us how they burnt these bones and mixed their ashes,
whh whkh they wrote certain characters using cabalistic phrases.
Meanwhile this came to pass. A banished prince with a few followers
(Stacked them fiercely but they opposed them, and thanks to some guns
Jenkinson had with him beat them off, and they made a laager of their
trunks and cettle, behind which they cen^ped. During the night
ov er t m e s were made to the Mussulmans of the cempany to surrender their
companions but without avail, and they eventually purchased
«Urch,op.dt,tS. f/^. t Hacklqjt, op. dU ^, 56I.
894 HlflQItT OT TRX MOIIQOLS.
peacewiAapietentof bbdtnaflaadacamdoBiHiiditociRyit The
traveUen then went onto Bukfaanu* Jenkmtonittnniedhomebjrwayof
Unsenjy and took with hfan font envoys from Hajim Khan to the Rnsdan
£mpeior«t
In 1595) ^i^esh envoys where sent from Khnaresm to solicit the
friendship of the Tsar Feodor4
ARAB MUHAMMED KHAN.
Hajfan Khan was succeeded by Us son Arab Muhammedi who gave
his son Izfendiar the province of K&t, in lien <tf that of Hasaiasp. Soon
after his accession (in one place Abu^hazi says, six months after, which
would be in loii, $^.^ 16023 ^^^ ^ another he dates it in the year of
his own birth, Z^., 1014 or ioi5),|| ten merchants from Khuaresm who
had gone to Russia were waylaid by 100 Cossacks of the Ural <»: Yaiky
and eight of them were killed. From one of the snrviv(»s who came
from Turkestani they learnt that the garrison ci Uigenj was then
encamped in summer quarters on the river, at some distance from the
town, and that on one side of that dty there was a desert, across whidi
an anny of ioo/x)o men might approach it unobserved. They
accordingly determined to surprise it, and set out with 1,000 men. They
arrived safely and entered the town by the gate of the If urza.T They killed
more than 1,000 ci its inhabitants and burnt much prq^erty, and having
loaded 1,000 waggons with booty and prisoners they retired. Arab
Muhammed meanwhile cut off their retreat, and so i»essed them, that in
Hen of water they had to quench their thirst with blood, and this fruled on
the 5th day. The Uzb^^s now attacked them on all sides, penetrated
behind their laager of carts into thdr camp, and cut them to pieces, One
hundred of them succeeded in reaching the Oxus, and built a small fat
near the fortress of Tuk, where they lived for a while on fish, but Arab
Muhammed eventually attacked them and captured their fort** Sk
months later the jCahnuks, who had b^gun to spread westwards as fror as
the Aral, made a raid upon the Khanate. They passed between Khc^
Kul (i>., the lake of the Khoja) and the mountain of Sheikh Jelil, and
piUaged the Uxbeg camps as far as Tuk, whence they returned by waf of
BurichL Arab Muhammed pursued them and recorvered the booty and
prisoners they had made^ but did not capture any Kahnuk8.tt Soon
after the Nsdmans formed a plot to depose Arab Muhammed Khan^ and
to put Khosru Sultan, a descendant of Ilbars Khan, who wandered in
Mavera un nehr, in his place, but the conspiracy was frustrated, and
Khosru and the leader of the Naimans were put to deadL* Two years
^Id„3fi9>Xfo. t/^373- I Dt GvigiiM. UL, 490* |OMit,aM.
|/<l«Sta. fM*3Z3,3t3. **Abo]shasi,iS5iS0S> ttA^
AltAB IfUHAHMSD KKAH. S95
later die Uigfatm iatrodvced a pretender in the penon of Salih Sdtan, a
descendant of Hassan Kuli Khan, son of Abufik, son of Yadigar Khan;
but he received only a jfew adherents, and the Khan had him arrested and
put to death. Ten years after this, the Kalmnks made a fresh invasion by
way of Bakirghan, and retired with a considerable booty.f Sbcteea years
after the accession of Arab Muhammed, /.a, about 161S, two of his sons
named Habash Sultan and Ilbars Sultaui who were respectively sixteen
and fourteen years old, and were livhig at Khiva, rose in revolt and
marched towaid^ Ufgenj. They halted at Pishgab, a long day's journey
from that town, and when sununoned by the Khan to his presence with
the promise of being made governors of Vesir, they refused to go until
they had assembled a large force. They were speedily Johied by the
mote adventurous si^rits among the young Uzbegs,} and their fother was
too weak or too indulgent to restrain them. Having made a raid upon
Khorasan, they sent their &ther some presents, and then drew near to
Urgen). The Khan now sent one of his chief officers, a Uighur named
Kurban Ah to their camp, who on his return, reported how all the Usbegs
from Darughan Ata to Bakiighan Ata had Joined them, and that he had
been received with shoots of defiance. He reported that matters were
going badly, and advised Arab Muhammed to retire to Khiva. The
Kbaa was a weak person, a iact which his own son the historian
Abulghazi cannot hide. Hedidnot send to inquire how fiur the story was
exaggerated, but at once set out for Khiva. When the young princes
heard this they went and encamped at Kiran Kin. At this time, says
Abulghazi, all the district from Mizdehkan to Kuighun beyond
Bakiighan was a large field of wheat Abulghazi telk us how a year
before he was bom the Khan had cut a canal which passed by way of
Tuk and Kuigfetun, and fUl into the Sea of AraL This canal was dosed
at the epoch of Mizan (i>., when the sun was in Libra), and opened again
after harvest ; and some years later was more than a bow shot in
breadth. In consequence of this wheat was very cheap. The young
rebels seised the magazines idiich the Khan had built in various distrkt%
and gained over the poorer people by undertaking the distfibotioii of the
grain. Arab Muhammed meanwhile by the advice of the bda ceded the
town of Vesir and its dependent Turkomans to them, and we are told
they paid their frther a visit, escorted by 4/x)0 men, and th^ returned
once more to Vezir, where they lived for five years peaceably. In the
sixth year, whfle the Khan was at Uigenj, Ilbars seised upon Khiva, and
when his fkther returned honaewards, he sent a body of 500 men who
made him prisoner. He then secured his treasures, and k the
words of Abul^iazi, ''scattered them among the dogs and the birds,** and
deposed the beks. After this he returned again to Vezir. All his sons
dMnot behave thus, and we now find Izfendiar Snltan and Abdlfl^iaii
mmm
'id^iffk M4^9^ tUn9».
896 HISTORY OF TBI MONGOLS.
jointog tbetr forces to their fiither% and marching agsunst Ilbais Sultan,
liio thereupon retired towards the Kir or Ust Urt,* while they piHa^^
his appanage. In vain Abulghazi argued with his weak ftther that it was
now a favourable opportunity to crush the rebds. He vacillated con-
tinually and leaned for support on his Atalik, Hussein Haji, ^o it would
seem was a secret partisan of the rebels. Nor could Abulghazi persuade
his elder brother Ixfendiar to take a bold course. Meanwhile, Habash
and Ilbars were duly informed of the former's plans and haled him
accordingly. Arab Muhammed returned to Khiva and Izfendiar to
Haiarasp, while Abulghazi was given command of K4tt Five months
later the Khan changed his mind, and determined to punish his
rebellious sons, and summoned Abuli^iazi to his aid. He wouM not
however adopt the latter's counsd to surprise them, but marched against
them in open daylight The rebels being duly warned were prepared,
and met their father with a consideral^ force at the canal of Tashli
Yarmish, which had been excavated by All Sultan. Arab Muhammed
was defeated and made prisoner. He was taken to Habash Sultan, who
had him blinded and sent to Khiva and thence to Kum, with his three
wives and two younger sons, Habash himself went in pursuit of Izfendiar
Sultan, while Abulghazi went to K4t and thence to Bukhara.
Izfendiar with two other sons of Arab Muhammed, named Shaif
Sultan and Khuarezm Shah Sultan, shut themselves up in the fortress of
Hazarasp, but after a siege of forty days they came to a parley, Izfendiar
agreed to go to Mekka, Sherif * Muhammed was given Kit, while
Khuarezm Shah and a younger brother named A%han, who were both
boys, went to their mother at Khiva. This revolution took place in 1030
of the hej, i./., 1621. The following year Ilbars put his father, his
brother Khuarezm Sultan, and two sons of Izfendiar Sultan to death.
His other brother A%han he sent to Habash to be executed, but the
latter sent him off to Russia, where he died in 1648, and was buried at
Kasimof in a t^e built by his widow^ Altun Khanim, the daughter of
Hajim Sultan.}
IZFENDIAR KHAN.
On the deposition of their father, the two rebel princes divided the
Khanate between them, Habash took Urgenj and Vczir, and Ilbars
Khiva and Hazarasp.
These revolutions seem inexplicable when we consider how faithful the
Uzbegs generally were to their own princes, fragile as their friendship is
for strangers, but we may explain them by what followed. The Khanate
of Khiva was inhabited by three races ; Sarts or old indigines of the
towns, harmless, and t>f Persian descent ; the Turkomans descended
*/tf.,3os. t/^>y^. IX/, 300. Nou»x.
uanannAR khan. $97
from the Goi and Kankalis, the tttmfathetf of the S^okt mi
Osmanlisi and lastly Uibegs who came in with Shdhani, a^ who
dominated over the rest Between Turkomans and Uzbegs, the old
masters and the new, there was very great jealousy and strife, and when-
ever the Khan leaned on one section, he was sure to lose the support of
the other. Arab Muhammad probably suflfered from this policy. When
his death became known, his eldest son lafendiar received a small
contingent from Shah Abbas of Persia, who told him to rq[Mdr to the
borders of Khorasan, and endeavour to recover Khuaresm* He made
his way to Derun and Mount Balkhan, and was joined by a few
Turkomans of the tribes of Teke, Sarik, and Yomut, in all but 500 mci^
with whom he made a night attack on the camp of Habash, which wis
planted on the Oxus, opposite the fbitress of Tuk. That prince however
escaped and joined his brother libars, who nuuxhed to the rescue^
and Izfendiar was joined by the naukers or dependents of his other
brothers, Sherif Muhammed and AbulghasL
Meanwhile, a Khoja named Nasar, whose daughter Ilbars had married,
took up the lattei's cause with vigour, and when he noticed bow tht
people crowded to join Izfendiar, he j^anted himself and a contingent of
300 fdlowers on the route they had to follow, and cut a deqp ditch across
the road so as to make it impassable. He then proceeded to frighten
them, by dedaring Izfendiar meant to hand them over to. the Turkomans,
and c oi^jur ed them, Koran in hand, not to assist him. These words had
their due efiect Smne of those who had joined Izfendiar now deserted
him, and he was defiMted and escaped to Mangushlak. There he was
joined by a large immber of his parrisans and 3,000 Turkomans, and
once more marched eastwards. He approached Uigenj, and fought with
Ilbars for twenty days, when he at length defeated and captured him,
and had him pot to death* Habash fled to the Karakalpak% and thence
to the Nogais of the Yemba, whose chief Sfaanik Murza was under con«>
riderableobBgatkms to hhn,whidi he rq>aid/wr/A'4y4ftl by surrendering
hfan to Izfendiar who put him also to death*
Isfendiar mounted the throne in 1032 of the hij, m., in 1622. He
became the patron of the Turkomans and Sarts against the Uzbq;s.
Let us now turn to his brother Abulghaa, to whose fanums History we
are so hidebted He tells us he was bom in 1014, !>., 1605, and was
named Abulghari because his lather defeated the infidel Cossacks of the
Ural about that time. . I have described how he fought besides his father
against Ilbars and Habash. He tcDs us that in this struggle be com-
manded the tiifiU wing and that he had three horses killed under him *
After their defeat he was body pursued, and had only one attendant widi
him. He was hit in the mooih by an arrow which broke his jaw bone, but
ehided his pursuers among the tall tamarisks on the banks of the river.
* Ovk dL, SI5>
4»
Zg$ EOfioitT oar trb monools.
TikingoffMsquivaraiidtwofdliephii^ediit Hithoiia^lietdlsii%was
thirsty and bitered to drink, wliile tome of his ptumien q^ed 1^
b«nk and sent a flight of airows upon him. He had no whip to urge H
on, nor had he ever swam a river before on horsebacki and his montfi
was meanwhile filled with blood from his wound* His armour too was
very heavTi ''^d his horse sank hi die wuter tifl only his ears and nose
werevisible; he acoordingly remembered the advice of a practised soldier
who had tM him in such a case to slip off the saddle, keying one foot in
the stirrup and putting the other on the horsed tail, to seise the
pommd of the saddle mik one hand and the bridle with the other, and
thus aUow the water to partiaOy support hiuL On his doing so, the hocse at
once rose hi the water and got over safoly and he went to Kftt, where he was
joined by some of his people^ and having secured some fresh horses and
provisions he went on to Samarkand, where he was cordially received by
Imaum Kuli Khan.* It was two years after tills tiiat Iifendiar was
proclaimed Khan, whereupon Abulghazi with his other brother Sherif
Mohammed returned to lOiuatesm. The former received Urgenj and the
latter Vecir as an appanage;, while the Khan reserved Khiva, Haxarasp^
and Kit for himseUlt
The brothers soon btgaxt to quarrel Izfendiar became the partisan of
the Turkomans and Sarts, while his brothers sided with their own
people the Uzb^fs. After harvest, in the year 1634, they repaired to
Khiva to see Izfendiar, and after staying there three days, were saddling
their horses to return when the Khan ordered all the Uighurs and
Naimans to be pot to death. The massacre at once commenced, and
tM very day 100 Usbegs of those tribes perished, nor did the
persecution stop there, but aU the Usbegs who encamped between
Hazarasp and Khast Minaressi were shuightered, while ci the two
devoted tribes even the inftmts and old pec^ were Idlled, and Sherif
Muhammed was sent to Urgenj with ordoY to kill all of those two tribes
whom he found tiiere. Abulghaa himself was detained at Khiva,
apparently with the purpose of eventually putting an end to him, but as the
remaining Uzbegs threatened to abandon the Khanate unless he was
released, he was allowed to go. He set off for Urgenj which
was then ahnost deserted. The river Amu whidi had focmerly watered
its envirotts having taken another coune and deserted its old bed. He
accordingly stayed at a fortress near Tuk, wh^re he was joined by Sherif
Muhammed. Having collected a large body of Uzbegs, it was
determined to attack the Turkomansy but Muhammed Hussein the
Turkoman leader having heard of their plot escaped with his Mowers
from the fortress, where they had been living, and rqpahed to Izfendiar
Khan. Meanwhile, the two brothers with their Uzbq^ determined to
inarch on Khiva. At Tash Kupruk, or the stone bridge over the canal
* Id^ 3X6-S1S, . t /if.» SI9*
tzwnmuMnaUM. B99
of Rhaflon^ they fiMmd and pnt todeith tone wretched Tukooianfy
almbet deed with Imager* Theee the li^^iwM^if flUefhtd their enlf end
cerried off a ntmber of their people^ wheiwpoii ft miBfibet of their
supporters returned home igein*
Meanwhile^ the Tmfcomans of Khhra hftving been lebfbcced, offered
them battle near CheshmL* Afiereefighteasaed. At first the Ud)egs
were successfhl, but the enemy rallied^ end at length the foraier were
obKged to widulraw to their campi which thof deimded braTelj for six
dayS| when terms were pioposed andeaflhpartyagteedioretMmhomewfttd%
but Iifendiar had scaroely persmded them to leetve tiieir camp when he
w4 t n^ hif T\*T^ <W H ^ *** tff attJFtflr flwfft^andalf hwi g h thfy Ofl tnumb ertdthft
Ud)egs ahnost ten to one the betde was fade dsi ya. ETentnaOy
Isiimdiar spent the soaimier at iChh«y and Sierif Mahammed and
Abidghad at Urgeiy.t The whole stery seems more or less Ineiplkabls^
anless we are to read betwasa the Ihies diat Abal^iasi had plotted
agahist IffeUdiar, aad been supported by the UrilMgs, The hrtlor were
apparency too weak to resist, and ditmnfaed to di^^ets^ and accoidinrtr.
when the comet appeered, ij., bx i6aS-9i they collected in small
bandstand some went to Maveia an NduTi and sobm to Torfcestan;
presently they formed three huger sectional cue of which retired to
Bokhara, one to the Manguts or Nogai% and the third to the Kasaks.
Abolghaxi Joined these last, whfle Sherif Mohammed went to BoUianu
Three years after the dispersal, 3,000 fiunilies returned from exil^ and
were]<rfned by 800 others who came from BuUuua. They settled about
the mouth of the Ozus, where tiiey were attadied and estemfaMted
by Isfendhur.t
I have already mentioned Abolgfaasft visit to Ishhn Khan of ttie
Kasaks, and his introduction to Torsun, who to<^ hfan with him to
Tashkend, where he lived two years, until Ttoson was killed by IsUntf
He then told die hitter how he had gone to him lor h^ but
as matters ware not propltkms^ he asked permissbn to visit Imanm
Ksl at Bukhara, which was granted hhn. There he received
an invitation firom the Turkomans of Khuaresm, iHio were it
appears growfa^ somewhat tired of Isfendhur, to return home. He
accordingly went to Khiva, and Iifendiar rMied to Hasarasp, where he
was shordy joined by Sherif Muhammad. The two latter now made
friends and made a joint attadc on Abol^iaii, who defeated them. This
was followed by a series of strugi^ and mutual raids. Eventually
Abnlghasi was seised by order of Isfendiar,and conveyed under an escort
to Abiverd, whose governor handed him over to the begler beg of
Iflifffftfaw ^ mkA m MH'^t^f^y^ him to Hamadan to Shah Sefi, the grandson
of Shah Abbas the xst, who was then the luler of Persia, and who sent
Umtolspahan. There he was ass%ned quarters and a pension of ic/)oo
900 HisitntY or rai movools.
tetigas, hut he was also gvacdod.* AMglual qient tan years In Irak,
vii.| fixMn aboat 1630-40^ wlion he escaped* He USh ns how be bought
eifi^ horses one hj 00% and secreted them in Tarious quartersi and
having secored some trusty servants, he disguised himself as a horse
driver and his servant as a b^ on whom he attended. Atnight&U he
got his horses ready, and was Mfv«l^ through the streets as the nakares
were being sounded at midnight from the Nakardi Khaneh. On
reaching tiie gate he shouted out loudly ''Open the door.^ It was
duly opened, and he went on. Near Bostam they passed a cemetery
where three men were burying a corpse^ one of tiiem was a poor
Seyid. VHth the latter he negot ia ted for some provender, and also
secured hb assistance in egchanging three of his horses, which were
breaking doim, for three better ones, his servant meanwhile duly
acting the part of a bek, and seating hfanselfonamatinamosttordly
iidiion in die Seyid^ bouseit Having imprudently asked the route to
If aghx by an unfrequented way, one of the bystanders, who was an old
man, had his suq[>idoos aroused, and charged him with being one of the
Usbeg prisoners attempting to esc^>e^ and he tried to persuade the
bystanders to arrest him, or at least not to sell him any horses. This
conversation took place in Persian irinch Abulghasi understood, and he
was not long In concocdng a story hi which his servant the pretended bdc
paraded as Muhammed Enli bek the Qrcasnan, a Yusbashi in the
service of the Shah, and he hhnsdf as in his service, and that they wished
tomeetafrmousMoUahatMaghs. This story with some embellishments
passed muster, and the prince duly readied the edge of the desert, where
he met swne fugitive Turkomans from Mangwshlsk, They reported how
three years before tiidr land had been attacked by the Kahnuka^ who had
harried their herds. He made himsdf known to the refugees, who
persuaded him to pass the winter with them, and in the spring to go to
dM Tdcke tribe^ which then encamped near the BaUdian mountain, on the
Eaitem shores of the Caqiian. There he accordingly went, and passed
two years, and then went on to Maagushlak, which was then subject to
the Kalmnks, whose chief having heard of his arrival sent for him and
having detahied him for a year allowed him to return to Urgenj4 This
was in the year 1642. Sixmonths later Isfendiar died ; Sherif Muhammed
had died two years before.
ABULGHAZI BEHADUR KHAN.
Matters mast have been in a more or less confused condition hi
Hmt Khanate, for Abulgjiaii tdls us it was not cm a year afrer Iztediar's
death that be was pnxWBMd iChan ii^ the district of Aral, wheie the
OsttS flows into the sea, and doubtless Ae most thoroughly Uxbeg past of
■"■-■-■
*/A,sSt«93S. tMflSa*IIS Xi^>S9y99l^
ABULGBAZI BEHASUX KHAN. 90I
die Khanate. Meanirliile^ tiie Taikomans seem to have hdd poisearioii
of the lenudnderi and to have had cottodj of Itfendiar's two aoni,
Yaihan Sultan and Aahiaf Sultan. These they refused to surrender and
they also had the Khuthdi proclaimed in the name of Nadir Muhammed
the Khan of Bukhara, to whoaa they sent Ashraf. Abnlghazi thereupon
declared war against tiliem, and twice pillaged the environs of Khiva.
Nadir Muhammed nondnated go v ernor s to Khiva and Hazarasp, and
sent the widow, son, and daughter of Isfendiar to live at Karshi.
His dqmties were orly military g ov ern o r s , and the dvil administrap
tion was retained in the hands of the amalats or dvil functionaries
appointed by Ixfendiar, who were Turkomans. Presently the
Bukharian Khan sent his grandson Kaasim, the son of Khosru Sultan
to superintend matten^ but he did not meddle wilii the Turimmaa
deputies. When Abnlghasi beard of Us arrival he collected the greater
portion of his people and again marched upon Khiva. His iorce was
much Inicrior to that of the Bukharians who had ranged their men
in the form id a flight of geese, while he broke his up into several
secdoas. The Kliivans were ifioo strong, and See of them were dressed
in cttirasees, helmets, dobulghas, &&, so that only their eyes were virible.
Abnlghasi had but five men, vdio were mailed« These numbers pfove
how small and petty the importance of the Khanate was at this time*
Abnlghsii describes the strugfl^ vdiidi ensued, iriiidi he won chiefly
through the skilful dispositioii of his men. At this point his own
naarative of events ends and is continued by his son and succesaor
Amisha Muhammed.* After Uie battle Kassim was recalled to Bukhara
and replaced by Yakub Tupit, but soon Nadir himself was driven from
the throne by his bek% idio prodaimed his ioii Abdul Aris, whereupon
the garrison he had placed at Khiva fled,aad Abulgliasi set out from
Aral and occupied Khiva and the land of his fiuhers. Tliis was in 1644.
He issued a general pardon to aU the Turimmans who had fled and invited
tiiem to return. Thaee of their dilels named Ghulam Bdiadur, Din
Muhammed Un Un Beguii and Urns Begui, with a number of dwfar
fliOowers had escaped to the deserts near Hasarasp^ and now atat aome
of their akaakals or greybeards with their submission. Abulghaxi pto>
mised them pardcm, and summoned them to meet himat Hasarasp^and
ordered them to bring with them their airan or dotted milk and kalik or
cheesfibut he had inade iq^ his mind to destroy them, and his son does
not scn^ to confess it, and as soon as they had £driy arrived, and
were hfg^*»«^ their meal, a general mnssacre commenced, in which n
great number of them were killed, their goods were piHaged and their
wives and diikisen reduced to slavery.* He then returned to Khiva,
and shortly after attacked and jdundered another body of Turkoman
fugitives a T^ytfn. The fugitives from this place as «ell as others
909 HISTORY OF THB MOMOOLS.
from Khiva and BiM took shdter at Bimi Burmai wliere they h«llt
themselves a stone fort and sent their families for shdter to KaxakastL
They were attacked however and destroyed to a man, while their camp
of refuge at Karakasti was abo taken and sadcedt
In 1648, Abulghazi defeated the Ki^shote Kalmnks, as I have
mentionedyt and also sent home a Torgut chief named Buyan, who had
heen to Khoaresm for purposes of trade. In 1651, with only a very
small body of men, and after a nmrch hivohrii^ great hardsh^s^ he
attacked the Tuikomans of the Bairaj dan whom he destroyed, togedier
with their chief Bairaj, and harried their women and chikbren. The
following year he dkl the same with the tribe of the Imirs which encamped
at Tuj,and with the Sariks.f This same year the Toiigut Kafannks
under three of their chiefs made an attack in the neighbourhood of
Hazarasp. I have described how Abulghaxi pursued them, and on their
behaving humbly pardoned them.||
Having subdued all the Turkomans, Abulghazi had reigaed for
some years hi peace, n^ien Subhan Kuli of Baikh sent to ask him for
aid agai: 't his brother Abdul Azis, Khan of Bukhara. Subhan KuH
had married Abulghazi's niece, the daughter of Sherif Muhammed.
The Khuarezm ruler did not foi^et how AbduUa Khan had slaughtered
thirty-two princes of his house, and otherwise iUused his people ; he
accordingly set out gladly for Bukhara, hi 1064 of the hej, le., 1653-4.
Having arrived at Kukerdlik he despatched Bek Kuli Imak to waste the
neighbourhood of Karakul, while he hunself did the same at Suiunidi
Bala and other viUages near Bukhara, and thence returned to Kukerdhk,
whence he again set out the same year, encountered and defeated the
Bukharian army, and captured and burnt KarakuLf He then ravaged the
neii^bourhood of Chaijui, and a few months hiter the district of Yaiji as
for as Nersem, and thence to Karakul, returning to KhWa with a laige
number of prisoners ; nor did the Khan Abdul Azis venture to cross swords
with him. This was in 1065 hej, «!/., 1654-5. The same year Kennindi
was taken and sacked. As the Khuarezmian army, 15^000 strong^ was
letumhig at daybreak escorting its plunder, it was suddenly
attacked by a Bddiarian force. The Khan idio had loitered bdiind
with only a few followers had to sustam a series of repeated attacks from
the enemy, who greatly outnumbered his people. We are told by his
successor that he would have been ov erw h ^ned but for the timdy
succour brought by himself, then only rizteen years old, who having
arrived with a fresh body of but aoo or 500 horsemen, charged the
enemy's host and routed it. There seems to have been a r^pilar
stan^jiede, and many of the Bnkharians were drowned in crdsshig the
*AA.344. t/i^,S45*S49« Mffilr. Vol. L,503. |ilbiilc]iMit347»S4&
ANUSHA IfUHAlOIKD BKHADUR KHAN. 903
river. Abolgiiaii retarned to Bukhara in trimiipi^ gscvt a grand
feast there^ rewarded hit son Anviha with a standard and a body of
troopS) and gave him commaod of Haxarasp. In 1658, he ravaged
Vardansii and in 1661 once more wasted the neighbooihood of Bokhara
and returned heavy laden with loot Accordii^: to his son he now began
to realise that he had sufficiently iU-osed his co-religionists, and
determined to devote the remainder of his days to plundering the infidd
Kinlbashis or Persians and the Kahnuks. He accordini^y sent an envoy
to make peace with Abdul Axis and handed over the cares of his
government to Anusha.- He died in the year 1074 of the hiji ia., 166%*
after a turbulent and lawless reign idiose ill deeds have been too
mnch condoned by the gratitude of students for the fiunous history which
we owe to his pen.
ANUSHA MUHAMMED BEHADXJR KHAN.
Abolghazi was succeeded by his son Anusha Muhammed, who had
already, as I have said distinguishedi himself in the great fight with the
Khan of Bukhara. On the death of his father he determined to make
an attack upon the same Khanate, notwithstanding the peace recently
concluded. He invaded Mavera un Ndir, and plundered the residence ci
the Khojas of Juibar near Bukhara. It seems he was partly incited by
Sultan Kulii the brother of the Bukharian Khan. Abdul Am happened to
be in Eermindi when this took place. He hurried back at once, and at
midnight arrived before the city, which was in the hands of the
Khuaremians. Accompanied by only forty slaves he succeeded in
cutting down the guard, and forced his way, fighting as he went into the
citadd. From this place a summons went forth inciting the population
to murder the Khuareimians that very night All who could bear arms,
whether Usbegs, Ti^iks^ or foreign merchants, fell upon the enemy,
iriiose retreat was cut off by barricades at the gates and other outlets
from the dty. The massacre was tttrible, and but a small party
of the army of Anusha esciqted to Khuaresm* The catastrophe for
a long time cUscouraged his people from disturbing the peace
of Bukhara.t This tnvasibn, although repelled, according to the
Tariki Mekim Khani, led to the abdication of Abdul Asiz, iriio
made way for Subhan Knll This was in i68o4 The bq;inning
of Subhan Kuli's reign, as I have shown, was troubled by the
insubordination of his sons, and it was this which probably tempted
Anusha to make another venture against the Khanate, nis was about
1683. He burnt the towns and villages and wasted the country around
*/<AtS57* t S«akolrid, op. dl., 47. 48. Vamtonr* Hitl. of BMtfa, jas.
904 HurronT op the monools.
Bokhanandcaniedoffinanyprisoiiecf. The Khaa now sommoned hit
8on Sadik, who had recently itbeUed ac^aintt hbn^ to the rescue, bat he
learned m rtmU that Anutha had invaded Khorasani had caused money
to be struck thore in his own name, and proclaimed himself the sovereign
of that province, while several Amirs were in open revolt at Hissar
and Khojend, and that others about the court secretly favoured Anusha*
He thereupon determined to run no risks but to return to Balkh and
to fortify himself there. The Khan thereupon turned to his fiadthful
dependent Mahmud bi Atalik, whom he had appointed governor of
Badakhshaa He marched to the rescue, * and encountered the
Khuaremians at Gijuvani where he completely defeated them and
compelled Anusha to return home again/ The next year, ^., 1685,
while the Khan was engaged in settling the aflSaiirs of Balkh, Anusha once
more marched to the gates of Bukhara, but was met by Muhammed Jan
Afalik who marched against him from Balkh and defeated him.t Some-
time akfr Subhan Kuli having gone on a pilgrimage to Meshed, Anusha
again invaded Mavera un Nehr. There was a general rally of the inhabi-
tants and the Khuarezmians were once more beaten with great slaughter,
the greater part of their leaders being killed. The- turbulent ruler of
Khuarezm was not likely to submit to this rebuff, and he was preparing a
fresh expedition when a conspiracy broke out among some of iiis Amirs,
who were discontented with him and were supported by Subhan Kuli.
The conspirators spread a rumour that the Kalmuks were about to
invade the country, and suggested that the Khan should give the
c omm a n d of the army to his son Erenk, who was in the plot He was no
sooner raised to this position than he had his frither seised and his eyes
seared with a hot iron and he then deposed him.t
MUHAMMED ERENK KHAN.
Erenk having moonted the thjrone^ proceeded to exOe the Amirs who
had been creatures of Subhan Kuli Khan, and when the army of the
latter shortly after marched into Khorasan, and Bukhara was divested of
troops, he seized the opportunity and invaded the district. Subhan
Kuli defended his capital vigorously for ten days, and sent for his faithful
Atalik Mahmud to go to the rescue, and on his arrival a savage fight
look place under the walls. The Khuarexmians were beaten, and lost
many prisoners. MeanwhOe^ the party which favoured Subhan Kuli at
Urgenj, under his countenance proceeded to a new revolution there, and
en his return from his unfortunate expedition Erenk was poisoned by
the partisans of Bulduura among the Amirs.
'^mm
• atttkoUd, 51. S4> t/i^SS* tA^.54SS*
YADKUK KHAM. 905
SHAH NIAZ KHAN.
After this revolt the conspirators in 1099, Le,^ 1687^ sent a depatation
to Subhan Knli, offering to coin the money and to have the khutbeh said
in his name if he would choose them a ruler. The Khan thereupon
nominated Shah Niaz Ishik Aka, and as the author of the Tarikhi Mekim
Khan! says he thus reduced to subjection a province against which he
had not been able to defend himself.* Shah Niaz retained his authority
over Khiva for many years, having been no doubt supported by Subhan
Kuli Khan» In 1700 he sent an envoy to the Tzar, Peter the Great, asking
him to take his country under his protection. This was answered by a
letter dated on the joth of July in the same year, in which Peter intimated
his compliance with the requestf We do not read of him again, and it
is not improbable that he withdrew or was deposed on the death of
Subhan Kuli in 1702.
ARAB MUHAMMED KHAN.
On the dinq^ptarance of Shah Nias Khan, die old royal stock of
Khuaresm seems to have again occupied the throne in the person of
Arab Mnhamiwed, who was probably a son.of Erenk Khan, and to whom
in 1703 Peter the Great sent a confirmation of the friendly message he
had abeadf sent to Shah Nias, and accepted him and his people as his
sntjects-t Michell's authority has corrupted his name faito Arak
^met
HAJI MUHAMMED BEHADUR KHAN.
In 1714 an envoy went to St. Petersburg from Haji Muhammed
Bdiadur Khan, who is expressly called a grandson of Abulghazi4 He
was probably a brother of the late Khan and was speedily disphiced.
YADIGAR KHAN.
He seems to have been succeeded by Yadigar, wrongly called Yadiber
by Michell's authority, who was probaUy another brother of Arab.
Muhammed, and perhaps named after the stem father of the Khuarezmian
Khans. Michell tells us he died in 1714, so that he must have had a
very short reign.
* Id., 56. t Bf iehtll't Ceatr&l AtU. 538-
I jMRieT of Blaakemusel. bj Greforief Vietnik, Imp. Geo^. Soc. for 1S58. Kott, 37.
M^ieJl, op. cit., 538.
I S«nkofiild, zoo. Do Gtignes, iii., $13. Nott»ei
4»
^06 H18TMT Of THB MOMOQILS.
ARANK OR EVRENK KHAN.
We now meet with a curious revolution at Khiva. We aie tdMI that
the Uzbegs there grew tired of their Intimate rulers, pnbMf in
consequence of the divided aOegiance which had caused so much jealous
struggling, as I have shown, between them and the TurkomanSr But u
there was among them a singular devotion to the Imperial stock
of Jingls Khan, they were in the habit of sending for a scion of
this famous family from among the Kasaks, the Karakalpaks^ or
Bukhara, whom they made their ruler. Meanwhile, the old royal house
subsisted among the Kunkurats, who had withdrawn to the Isle of Aral,
by which the delta of the Oxus was known to Arabians.* The first
recorded of these i^iported Khans was Arank or Erenk, who was a
Karakalpak.f I know nothing more of him than the mere mention of
his name, and he was apparently succeeded by S hirg jia ti Khan.
SHIRGHAZI KHAN.
Shirghaz', the successor of Acink KhaSf was we are told fron
Bttkhanut
In 1713 there arrived at Astrakhui a Turkoman ddef named
Khoja Nefiei, and suggested to Ihrince Samonof, a native of duhyi,
who had settled in Russia and become a Quietlan, that in alliance
with the Turkomans the Russians shouki seise the district about the
Lower Oxus, where it was reported gold was found. He staled diet
the Usbegs of Khiva, from fear of the Russians, were in the habit of
damming up the outlet of that river into the Caq;wan| but that widi a
little pains it couki be diverted into its old channeL Abovt die
same time Peter the Great received news from Prince Gagarin that gold
was to be found near Erket,£/.,Yarkand| in Little Bukharia.t TheKhoja
Nefes and Prince Samonof went to St Petersburg, where they were
presented to !he Emperor by Prince Bekovich Cherkaski, a favourite of
Peter's and a captain in his body guard. The report about die goki was
confirmed by Ashur bek, the Khivan envoys who was at St Petersburg
from 1713-1715. He suggested that the Russians shouki build a fort to
hold io/xx> men at the old outlet of the Oxus, probably on Krasnovoda
Spit, and he said the Khan would not oppose the removal of the dams nor
the restoration of the Oxus to its old bed. Ashur bek left Russia in
1715 with a present of six guns and the necessary equipage for the Khan,
but he was detained at Astrakhan, in consequence of the revolution by
which Yadigar, Aran|^ and Shirghaa had dfaqplaced one another at Khiva.$
* RytKhkof. OrvabiirfiMhe Topof.. L, 19. | Michall, op. €it« 34OW
I Mailer. SAml. Getb* Ac viL. 157-15^ If idMH op. cit., 538, 5S9.
}A^399»S40.
SHIRGHAZI KHAN. 9^
It seems Ashur bek had idso been commissioned by Peter to visit India,
and to pofdiase him parrots and panthers there.*
Meanwhile, the reports about the gold sand seem to have stirred Peter
the Gieaf s ambition, and he determined to send an expedition to Khiva.
In command of this he placed Prince Alexander Bekovitch Cherkasldi
already named. He was the s(m of a Grcassian prince who had sought
refoge hi Russia during the disturbed reign of Shah Hussein of Persia.
On his death, his son Alexander had married the daughter of
Prince Boris Alexandrovitch Galitzin, and been baptized and received
a commission in the Guards. He was now chosen to head the Khivan
eq>edition, from his supposed fiuniliarity with the Tartars.t He was
ordered to survey the old coune of the Oxus, to persuade the Khan of
Khnareim to acknowledge the supremacy of Russia, and to build forts in
suitable places, and especially at the mouth of the Oxus. After com*
pleting this commission he was to enter into negotiation with Bukhara, and
lastly to send from Khiva, Lieutenant Kojin to explore the road to India,
and another officer to search out the gold nunes of Yaikand-t He set
out with letters of introduction for the Usb^ Khans and the Great
Moghil, and at tiie head of 4/)oo men, in the summer of 1716, and
built three forts on the eastern shores of the Caspian, namely, Tuk
Karagun, Alexandrobaesk, and Krasnovodsk, the last bemg where the
ancient outM of the Oxus was supposed to be. Having left garrisons
there^ he de^fiatched envoys to the Khan of Khuarezm to uprise him of
hisjoumey, among whom were a Gredc called Kiriakand a gentieman
of Astialdian named Voranin.$ He then returned once more to the
Volga, and having enlisted 500 of the Swedish prisoners then at Kazan
as dragoons^ and s^ven command of them to Major Frankenberg, he
embarked on the Volga and again set off in July, 1717, overland for
Gurief with a body of Grebensk Cossacks and Nogais, and a caravan of
about 500 men, people of Astrakhan, artizans, Tartars, and Bukharians.
At Gurief he was jomed by i,i;oo Cossacks of the UraL Two days
after leaving that post he reached the Yemba, which he crossed on rafts.
He also despatdied the Murza Tevkekf to explore the route to India
and China, but the latter was detained at Asterabad by the Persians, and
when released was sent back to Astrakhan. H
Prince Cheikaski was duly warned by Ayuka, the chief of the Kalmuks,
and by letter from his envoy Voranin, that the Khivans were preparing
to give him a hot reception, but he doubtless felt strong enough to cope
with them. Two days after leaving the Yemba, according to Ahmedo^
diey reached Bagachatof, and in five days arrived at the Irkitsh hills, by
which the Ust Urt or Chink is meant Then mounting the plateau they
arrived at the Aral Sea, along the margin of which they went fin about seven
*IA t Haawisr^ Timvelt, i., laS. I Jovn. Attei., ttt Striaf , v., tf,
l/rfLfiS. Mailer, op. cit., 175-177. | Jows. AtUt., v., 69 70.
908 HISTC^Y OP THE liONOOLS.
weeks, diggiiig wdls and cleaning out old ones in fvuie. When Uiey
am ved four days from Khiva, messengers met them from the Khaa bear^
presents of horses, kaftans. Sac, i^ were duly received by Cherfcaski
These friendly overtures were supplemented, however, by more than one
attack made by the Khivan cavalry, which, although disowned by the
Khan, were doubtless made with his connivance if not at his instance*
B^kovitch now rapidly approached Khiva, whose inhabitants began to
evacuate it Thereupon the Khuaresmians summoned Sk coundli at
which one of their chiefs, named Dussan bi, suggested that they
should circumvent the Russians by perfidy. The Khan entered into the
plan, and sent word to the Russian commander that he had misunderstood
the object of his mission, but having been informed by his friend the
Kalmuk Khan Ayuka that it was of a peaceful character, he expressed
his regret for what had happened, and welcomed him heartily to his
country, and to show his friendship he sent some of his principal peopfe
to make an arrangement! and he begged him meanwhile not to enter die
town, in order that the citizens might not be alarmed* Bekovitch allowed
himself to be misled by these overtures, and with only a small following
of 500 men trusted himself in the city, while Major Frankenbei^g was left
in charge of the little army. As soon as they had got him in their
power, the Khuarezmians massacred his suite and made him, write a
letter to the camp, ordering his soldiers to hand over their arms to the
Khivan commissaries for safe keeping, and take up their quarters in the
faubourgs of the town. It was only when this absurd ordei-, which was
perhaps forged, had been repeated three times, and Frankenbeig had
been threatened with severe punishment, that he at length obeyed.
When the Russian force was broken up and scattered in its new quarters
it was attacked and overwhebned. Those who were not killed were
reduced to slavery.! The Russians and some of the artilkryHDiien
apparently joined the Khan's service. Bekovitch hhnsel^ we axe toldf
was brought before the Khan's tent, and a scarlet cloth being spread out
he was ordered to kneel, and refusing, according to Hanway, instead of
suffering the easy death of losing his head with the stroke of a sabre, he
was hacked on the legs and butchered in the most barbarous manner4
His head was stuffed with straw and sent as a present to the Khan of
Bukharai who refused to receive the trophy and drove the Khivan envoys
away, asking them if they were man eaters and drinkers of human
blood.S The heads of Samonof and others were put on spikes at one of
the gates of Khiva. Hanway was offered two slaves many years after.
They were Russians, and had been part of the prisoners captured from
Bekovitch, who had been sold by the Uzb^s to the Turkomans,!! A
* Popof, Zapitid, Imp. Geof . So€.« ix., 362-S651
t Mailer, op. cit., viL, XTS-xaa. Jour* AtUt, ut Scries, v., 70-72.
I Op. cit., 127. i J oiin- Asiat. Soc., i., VoL, ^ 73. llicbeU*t Xtia 94
i Op. ciUa 126.
SiUftGlUXI KHAN. 909
oMmeBto of the eipeditioBy in the shape of a square fort, built by the
Rttssianson thisoccasioii|appai»iidy ttiUzemains neartheGulf of Aibugir.*
MuUer offers an explanation of Bekovitch's apparent want of prudence.
On his way to Khiva he received news <tf the drowning of his wife and
children on the Volgay which seems to have entirely disconcerted him.t
Daniiolski says the Rudsians were killed not at Khiva but at Par8u.t
A few years later, namely in 1725, we find the Italian Florio Beoevenii
an employ^in the Russian Foreign Office, who understood Peruan and
Turkish (one of those adventurous Italians who figiire so olten in the
politics of Central Alia), visitiilg Khiva. The journal of his travels has
been published in the Memoirs of the Imperial Geographical Society ci
St Petersburg. Baieveni had gone throt^h Persia to Buldiara, where
ht arrived in Novenriiier, i/ii, and where he had to remain for four years.
Abul£ut Mnhammrd was then Khan, and by him he was received with
courtesy. The early years of the reign of Abukaiz were marked by
intrigues and disturbances in the Khanate, and one party there apparently
wished to displace him, and to put Shirghasi Khan, of Khaarenn, in
bis {dace. This idan was nipped in the bud, and a large number of the
leading Uzbegs were executed. The Khan greatly distrusted his peoide,
and employed the descendants of Russian prisoners and Kalmuks as his
body guards. Meanwhile, the discontented Usbegs rqaired to the
steppes and duly plundered the various caravans and convoys of food
that went to the city, which began to satttr severely. They were insti-
gated and supported by Shiighazi Khan. The Bukharian chief, on the
other hand, entered into close relations with the Aralians, who, as I have
shown, were at issuewith the Khivan ruler and partisans of the old Royal
House. They now set up Timnr Sultan, the son of the htte Musi Khan,
who is not named by any other author known to me^ but who was probably
a descendant of Abulghaii as a rival to Shir^^i. We are told that
Musi Khan had been raised to the throne before Shiighasi, and had been
kflled by the Khivans, whereupon his sons had gone to live at Bukhara.
Tiie elder cne had been appointed ruler of Balkh, and the younger one
was now dected their Khan by the Aralians. This was fourteen years
before, i>.> about 1707. A struggle now ensued between him and
Shirghazi, in which the Turkomans took a characteristic part, receiving
bribes from both sides, and returning home without doing anything.
Sfaitghazi then had recourse t(f craft He sent the Uzbeg bi who had
instigated the murder of Cherkaski and three other Uzbegs to escort a
young damsel, to whom Timur was attached. The bi pretended he was
Timur*s partisan, and washed to kill ShiighazL Timur trusted and
rewarded him, and even consented to take his troops to a rendezvous
^nteace Shirgasi vught be surprised. The bi now wrote to inform his
real patron of what he had done, but his letter was intercepted, and he
* IlicheU. opk citn 24. t Op. cSu !▼.# 204. | Fopof, op, cit., 267.
910 HlSIOltV or TBI WOUMCXS.
ptid dearly for his temerity. HenMbdieadedwithysfoiircoii^Nuiioiis,
and the heads were sent as trophies te the Khan of BoUiara,* and we
aie told Timur twice attacked the town of Xhi¥a itsdf.
Shirghasi lived a lifo of constant peril among his people, and
apparently only sacceeded in retaining his position by the distribation
of liberal hugess. He would have attacked Bokhara, hot his men
would not consent, and he consequently tried to break its Khan's
alliance with Tinrar, and sent him several envoys. He was in constant
foar that the Russians would mardi upon him to revenge the murder of
CherkaskL Peter the Great was at this time psepaiing a campaign
against Persia. These preparations were thought by the Khivan Khan
to be directed against himself and he warned the Bukharian rukr
that the Russians would not wp9xe him if they conquered Khiva, and
urged a common policy against them. Timor also informed Abulfris
of these preparations, and was advised by him to receive the Russians
kindly if they did not molest him.
To conciliate Peter, Shirg^iasi determined to release the Russian
prisoners in his hands, and he sei^ pressing invitations to Beneveni to
visit Khiva. Meanwhile turbulence piwailed at Bukhara. ThediflSsrent
chiefs became mere leaders of maranden, and one of them, Atalik
Ibrahim, seised on Samarkand and set up Shirghasi's cousin, whom he
had married to his daughter, as rukr there, with the title of Rcjim
Khan. Ibrahim's influence attracted a large party to die banners of
this pretender, and they laid waste the country in the neic^boorhood
of Bokhara. Abulfais i^^pointed a new Atalik and ordered him to
atuck the rebels, but he complained that his soldiers would not i^
and that they were clamouring for pay, and bade the Khan head his
army himsel£ He dared not trust himself outside the town, however,
and Beneveni was of opinion that if the Uzbegs had4>nce secured his
perMm they would have killed him. One of their grievances, it appears,
was the countenance he extended to this kaffir agent of the Russians.!
After Peter the Greaf s campaign against Persia the Uzb^ became
less hostile to the Russians, but the same event seems to have increased
Shirghazi's jealousy still more^ and also his anxiety to have an interview
with Beneveni. On the i6th of March, 1725, the latter wrote to his
Government to say that Bukhara was in a precarious condition, that
all the roads were occupied by robbers; and that the former ruler oi
Balkh had retaken that dty and put the brother of Timur Sukan to
deathf and he complainedof the terrible hardships he had suffned during
the previous two years. He reported that Timur Sultan and his
Aralians and Karakalpaks had twice attacked Khiva and twice pnsillani*
mously withdrawn, and that his own efforts to leave had been frustrated
by the intrigues of the officials. News now arrived dyit Rejim Khan
SBISOHAZI KRAV. 91I
was maitliiiig on Bukhara from Samaikaiidy and a general panic seiced
Hie authocitiety during which Beneveni left the dty en r9ut$ for Meshed.*
He had received several pressing invitations from Shirghazi to go to
hfan. These he had hitherto evaded on the gronnd that he had no
instmctions from the Emperor to go to Khiva, and that he had written to
St Petersboig for them. Having heard of his approaching departure^ he
now sent him another messenger, and Beneveni at length consented to
go, but urged that this must not be made known to the Bukharian Khan,
who would otherwise detain him. He left Bukhara on the loth of
February, 1735, with a convoy of Russian slaves, merchants, and others,
but he had to return again, as the Turkomans-had planted an ambush to
waylay him. Shortly after, he escaped secretly with but four camels, and
went towards Ehiva.t He sent on to apprise the Khan of his approach,
and received a kindly message, and was offered a lodging in the house
of Dostam bi, the Khan's favourite. He was told in order to avoid the
tuspidon that he was ft spy, to dress in hb European uniform, and to
trim his beard in the same fssluon. Negotiations were now opened for
a treaty. The Khan's authorities excused the murder of Bdcovitch, on
the ground that he had marched on Khiva with hostile purpose, and
urged that bygones should be bygones. The Khan also ofiered to release
the-Russian slaves at Khiva. A difficulty arose about the paltry value of
the presents he was in a position to give^ and Dostam bi, it seems, acted
with the usual Uzbeg rapacity. At length Beneveni was admitted to ah
audience, at which the Khan complained of the ill-behaviour of the rukr
of Bukhara towards himself, and how he had Housed one of hb envoys
and sent him back, not to Kbiva, but to his rival Timur Suhan. Beneveni
replied with diplomatic Uct, and seems to have created a good impreoion
on the S^han.t
The latter was suspicious of the motives of his journey, and was soarcdy
reassured when told the envoy had merely gone to congratulate Abul&iz
on his accession. He thought the Russians were spying out for a district
producing gold. On the other hand, Dostam bi was very hostile. At
this time Timur Sultan had defeated tiie Khivan troops, and was pre-
paring to attack Khiva for the third time. The Khan was apparently
much distressed, and Beneveni had his parting audience in the night
He left Khiva in August, mccompanied by Subhan kuli as an envoy from
the Khan, and duly arrived at the Russian frontier.!
Khuarezm was at this time the great slave market of Central Asia, and
as many as 10,000 Russians and Persians were hdd in captivity there^
and had to work in the fields and on the canals. They were sold hi its
markets by the Kazaks, Turicomans, and Kalmnks.| In the year 17^8
a plan was concerted among the Russian and Per^an captives to km the
H Matter S«ml« Hist. N«€b.4f t«^«
912 HISTORY OF THE HOWGOLS.
Khan and to rqilace him by the Chief of Aral (/./.^ by Tunttr Sultan).
Rytschkof tdls U8 expressly ^ latter was of the stock of the former Khans
of Khiva.* As he coald only master 5,000 men he conld not hope to
conquer ELhuarezm without assistance, and he apparently gladly availed
himself of the offers made by the conspirators. News speedily reached
the Uzbegs of how matters were drifthig, and they fell upon the Russians
before the Khan of Aral moved. Eighty of them souf^t refiige in a house,
where they were beleagured, and caused the death of several of dieir
assailants, but running short of provisions they were forced to nuke
teims, and secured at least their lives. Two days after their surrender
the Aral Khan arrived at Khiva, and finding the Russians had given in
returned home again.f
Our next notice of Khiva is in 1731, in the reign of the Empress Anne,
when we are told Colond Erdberg was sent there as an envoy^ but was
pillaged on the way and returned home again.!
I do not know how Shirghasi came to his end, nor have we any more
information about this crooked period <^ Khivan history.
ILBARS KHAN.
A few years later we begin to have a more detailed notice of the
Khanate, and then find it subject to the Kazak prince Ilbars, whose
parentage I do not know. When in 1739 Nadir Shah returned from
India, Abulfaiz, the Khan of Bukhara, sent to congratulate him, and
reoe&ved a courteous letter and presents from him, of which he informed
Ilhars Khan, but the latter sent him a churlish answer, upon which
Abdul Kerim remarks, ** You cannot make a damned soul enter heaven
even by fbrce.'*$ Ilbars was a truculent person, and during Nadir's
absence in India had ravaged the borders of Khorasan, an outrage
which the great conqueror was hardly likely to submit quietly to.
While Nadir was at Charbekr he sent an envoy and two Khojas of
Juibar to Ilbars Khan to summon him to his presence, and apparently
also to obtain the release of the Persian prisoners in durance at
Khuasesm. When this embassy arrived at Khankah and Hazarasp they
found Ilbars encamped there with 20poo Yomuds and other Turkomans*
Kazidcs,and Uzbegs, an army whose strength intoxicated him with a great
sense of his own importance. In his letter Nadir reminded him that he
was oMster of Iram as far as Adem, of Basrah and Muscat, of Khorasan,
India, Kabul, Kandahar, Balkh, Badakhshan, Kunduz, and Khulm,
as far as die Siah Posh Kaffirs, and of Bukhara, Samarkand, and Ferghana,
mad that his aims had been everywhere successful and favoured by
heaven. It was necessary that the ruler of Khuarezm should also go to
• A«., soS i Rjncbkoi, 1-19^ t Molltr, op. dt.. soS. 2 Micbell, op.€iti94i-*-
I Scb«fer, op. dt., 96^.
ILBAKS KHAN. 913
bis stinop, be dothed in a robe of honour and otherwise rewarded.
He had not accepted his invitation to accompany him to India, and
had thus £u]ed to share in his Royal largess. Instead of behaving
amicably towards his soUi Rixa Kali Mnrsa, whom he had left in
chaige at Meshed, he had oiganised several predatory raids of Yomuds
and had ravaged the environs of that Holy City. Each time he had
been defeated and foiced to retire to Khiva, where he had not been
porsned, because Riza Knli had received no oiders from his father to
march against hhn. Whenhe^ Nadir, returned from India, ^^accompanied
by victory, the divine aid, and good fortune,'' and had gone as a guest to
visit Abulfaiz E3ian, the most OhistKious descendant of Jhigis Khan, whom
he venerated as a fiuher,it was becoming that this short-sighted chieftain
(U., Ilbars) should have gone to his presence, where his past faults
would have been pard<med and he would have been* duly rewarded, but
iostead of going to him at Buldiara 3,000 of his Yomuds had marched
against CharjuL They had been scattered like ^ the stars in the Great
Bear,'' and most of them killed or made prisoners, and his anger had
naturally been aroused, but Abulfaiz had interceded for him, and he had
consented to send an envoy accompanied by two persons in the confidence
of the Bukharian Khan. He therefore summoned him to his presence,
promising him pardon if he went, and if he did not go he threatened ^ to
tread under his country with his horses' hoofis and to hang his head like
a ring from a gibbet***
When Ilbars read this letter he fell into a violent rage and ordered
the three envoys to be killed.t* Hanway says two of them were killed
and the third sent back with his nose and ears cut.J Nadir thereupon
divided his army into two divisions and ordered one to cross the Oxus,
while the other marched down its right bank to escort a flotilla of boats he
took with him. The Persians speedily arrived at Hazarasp, where Ilbars
and his peqple were planted. Nadir ordered his troops to pass Hazarasp
by and to make straight foi Khankah. Ilbars noticing this threw himself*
rapidly into the latter place, which was speedily bombarded. In three
days he asked permission to capitulate, which was granted him. He
presented himself with a sword and cord listened about his neck, and
was kindly treated by Nadir ; but the sons of the Khojas whom he had
killed having demanded his death, hb execution and that of twenty of
his officers was ordered.§ Thereupon the various towns of the Khanate
except Khiva surrendered.
When Ilbars was threatened by the Persian Shah he sent an
invitation to the famous Abulkhair of the Little Horde to go to hb help.
Abulkhair accordingly went with a body of Kazaks and Uzbegs and
occupied Khiva. At this time the Russian engineer officers, Gladishe^
Muravin, and Nazimof, had gone at Abulkhair's invitation to examine
^actefertOp.clLvioi-M^. i id, t Haowir't Travels, tt., 395. I Schcfer. X99-6.
4T
914 BXgtOBX or THE lfONOOL&
the site for a Rtusian fortress at the moath of the Sir, and had sarveyed
the Kazak steppes/ Not finding the Khan at his aaap they went on
to Khiva. On Nadir's approadi Abulkhair sent Moravin and some
sultans with his submission, and asked to be allowed to retain Khiva.
The Russian officer was well reoeived and given presents of robes and
money. AbdUiair was ordered to repair to the great conqneroi's camp,
where he should be treated graciously as a dependent of the Russian
eo^iress, with idiom he wished to be on good terms. Whether suspicious
of Nadu's mtentions or otherwise^ Abulkhair refiised to obey this sum-
mons, and wiUidrew again to his 8teppes.t The dtisens neverthete»
determined to resist the Persians who beleagured the places and after a
four day's bombardment compelled it to surrender. Nadir having selected
4,000 young Usbegs, sent them to recruit his army in Khorasan, and
rdeased the Persian and Russian slaves. There were then 12,000 of the
former in the Khanate. They were sent home and settled at a new town
built by the Shah, near AUvenLI
TAGIR KHAN.
Nadir now appointed Tagir Khan, a cousin of the ruler of Buldiara,
who had been his £uthful fiiend, as Khan of Khuarezm, and having
arranged the affidrs of the Khanate returned to GiaguL His reign was
very short, however, for we are told that while Nadir was engaged in a
war in Daghestan, in August^ 1741, a band of Usbegs and Aralians
sought the assistance of Nurali, the son of Abulkhair Khan, who marrhrd
to Khiva, killed Tagir and some other chie£i, and occu|»ed the KhanateS
The leader of the rebels witf called Ertuk Inak, and it seems they
momentarily placed Nurali on the throng but having heard that Nadir
was preparing an army to revenge himself Nurali left the Khanate and
rejoined his Kasaks. The Persian army duly went under the command
of Nasrulla Muna. Whereupon Ertuk Inak grew repentant, went to
meet it to Merv, and asked pardon. Nadir granted this in coosideraUon
of the 500 £authful Uzbegs he had with him.||
ABUL MUHAMMED KHAN.
Nadir now nominated Abul Muhammed, the son of Ilbacs, who had
sought refuge under the shadow of his banner^ to the Khanate. The
brother of Ertuk Inak and other chiefe joined the Persian aimy, probably
as hostages, while a number of prisoners were again released. Ertuk was
*Ltr?Ua«,^.clt.tt9i. t/^tgs.
IHiMredaN«dlrShah»SirWa.JoMi%Woria,39»-7. U^H$» l/i^SSS.
KAIP KHAN* 915
ippoHtod fint mhiittw* tht Utttcr wst| howcvtXf thoiil^ After kflled by
tone rabd Utbegs and Yomnds.* The Khan also teens to have (fis-
ABULGHAZI KHAN II.
The lebelt apputa^ placed Abidihaii, irfio Is called Abolgha^ bf
Jooesi at their head The Peniaa geneml, AU KoU, now marched to
iciHifl i^— >■ wnMnfi Ha deMated too YOBBBQS ^^^^ UrvBBia and medo ■'"**^
ledre to Mount BaOdian. We are told that haTing regulated the district
and ghren a mler to tiie Khanate he returned to Khocasan. This was in
i74S-t
KAIP KHAN.
In 1750 the Khan of Khiva was Katpi the son of Batir, who had
previously been set iq» by a section of the Little Horde as a rival to NnraU
Khan^t Hb £iAer, Batiri seems to have ruled over the Karakalpalrn In
r75o an envoy named Irbek went to Russia to ask tfiat the caravans
going to Khiva should pass through Batir's territoiy and not throu|^
Nurali's. He seems to have received a courteous but evasive answer.$
The same year Aichuvak^ brother of Nurali Khan« with a band of
Kazaks made an attack on tiie Arahans, and carried off a large number of
prisoners, cattle, etc As these last were subjects of the Khivan Khan he
bid hands on the people of Nurafi then at Khiva, and in order to release
them the plunder taken from the Aralians had to be restored*!
As Kaip forbade his subjects to traverse Nurali's territory when visitii«
Orenbuigh, the latter grew angry, and in 1753 ordered a Khivan
caravan to be plundered, and oflered to subject Khhra to the Russians if
they would send him loyooo men and some artillery. The latter refiised,
and insisted on the captured nterchandise being restored to its owners.^
Notwithstandingthose good offices Kaip,in i754falloweda Russian caravan
to be detained at Khiva, and it was only rdeased a year later. TheKaiaks
under Erali sultan asked permission to punish this, and strangdy enough
Kaip at this time having sent an envoy to the Russian authorities the
latter proved ^thless to his master, and reported that the Uibq[s wished
to be rid of him, and asked the assistance of the Russians to help them.
The Russians would not act directly, but allowed Nurali Khan and his scm
Erali to undertake an expedition on their own account, and promised to
ransom the latter if he was captured. The chie£i of the Little Horde
thereupon summoned a council to discuss the matter, but having asked a
Khoja for his blessing on the undertaking, he turned round on them
*M,57S. tA^id69. X LtTelii]ie,2Z9. |/i^,ai9*3te. lfkbtn*0(.citMS4t.
|L«Tchiat,aaa. f/(A,a23.
9l6 HISTORY or THI MONOOLB.
and forbade it* Eventually, at what date is unoertaiiit Kaip ivas
driven out by his own people for his rapacity and cmdtyi and once moie
went to live among the Kazaks of the Little Hordc^t and he took part in
the various attacks made by the Kazaks on the Toignts during their
famous flight in 17704 He was subsequently dected Khan by a section
of the Little Horde. This was in 1786.$ He married a daughter of
Abuliaiz, Khan of Bukhara,|| and died about the year 1791.Y
ABULGHAZI KHAN II L
We must now try and realise the strange form of government that
ensued at Khuarean. Probably on account of the hard tieatment whidi
they had received at iht hands of their Khans, the Uzbegsseem to have
determined to control their authority very considerably, but as it was a
matter of conscience with them to be nominally at least superintended by
a sdon of the house of Jingis Khan, they, on the death or removal of
their soverdgn, sent for a fresh one from anu>ng the Kazaks or Kara-
kalpaks, who preserved the Imperial strain among thent These sovereigns
were merely titular rulers, however, and the real authority was m the hands
of the Inaks, or prime ministers, who were the senior bis of the Uzbeg
tribe of Knnkurat, or Kungrad, the most aristocratic among the Usbegs as
it was among the contemporary tribes of Jingis Khan. These Ins hdd die
hereditary post of Inak and were governors of Hazarasp. They became
in fact, the Mayors of the Palace, to the Rois fidneants, and thus it came
about that both at Bukhara and Khha there were at this time and during
the rest of the century double sovereigns, one titular and the other real
The Khan himself, the titular sovereign, was kept in seclusion with his
family. He was fed on dainty food, and dressed in robes of gold
brocade. Every day the Inak and grandees had an audience with him,
and he neveracted without the intervention of the former. Every Friday
the courtiers went to the palace, where the Inak sat beade the Khan,
and when the time for prayer arrived he assisted him to rise and sup-
ported him on his way to and from the Mosque*
After some years the Khan was generally exiled, and another one sent
for. As Abdul Kerim says, it was a system of playhig with a Khan.**
The earliest of these Inaks mentioned by Muravief was Ishmed
bi-tt He was succeeded by his son, Muhammed Amin, who became
Inak in 1755, and continued to fill that post for seventeen years.
During his admimstration the Khanate prospered. It had no
coins, and the Khutbeh was said in the name of the nominal Kasak
|Mf]rea4lori;o^dt,uS» f LtTclUM»a8s. ** S€helir,op«dt,i79MidtSo.
ABUUMUfl KHAN tXL 917
KbaiL The motty of BhUmuk and Penia w«i used ikcre/ On his
ttal, Mubammed Amki had the phtaia : ** Thaidu to God, tba prophet
has a slave on whom he may rely.* H« was on tenae of close fiiendshtp
with the Atahk Daaial hi of Bokhara, with wiMMOn he onoe songht refuge^
aid who assisted him to regaia his anthofity in Kh o a r eg m . I do not
know the names of the Khans who occupied the titular throne after the
eriotion of Ka^ Mithawmed Amtn was succeeded as Inak by his son
Ivasi who is descdbed as a person of great sagacity^ and ju the same
time simjdidty of character^ tool the Khanate seems to ha^ safiered
considerable decagr hi his hands. The Yomnd Tttricomans^ who
generally brake oot into revolt at each dumge of Khan^ rsfosed to
obey hhn as did those of Mangnshlak and the Kaaaka. The Kunkhrats
of Aral, nnder their leader Tordi Sufi, who was a eriatiire of his, also
nfnsed to obey him«t
During Ivas Inak's jrole, Khuarean was viitod by liahraud Shah, of
Ad^iaaistany idio was then a fugitive^ He received him with great
honour, set apart a hufe sum and bountUul prorisioas for his entertain-
mant, and had a daily faiterview widi hhn«t AJBtsr living thera four
months Mahmud went to Asterabad, and was accompanied there by an
escort of various noraades supplied by Ivaz.{
It was during tiM Uttter's rule ahM>, that the Russian doctor Major
BlaniBennMKei visiteQ Knoaresas*
He arrived at Khiva in October, 1793, and was confined closely in a
house near die town. A few days lata: he was sent to see Fazil bi, who
had grown blind.| Abdul Kerim says FaxU was Muhammed Amin's son
and the brother of Ivaa Inak, and that his fedier and brother always
consulted him on grave matters. He also tells us he became blind when
old; that he was still living hi x8i8; and had built a splendid mediesseh at
Kbhra^T Blankennagel soon saw the case was neariy hopeless. He was
charged with being a chariatan and a ^y, and some were for killing hmi,
but after an hiterview with his patient matters became more comfortable^
and he was invited to sUy the whiter.^ His medicine luckily produced
a strong reaction m the old man, and he got much beUer, which secured
a great xeputaticm for the Doctor, who soon had as many as joo patients.
As he prescribed to them for nothing he speedily won over a Luge
number of partisans. They at length allowed him to leave the place^
and prvsented him before he did so with a kaftan, belt, asp, horses, and
ninety pieces of money, and also gave his omipattions kaftans, but they
appropriated the good horses he had taken with hhn and gave hnn some
very inferior ones in exchange. Hedespaired of persuading the Khivans
to trade more fiedy with Russia at MangusUak, and found them very
jealous of her approach. He tells us the whole population of the place
'•Of.dt,i76-y. tAfHiSa. I /l, St and 55. IM^SS*
I Voract. ftc, as. f Uilitler, stS, ** BlwlMiiasoI. 86 aoS S^
9l8 RmORT or THE MOMOOU.
w«8 not more than loo^ooo^of wlioni 41 per cent wen Utbegs, 15 Sarti»
ID KankalpaW, 5 or 6 Yomodsi and therett tlaves. Tbeannycompriied
•ome la^oooto is^ooomenyOf whom only about 2,000 had gonsi the rest
being cavahy armed with swords, spearSi and bows and arrows. Ihe
Yomuds and Karakalpaks were reckoned the best of the soldiers, then
the Ud)egs, and testly tiie Sarts.
Hie Khan when Blankeonagd was at Khira was Abolghasi, son ef
Kaqx He is mentioned by Levchine^ who tells us Kaip left two sons,
Abnlgfaazi and Boikao,* and from his account he seems to hate also
controlled a section of the Little Hordct Blankenaagel tells ns the
Khan was kept in sednsioni and only shown three times a year to the
Ivas Inak died in 1219^ f>., i8Q4.t
On the death of Ivax his eldest son, Kuth Murad Bek, was
pointed oat as his successor by the suffirages of the people and of his
brother^ but he would not accept the honour and resigned it in fiivoor
of his brother Ihasar, and he was unanimously proclaimed Inak. For
six months he duly paid his daily devoirs to the Kazak Khan who ruled
at Khiva, when one night he summoned his brother, Kutlugh Mcrad,
and reminded him that Timurlenk, Nadir Shah, and Muhammed Rahim
of Bukhara were none of them Khan's sons, but men hke themselves
who had earned their own fortunes. *' Thanks to God,' he coutinuedy ^ I
have judgment, courage and soldiers. How much longer must 1 support
this puppet ? I wish to become Khan mysdf, and ask your advice. I
will give the Kazak Khan a sum of money, send him home, and then
rid myself of the Yomuds.** Kutlugh Murad approved of this view,
and duly recited the feUiha. The next day Ikazar had the Kazak Khan
led out from the fortress and sent back to his own people.
ILTAZAR KHAN.
Iltazar told the departing Khan he was going to send for another to
fill his places bat he proceeded to ridse and equip a considerable force^
and soon had a body of loyooo Uzbegs by him clad in armour. He then
summoned the ulemas and other religious notables, the ataliks, inaks,
etc, and tdd them he had himsdf become their ruler and they had no
longer any need of a Kazak Khan. All present assented and called down
divine blessings on him except Bek Pulad, the Atalik of the Uighur
tribe. The lauer said, ^This conduct is not worthy of you. Imitate
the example of your father and ancestors. It may not be God*s pleasure
that you should bring so grave a matter to a happy conclusion.'' But as
*0p.dt.,sB5. fld,,^, |S€lMler,zas.
TLTAXAR KHAN. 919
Um rtst wen ttnanimoiis he at length acquiesced. Thi$ opposition
nikkled in Iltazar^ miad, but he posq;KMied his vengeaiice and
distributed robes of honour among the grandees, the ulemas, and
aktakali or eWert oC the tribes. His nam^ was duly recited in the
Khutbdk9 and he was coografcubtod by the Usb^^ Karakalpaks,
and TuricomanSy exoept the Yomudsy whoso rdU in the history of the
Khanate recalls that of the janissaries in Tudeey. Iltasar busied himself
in preparing his amqr* Every day a grand band pUyed before his
palac^ and he had a tu|^ or standard made which cost i^ooo gold
miskals. When he rode out on honeback he was preceded by twenty
couriers) and he was surrounded 1^ his pnetorians and body guards.
He now prepared a campaign against the Yomudsy who fived on the
road towards Asterabad and Guigaiu Hehad one of these robbers^ who
had plundered an Usb^ led round the madcet place by a rope through
the nose ; and he told them plainly if they would abandon tiieir life of
br^gandagei live at peaces and paythedues on their camelsy sheepi and
crops paid by the other tribes^ they might have peace, if not they must
take thek departure. Robbers by instinct and profession, they would
not subnut to this order, and Iltazar mardied against them. They were
attacked, 500 of them killed, 500 made prisoners, and the rest driven
into the recesses of the desert. Iltasar then prepared an o^editum
against Tureh Sufi, whose people occupied the so-called island of
Aral, but he was unsucoessful, and returned to Khiva. He then
wished to march against Bukhara, but Bek Pulad uiged that it
would be very imprudent to do so. This aggmvated Iltasar's liiding
towards him, and one day when the various amirs came one after
another to the palace Bek Pulad was seised and cut. down as he left
the audience. His family and trib^ the Urghurs, rose in revolt There
were two encounters, and eventually Bek Fulad's sons fled to Buk-
hara and several of their chief supporters perished. The rest, in the
graphic language of Abdul Kerim, "secured the kind of peace hnposed by
thewdfl** In order to secure his power for his descendants, Iltazar now
united himsdf with the daughter of Akhteh Khoja, a seyid of iUustrious
Imeage who lived at Urgenj, and whom he seised and married forcibly
against her fother's wish. He then determined to attack Bukhara, and
first sent an envoy with proposals id peace to the Yomuds, inviting them
to return home again, and couched in very friendly terms, and offered
them further an opportunity of pillage in his new venture. This
readily won them over. They accordin^y returned, were granted lands
at Urgenj, and largely increased Iltasar's power, who oppressed
the pe(^ even more harshly than before.! In 1805 he marched
against Bukhara. At this time Abdul Kerim was at Uigenj, on his
way from Bukhara to St Petersburg as the envoy of the Bukharian
910 mntQKf OF THB icomoLs.
Khan. He fit once retunidd to Karshi and warned its governor of the
preparations he had seen. He compares Iltaxar to a bat, which only
comes oat atkl disports itself after twilight and retires again to its
hiding place on the approach of day, and adds the tether graphic
illostration, '^ When the fiorest is deserted by the limi it is occspied by
dogs and abject foxes.''* A month later Utasar mfaged the environs
of Bukhara and carried off soyooosheep and eevefal thoosand camds.
Tiie Amir now awoke from the lethaigy in which he was plunged, and
began to make prcparaticai. Meanwhile Utasar renewed his incursions^
and Mtthammed Ntaz t» was ordered to march agabit hhn with 30,000
Uzbcgs. When Utasar heasd of their approacii he armed 12,000 men
of the tribes Tdc^ Yomud, Salor, Chaudor, Amir Ali, Bozeji, Uzbeg,
Kunkurat, Kankali, Manguty-aad otherSf and mardied along the Oxus.
He speedily SMrprised a son of the Dad Idiah of Bukhara and 500
foUowers, who had unwarily trusted themselves too ha. They were
bound with ooids and taken to the door of Utasar^ tent, who witii his
people had out off the retreat of the main army of Bukhara. The
latter thersupon determined to attack him, and did so with sudi vigour
that they were di s pe m ed and many of them drowned in the river.
litazar himself gained a boat| but many of his companions clambering
into it, it sank, and he was drowned. His brothers Hassan Muiad Bek
and Jan Murad Bek also perishedi Kuthigh Murad Bek was made
prisoner, while another brother, Muhammed Rahim, escaped and made
his way back to Kkuarezm. The fiunoos tugh or standard already
mentiened was captured, and i/xx> people of distinction were made
prisoners.! This was in 1806. Abdul Kerini tells us Utasar strudc
money but he had no time to issue h. It bore the inscription, ^ Iltazar,
heir of the kings of Khmuesm, has by the grace of God impressed his
name on the gold and silver.*^ M« Veliaminof Zemof has, however,
published a coin struck at Kkuaresm in 1716 hej, t^., 1801-3, but widiout
a khan'a name, which must have been issued by him.
MUHAMMED RAHIM KHAN.
The news of the victory was received with great rejoicmgs at Bukhara.
The prisoners were rdieved of their chains and pardoned, and the Amir
summoned Kutlugh Murad Btk and his chief peoj^i who were rewarded
with robes of honour. The former said he was the slave and dog of the
Amir Hudar and ready to do his biddh^. A week later all the pris<mers
were released f
Kudugh Murad was nemhiated governor of Khiva, widi the style of
Inak, and left for that place with die other prisoners, but before his
•M.ite. t/it,iM. :/4^,x8t. |/^..167.
MUHAMMBD RAHIlf EJUJIU 981
anival tbe Khoafenniant had already installed Us yooiifer teoditty
Muhammad Rahhn, as Khan. KnUuitb Murad acquifsccd in thb
naminatioB and contentad himself with the posHion of Inak^ ind ditt
imte to the Bnkharian Amhr sayiof he could not do otherwise than he
had done as die people had forced his handf and ho^ng he would
excuse him carrying out his engagement with him.*
The two hrodieis now co n cei t ed m e amr c s lor restoring prosperity
to the Khanatft. They organised an expe^itioa ag«h»t the Afalian
Uab^gs, iHiich was not Tery successful, but dM boidsrs of die sea of
Aral ware wasted* Some time after Ifahammed Raliim*B undo*
Muhammed Rin Bek, revdted at die head of a band of Uighnra.
They began to piOag^ but he was cultured and necnted. When
peace was restored the Khan summoned sixhr grandees of die tribe under
pretence of rewarding thenif but hairing got them into his power he had
them put to death. Durhig the winter die Khan osganiaed an cg^editioa
agahisttheKaxaksofCheUyiOfTMKaia»andefChnmeky.t Thetwo
iotmer were ruled by Shbghasi Sultan, and the tiibes of C3inmeky, Jflbu,
etc, by Build Sultan^t These Kaiaks had ibr many years inteted the
borders (tf Khuaresm, and had plundered die camTans iHiich went dierai
Muhammed Rahim ordered the Yomuds and Uxbegs to attadc them ;
diey accordingly fell on the tribes of Oiumdcyahd ChMfp harried them^
and returned widi their phmder to Uigenj.{ The subjects of Shfagad
Khan were forced to pay one per cent of their sheep iduch they
annually took to Khiva. Shirghazi himself went there in 1819 and died
iHiile Muravief was there, whcreiqxm Rahim nominated hb son as Us
successor, in which the Kasahs acquiesced. | The next year the tribes
of Turt Kara and Oi were similarly punished, and in the winter ^ die isle
of AraV where the Kunknrats had been for so many years independent
and whence they had made raids on the Khanate, was attacked. The
Khuaresmians approadied it over the ice. Turdi Sufi M«ad still
ruled over the Aralians. The strug^^ that ensued were apparendy
indecisive iHien a Khivan fugidve who had hmg lived with T^ndi
Murad deemed it a good opportunity to make peace widi his old
sovereign. He and his son were the body attendants of the Araliaa
Khan. They assailed him with thdr swords when he in» asleq;i» killed
him, and put his head in a sack. They then took the grim trophy to
Muhammed Rahim, who rewarded them and took diem into his service.
The Aralians having learnt the deadi of their chief submitted humbly,
and the Khan returned to Khiva with the family and treasure of Tiueh
Murad and appointed his own dqiuty at Aral, while he married Sufi
Tureh'S daughter.^ This doubtless greaUy added to his prestige since
it connected him with the old royal stock of Khuarezm. According to
^/A iIA,m» I/'^iSS* i/^.Z97*
|UwtTto^op.du*sli. t/A,iiS-fi
4U
933 nSTORT or THE MOMOOLS.
Munakff he also mtrried one of Iltaitx^s widowsi who was the daughter
of a Seyid,and two other maidtes of the same aristocratic descent* He
describes him as a monster of aufHty, and tells us how he had the
pregnant Aralian women ripped open and their imlxmi dilMien hacked fai
^eces.t His measures jnodoced at least tranquility, for those who were
dangerous to him either became eriles or were pot to death. He also
tittmped out brigandage and the arbitrary collection of taxes, for tHiich
he adopted a fixed rate, and instituted a custom*house and ndnt where
gold and silver pieces were struck.}
In 1813 be prepared an expedition against Khorasan with a force
rariously estimated at 13,000 and 30,000 and seven pieces of artHkiy. He
invited the Tekke and GSklanTnrkomans to join him, but they refused. He
dien turned to the Yoinnds,idio had recently snila^d severely at die hands
ofthe Persians andwhogave an evasive answer. Nevertheless he marched
on to Busrdi, near die Gurgfaen, where he met a Persian army under
the command of six khans. The Persians were strongly posted, and an
ineffDCtual artilkry fire followed. After four days spent in skirmishing
the two armies returned to their re^>ective homes.S On his way back
Muhammed Rahim foil upon the GIMdans and carried off many
prisoners. He also assailed the Tddces, whose cultivated land he annexed
to Khiva, and drove them to take refoge in sterile mountains, where
they had to buy their grain at a high cost fix>m the Khan and to pay
him heavy dues. A number of these Turkomans migrated within the
Khanate and were given lands along the canals.| In this expedition
his men lost many cattle, etc., but the value of the dead camds and
horses was returned to them on their tails being produced.^ He also
conciliated the Chaudor Turkomans who encamped about Mangushlak
and who acknowledged fab supremacy. Many of them also settled at
Khiva.** This policy was a wise one, for it secured a safe passage for
his caravans and fw the trade of Khiva with Russia without the risks
of the Kasak steppes. He also seems to have encouraged strangers to
settle in his dominimis ; so that notwithstanding his tyrannical dispo-
sition the Khanate greatly prospered, and in foct he may be said to have
been its creator as an important power.
Fraxer describes a campaign undertaken by Muhammed Rahim in
Kurdistan, which he dates about 181 5. He took advantage of the^
disturbed state of Khorasan, crossed the desert, and bdeagured the fort
of Deregus. The Kurds assembled from various quarters, and the
Khivan Khan growbig anxious about his retreat entered into a parley
and suggested that they should join hands and make conmum cause
against the hated Khajars. Heraised thesi^fe and the Kurds withdrew
BlUHAtf MED RABIM KHAK. 933
meanwhile tending a body of well-anned men to attend him as a body
guard. Their chiefs would not trust themseWes in his hands, bm they
urged him to advance on Meihed, promising him their assistance. He
in turn became suspicious, seised the horsemen diey had fitmished him
with, made an ineffectual attempt to capture Deregus, and then retired
towards Khiva with his prisoners. His men and camds sintered
severely dnrii^f the retreat, and he also treated his Kurdish prisoners
harshly, except their leader, Bedr Khan, who being a good chess
pbtyer he constantly had him to pky with hhn.* Two or three years
later the Kurdish chiefs being threatened with destruction by the
Persians, sent an envoy to ask his help and offering to put their country
in his hands. The Persians growing afiraid of such a coalition agreed
to retire and make peace with the Kurds, who thereupon, not being
really anxious for an Usbeg yoke, gave fresh instr u ct io ns to their envoy
informkig him of what had happened and dedaring their unwillingness
to expose Muhammed Rahim to the risks of such a canqMugn. He
saw through their subterfuge and imprisoned the envoy, but rdoased
him again on rec^ving a plausible message that if he would postpone
h» expeditbn till the death of Futeh All Khan he might easily conquer
such parts of Khorasan as he wished, and tint they would help him.t
In the earlier part of his reign Muhammed Rahim had no qien war
with Bukhara, although he seems to have (mkred the Tncfcomtos
several times to piUage the Bukharian caravans. In die spring ci 1B20,
however, he marched with a considerable force against the fortress of
Charjuii which he besieged for a month. His heavy baggage and provisions
were transported thither in boats. During the siege his people did not
£ul to plunder the Tddce Turkomans, who nomadised in the neigh-
bourhood. While the Khan was absent on one of these raids the son
of the Amir of Bukhara crossed the Oxus and took up a strong porition
in a defile between the fortress and the absent Khivans. Athreeday's
battle ensued, which ended in favour of tlie Utter, whose artillery
decided the day, but each side returned home after the struggle.
The next year die Khivan Khan renewed his attack. This time Mir
Haxiar went against him. His guns stopped the Khivan flotilla, the
water on the Oxus being very low, and when Muhammed Rahim sent his
brother, the Inak Kutlugh Murad, across the river against them, he was
defeated and lost several of his boats and many men, iriiereupon the
Khivans again went home.
In 1823, being informed by a spy that Mir Haidar had gone against
the Kitai KipchaVs, Muhammed Rahfan crossed tiie Oxus at Hasarasp,
surprised tiie town of Vardanri, whence he carried off many
prtsonersi and secured Chaidir, peopled by Khivans who had migrated
• Pram^t Khawm, Apptidii, Stand ^ t/dl»tfl*4-
9H HISTORY OF TBI MONOOLS.
from thflir own cooBtry. HttlMBOvenmatkecoamiyaf ftruKtrtksl»
and retcnmed whhoot meeting the BuUiarian army.* He seems to
have had some remorse in his huter days lor these attacks upon his
co-religionists, and Bornes tdb us that on his deathbed he counselled
his rdations to heal the differences with Bukhara, and before he died
he sent an envoy to solicit the Amir's pardon for die qnands he had
80 perseveringly promoted and the injuries he had inflicted on the
comm e rce of his kingdonut
In i8t9 General Yennok>f, the Governor of Geotgia, having determined
to enter into rdations widi die Turieomans east of the Caspian and with
IQiiva, organised an expedidon tliither. Captain Muravief was chosen
to lead the expedition. He took letters with him from the Russian
commanders. Having raited the Turkomans he afterwards landed at
Krasnovodsk on the 19th of September. He describes with some
minuteness the steppe intervening between die Caspian and Khiva, and
die mannefs of die Turkomans living there. These nomades had been
ocdered to pay half a dOa, or e^ finncs, to die Kbivan Khan for
each camd in their caravans, and when he passed, there was mndi
disoootent about this and a conference was to take place with the Khan
at Ak Serai to arrange matters.! He speaks in enthusiastic terms of
die fertility ci the land along die banks of the canals. He arrived near
Khiva on the 6th of October, having been met outside the city by two
officials, one of them named Al Chapar Alia berdi, who became his host
widi die double motive of squeenog some presents out of him and of
gaining the Khan's favour by becoming his eocecutioner if necessary.
He was a Persian by l»rth, and distinguished by a lOQg beard and a 90^
prisbg greed formoney. Muravief was afterwards sent to lodge at afort
named IlGhddi, a private stronghold possessec by a rich grandee named
Khfljash Mehrem, who fdaced his femily and treasures there out of
readi of the marauding Turkomans. Here he was kept a prisoner, was
given tea, sugar, pila^ and fruit for his meals, and allowed to take
exercise in a small court and garden«|
He was kioked upon as a Russian spy, and a council was summoned
to discuss what was to be done with him, where various motives for his
joum^ were discussed and it was deteimined to keep him confined.
It is strange to read that Muravief consoled himself in his solitude
by reading Pope^s Homer.| At lengdi, after being detained lor some
weda, during whidi the Khan was absent hunting^ and whose monotony
was rdieved by the visits of various nadves prompted by curiosity and
odierwise^ he received orders to go to Khiva,f n^iere he was lodged in
dtt house of Mekfater Agha Ynsu( the first visier of the Khan, and was
supplied with immense dishes fill of diffierent meats, with tea, suga^
*Batraii4 IIfbMi«ii,Mlrac«*tle,U.»So-69. tBiinMt.op.cit^U.»sS4«
MUHAIOIED RAB!M KRAIT. 9a|
Vki Mt^* He tells us the Khaa worioed at nigltt snd slept ia the
day timei Thus it came abost that he had to send the letters and
piesents he had with him after nightM. Among the latterwere daqia^c
and other cfath, lead, powder and £int% and sugar, and some ghtfs
gQ^)let8 which were a rarity there. He also sent the Khan's bioUier,
Ktttlugh Murad Inak, some presents.! He was at length tmnmoned to
an interview, and having pat on his imifon^ except his weapons, be
was preceded by certam Yessauls, or heralds, who opened a way far
him throvgh the crowd, among whom, he tdls us, he heard the voices
of Rosdan prisoners.! He entered through a handsome bride gate into
a court yard surrounded with mud walls, where nxty-diree Kaiak envoys
weie seated, waiting to take part in a feast, and who before leaving each
received a piece of doth with which to make a kaftan. In a second court,
idkich was die arsenal, were seven cannons widi their wfaeds, etc, broken.
The tUid court was occupied by the coundL A fourth court, ruddy formed,
contained die Khan's kilntka. Muravief was introduced in the usual
fonn by a Rnssian mak^Ktor who had escaped from Siberia and had
had his nose nNitikted.{ The Khan was seated in his kilntka, dressed
hi a robe of red dolh which Muravief had given him, and £tLstened
nmnd the nedc by a silvei brooch. His turban had a iHiite band
about it, and he was seated on a Khorasan carpet. He was about fifty
years dd, stoot, m and a half feet high, and it was saki that
his horse codd not carry him for more than two hours together. He
had a thin beard of a light odour and an agreeable hot, and looked
more like a Knsdan than an Uxbeg, tgpwMLj on account of his light
oompkdon, his compatriots having dark hair, and he spoke easily with a
dignified manasr. He asked die envoy why he had gone there. The
latter reified he had gone to tender the respects of fab master the
governor of the C a o ca su^ to open up dose intercourse with Um, and
to divert if posdble the trade from Mangtishlak, iHiicfa involved a
steppe journey of tfaUty days to Krasnovodsk, whidi onfy required
seventeen days journey across the desert The Khan replied that the
inhabitanu of die Ibnner place were his subjects whOe diose of the
ktter were subject to die Khajar rulers of Persia, and it would therefofe
not be safe (or hb caravans to go there.| He* redprocated the
frioodfy eipresdons of die envoy, said he would send bade some of
hb peof^widi him, and dien retired Presendydie Khan sent him
a robe of gold broade, an Indian scar^ and a dagger whh a dher
sheadi. These he duly put on, uwdl as a kind of jacket widi diort
sleeves made of Russian doth of gdd, while hb c^ was dumged for
an inferior one which die Khan had sent hhn. He was then
> """M > ed to another interview, where he was agdn cordially treated,
a grey Turkoman horse was given him, and widi two Turiromans
•M,iSi^ tid^tm. I/*,iyi. IMUtTS-s. IMiTf.
%26 HISTORY or THB BI0M00L8.
koldtng the stirrups and othert the bddle he had a triumphant mardi
to his lodgings through the crowd.* Other robes of inferior qnalltf
were given to his followers. Before setting out on his retom MacaTief
distributed presents among the courtiers^ esped^Uj remembeiiag die
three principal grandees of the court, the Meiditer Aga, die Knsh begi»
and Khajash Mekhrcm.t
Having purchased some horses and other necessaries he set oat oa
his return by way of II Gfaeldiy and again remarks on the numbers ol
Russian slaves he noticed in the crowd, who cried out to him to bring
their &te before the Emperori their conmion master.! The Yntbashi
and two other Khivans^ named Ashnaser and Yakubbii accon^anitd him
as envoys from the Khan. He duly reached the Caspian, where a
Russian corvette was waiting for them.
The Khan's character seems to have been very moody. Abdul Kerim
says he was generous and rdigious^ was fond of the ulemas, and was not
a tyrant. After this abstract statement he gives us a more concrete one
from which we may judge for ourselves.
One of his ministers, Yar Muhammed, who had served htm many
years, was charged by some females with having made presents to one of
the Khan's wives, the daughter of Sufi Murad ; oUiers charged a young
relative of Yar Muhammed's with having entered her i^panments. In
vain the minister refdied that the young lady, who was but frmrteen years
old, had gone to his house unbidden, and that he had given her presents
to show her honour. He was seised with all his frmiily, thirty^six
persons, young and old, down to infants in die cradle^ and they were all
put to death, as was the daughter of Sufi Murad.|
Bedr Khan described the Khan as most capridoos and as a
perfect madman, one day loading a person with frivoors, at another putting
himto death without any adequate cause. A good swordsman, q>earsman,
and horseman, he says he was personally brave, but unskiBed in war.
His troops also he described as brave but undisciplined, while the fortifica-
tions of his towns were contemptible. The Khan's royal equipage was
mean and poor.l This poverty is otherwise confirmed. We are tdd
that the rations for the Khan's horses and wives were duly weighed out,
and the latter were in the habit of sending the remains of their meals
to the bazaar for sale, so as to secure themselves a few copecks for pin
money, etc.f Mollah Murad AU, a Kurdish envoy, who lived at his
court for two years, also describes him as of a violent and inconsistent
temper, although not so bkKKkhirsty as commonly reported. He was
quite ignorant or careless of the most commonly received international
amenities. The characters of stranger or guest had no sanctity for him,
and as he fdt he was tolerably safe from attack the slightest suspicion
I PrM«r» 64 tod fs- 1 Blaakt«aaK«l»-ootc« 8.
IfUHAlOatO RAHUC KHAN. 937
tectmd impiimiment, captivityy or deaib, without tr&l, exantlnartoai or
appeal* On thii Fraser hat some philosophical (!) comments. Hesays:
^ The laideSf description of iIm comnmnity and the narrow theatfo in
whidi tlie Klum's character waa formed, the neeeuity of strong measvrsa
to coerce sudi men as hb siifa|ect8 for the most part were, and to support
a osnped authority with t^ ignorance arising from inexperience to com-
past these ends by other means than those of rigoor and even crudtyi
accoimt in some measmre for the capridons, inconsistent, and biood«thirity
char a ct er of the Khan widioot neces sa r ily supposing anything unusually
malk^nant in his dispoaition.'t
Mnravief reports him as fo c m et l y addicted to debauchery and drink^
but as having become more temperate. He no longer became drunk
and had but seven wives in his harem. Instead of brandy he drank
vincfar ahd water, and he forbade his people to smoke or drink
spirits under pain of punishment Besides his native umgue he spokd
and wrote Arabic and Persian, and knew something of astrology and
medicine. He wore a simple dreu made of Bukharian silk, and his food
consisted of pilaf, of a kind of gniel made of buckiriieat, soup thickened
with saffiron, and roast meat without butter.| Aldiough he had fixed
liouses for his wives he spent most of his time in a moveable kibitka and
was very fond of hunting and hairidng. During his absence his brother,
the Inak, or one of hit fovourites controlled affiiirs.$
He slept little and diiefly during the day, and did his business at
night, a scheme suggested probably by his suspiciousness, and he was
very fond of watching people pby at chess.! On Friday his friends
and the clergy met at his residence to say their prayers in common.
He had two brothers, the Inak Kutbgh Murad and Muhammed
Nasr.
The Khan bore the title of Taksir, /.«., ^Brror,'' probably with the
meanixqr of oonector of errors; he was also styled Khan Khesret, Lord,
and KhanKhoja. His powerwas supreme, and matters were arranged so
that he and his fovourites could get iStut most profit possible out of the
state. Any patriotism or care for the common weal was out of the question.
Each mMXk*% kibitka or house being his country, eadi one strove to conceal
his weahh. Fear of punishment was the motive power in the Khanate,
and as this diminished with the distance from the capital so did the
tyranny. In this community of slaves the Khan was assisted by a council
whidi judged dvil causes and capital crimes. The council cousisted of
hb finpourites and merely did his bidding, while it served to screen him
from the popular mimnurs. When Muravief was at Khiy^ its president
and state treasurer was the visier Yusuf Mekhter Aga. A San by origin
he frivoured his countrymen who bdonged chiefly to the mercantile cbss.
At he wat also of the d^endenl race he was more subservient than no
*Pfttf«r.6s. t/A,fl^Mt«. |Op.dt»t|t. |M,t9t-3. f/^.tssa.
9fl9 HISTORY Of THl MONOOCA
Uzb^ would be.^ Tbe second vmtr, or Eath begi, was an Vthtg,
and was well spoken <d for his resdntt and obliging character. The
third offidali the Khcjash Mekhrem^was the son of a slave of the Khan ;
be presided over the Customs. He was a Persian by origin and thiefly
empk>yed his conqpatriots. The Sarts and slaves praised hhn whfle the
Uzbegs hated bun; like most parvenus^ he crouched before his master
and was arrogant to those over whom he had andiority. He was rich
and. retained theKhan's good favour by continiial presents. He was no
however a member of die coundL The most potent members of it were
Rahim's brother Kutlogh Morad and the Eazi or head of the Faith* The
ministers of reUgion had their authority sharply controlled, and Mumvief
says '' they had merdy the unHmited ii|^ to appeal to God for his blessinf
and pity on die Khan and other true bdievers."t At die council also
assisted the heads of thefour Usbeg tribesi who sat according to seniority,
but their position was merely an honorary one» The council met weekly
on Fridays in a hall with a thatched roof, with a round opening to die
sky, and without windows or floor. It was dignified widi the name of
Ghemush Khanah or HaH of Secret Audience.! The Khan generally
presided and die sittfaig began with a mealed jrilaf* The members of the
council received no reguUr pay, but had concesskms of land or die right*
to dig canals. The local courts were presided over by inferior Kasis.
Among the punishments in vogue were hanging by the foet until death
ttisued, and impalement, which was rendered more cmd by the prisoner
being first pinioned, and when the stake was in his body his 1^ and aims
bemg loosened.) The bastinado was fredy used, and in some cases, as
for instance as a punishment for soioking, the moudi was dit open on
either side as for as the ears; infidds were buried alive so that dieir blood
might not soil the sacred land, and Muravief dedares that Bdcovitch
was himsdf flayed dive and hb skin made into a dram cover. Slaves
were too vahiable to be killed aid were punidied by being mnrilated,
nailed to the door post for a vdiOe^ etc. These diabolical omdties prove
what a chamd house and focus of brutality the Khanate was and how
necessary that it should be tian^led under. Among the Khanfs
favourites, who were nearly all foreigners, much to the chagrin of die
lordly Uzbegs, was afoglUvefrom the borders of China and a Russian
renegade. TIm latter was styled Tangri Kuli, i>., servant of God.!
The money current in the Khanate consisted of gold tiUas, silver
tengas, and copper puis; Bukharian, Persiani and even Dutch cohi
was also current, and Uuravief says that in the ruins of Old Urgent
sacks of money often occurred which were daimed by the Khan as
treasure-trove. The Uzbegs and Turkomans paid no taxes, but in lieu
of them gave military service and fumidied themsdves. The latter
•id^^n-^ t/^JM. 190). i/(l.iS»i |M»9Q9-«'
MVHAIfMED RAHfM KHAN. 9S9
In fact received sUte pay. The most important tax was the house or
cauldron Ux, which was collected by the elder of each dan or family, who
was an elected official. Besides the produce of the royal demesnes, which
were culthratcd by his slaves, the Khan drew a tax from all sales of
gndn ; the price of this be also insisted upon fixing. He was also the
owner of several canab whose water he farmed out. All articles
entering the Khanate paid customs duty and all shops a licence tax.
In case df ndds or barantas made on Persia, etc, the T\urkomans 4nd
otters had to surrender one-flMi of their plunder to the Khan.* He also
diew a large revenue from the presents made to him by those expecting
favours or protection.
The Sarts were the chief merchants, and with them trade meimt the
art of deceiving and cheating. Muravief calculates the state revenue at
4,000,000 francs annually. There was little opportunity for amassing
money, as the Khan had to secure his position by continual largess. Kb
diief wealth consisted in precious stones, horses^ and cannons. Muravief
describes in detail die producu and commerce of the Khanate. In die
slave market Russian men obtained the largest price, but their women
were not so costly as those of Persian blood.t The best proof of
the unsettled condition of affairs was the number of forts scattered
about the country, where the great proprietors maintained garrisons to
protect thefar labourers and produce from sudden attacks of robbers.
These were generally square and made of earth, and contained a
reservoir of water, dwellings, mills, oil presses, stables, shops, etc
The Khan had several hunting lodges fortified in the same way, die
chief being Akserai, Mai Jenghil, Khan Kalassi, etc} There was no
regular army, and the general levy of Uzbegs and Turkomans consisted
of about 12,000^ which could be doubled in case of necessity by arming
the Karakalpaks and Sarts. This army was ill-organized and disciplined
bat the men were unsurpassed as skirmishers or scouts. As it consisted
entirely of cavalry it could only fight on level ground, and was much
embarrassed when attacking fortifications. It received no pay, therefore
a month or six weeks was ahnost the limit during which it could be kept
under arms. The Khan maintained a cannon foundry, overlooked by a
Turk from Constantinople. The guns were served by Russian prisoners.
I must remit my readers to the narratives of Muravief and other recent
travellers for an account of the manners and customs of the inhabitants
of the Khanate, and must now on with my story. Muluunmed Rahim
died in 1341, i>., 1835. ^- ^^ Zemof has published one of his coins,
on which he styles himself Muhammed Rahim Behadur Khan, and
which was struck at Khiva in 1236 hej, /./., 1820-1. Other cdns with
other dates are extant $
* /^., SS3* t /t/,, 94*- I /^ 350.
^ Coint of BokhAra, ttc
4V
930 HISTORY OF THl MONGOLS.
ALLAH KULI KHAN.
Mohammed Rahim was socceeded by his ddett sob, AUah Knli, wiio,
havmg reoeived a well filled treasury, soon began to dissipate it in a war
widi Bokhara. The Kazaks, y/rbo had been returing south before the
Russian advance, were claimed as subjects both by Bukhara and Khiva,
and there were perennial struggles betwem them ; aad we aie told that
even when Khiva was threatened by the famous armament under
General Perdflski, the Bukharian Amir extended his forays as £u: as
Hazarasp.*
In 1832, Allah Kuli marched with all his army to Merv, and levied
contributions from the Tekke Turkomans. He fixed a custom house
there and at Sirakhs, where the Salor tribe had its camp, and he
afterwards levied duties on the caravans which passed those places.
The road from Khiva to Merv is over a very sterile country, and the
Khivans had to dig wells a^ every stage of their march. The Khan
connumded the expedition in person and gave out that he had marched to
oppose the Shah Abbas Murza, who threatened him from Meshed. He
took a vast number of cameb with him, and 2,000 of these beasts
perished /w r^u/i. 3umes says that in Rahim Behadur's march over the
same country he had had to leave his guns on the road, and that one still
remained there when he wrote^t It was doubtless on this occasion that
the Khan captured the fort of Muzderan, razed its fortifications, and
transplanted its inhabitants. A lazge number of them took refuge in a
cave, "and,** says Bumes, "as they issued like bees from a hive they
were put to death, or sent in perpetual exile across the deserf't
Bumes, on his return to Persia, went past the Khivan camp on the
Murghab. The Khan himself had returned to Khiva a few days before.
Before they reached the camp a Yuzbashi with some attendants visited
the caravan to exact the dues. Bumes describes him as an elderiy man
with a large tilpak stuck on his head. He was received with obsequious
politeness by the merchants, who presented him with tea and tobacco^
silks, cloth, raisins, and sugar, and then displayed their merchandise;
" Every person made an ofiering,'' he says, "and we sent two handfuls of
raisins and a bit of sugar as our homage.**} The Yuzbashi demanded
the usual tax of one in forty, refrained from opening the bales and
accepted their statements as to the contents, invoking the wrath of the
Khan, his master, upon any one who dared to deceive him.| The total
dues amounted to 200 golden tillas, and the merchants escorted the polite
publican to his horse. On reaching the Uzbeg camp they found a party
of 350 Turkomans just setting off on an alaman, and heard the Yuzbashi
give them his parting blessing, " Go and bring the Prince Royal of Persia,
* Vambery't Bukhara, 377. t BorDM*t TruTelt, i., 583.6. I Op. dt., U., 70.
I Op. cit.. iL, 30. I /d.
ALLAH KVU KHAN. 93 1
Abbas Murza himself^ to the feet of the Khan Huznit/* he said. The
cararan went past Sirakhs, the headqamten of the Salor Turkomans
who paid a sparing and doubtful allegiance to Khoareim and Persta,
and at tiiis very time detained a Persian envoy in chains, while they
refused to grant a share of the transit dues to the Khan, t
At SirakhSy Bumes met the alamans on their return. They dropped
in, he says, by twos and threes, with their horses lame and jaded, and by
evening upwards of a hundred had arrived. They had made a descent
on Meshed four days before, about ten in the morning, and had ridden right
up to the walls of the town, driving men and anhnals before them. They
were not opposed, and yrhta a few miles from the city having counted
their gains found they had 115 human beings, 200 camds^ and as many
cattle with them. They had already divided the booty, one-fifUi being
given to the Khan of Uigenj. Bumes appositely compares these raids
made in the name of religion against the heretic Kirilbashis with the
similar raids made by the Spaniards upon the Mexicans and Peruvians,
where the botcheries of the natives were defended and even blessed by
the priests, and where the King of Spain was also presented with a fifth
of the spoil}
Let us now turn to the intercourse between Khiva and Russia. At
this time there was a very thriving trade carried on by the caravan route
leading from Bukhara by Urgenj and Mangushlak to Astrakhan. About
iS20^ dnrhig the late Khan's reign, when Khiva and Bukhara were at
war, the Russians tried to open a new trade route by the eastern shores
of the Sea of Aral The route having beoi surveyed and found prac-
ticabte a caravan set out duly escorted by 500 soldiers and two guns. It
seems the Khivan Khan was afraid that this contingent of troops might
be used against himself, and sent word to the Russian commander that he
could not allow reinforcements for the enemy to march across his territory,
bttt that the Russians were free to go to Khiva whenever they pleased
and he p ro nds ed them his protection there. The Russians disregarded
this message and tried to force their way, and when the Turkomans and
Kasaks assailed diem they stockaded themsdves. They had not much
<Mculty in defeating their nomade opponents, but they had to retire
eventnatty after burning and losing their merchandise.} This aroused
an ffl feeling between the two countries, and led to mutual raids being
made*
The Russians had been long suffering enough, crowds of their country-
men were hdd in bondage in Khiva, and their caravans were being
constantly plundered. At length, in 183$, they determined to build a
fort to command the landing places at Mangushlak and to overawe the
Khkass. This greatly irritated Allah Kuli Khan, who threatened to
make reprisals, and a party of lao Russians having soon after gone out
•/ii,3Saad39. t/A.9i. lltt*,^ ^ BtrnM, i.. 428.
933 HISTORY or THS MONGOLS.
reconnoitring they were captured and sold as slaves at Bokhara aad
Khokand, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the Emperor. In 1836
the Emperor Nicholas ordered an embargo to be laid 00 all KhifMi
merchants at Orenburgh, Astrakhan, etc, and their release was
forbidden unless the Russians heki in bondage were rdeaaed and
depredations in Russia ceased. The Khivans returning from the Great
Fair at Nishni Novgorod, who are said to have numbered forty-six, were
accordmgly detained in August, 1836; and General PerofsU, the
Governor of Orenbuigh, wrote to the Khan to tell him that his actioiis
were bad, that bad seed produces bad fruit, that he nrast return the
prisoners, cease his life of raiune aad intcifering with the Kasakst and
give the Russians in his country the same privileges accorded to Khivans
in Russia. In January, 1837, an envoy arrived to say the Khan was
ready to release the Russians if the Khivan traders were allewed to go
and the fort of Novo Alexandrofidc was rased* The latter demaad was
ignored, and in regard to the former the release of the OMrchaats was
promised when the Russian prisoners should be set free. In November
of the same year Kabul U, whose son was among the detained Kldvaii^
arrived at Orenbuigh as the Khan's envoy, escorting twenty-five piisoMrs^
and taking considerable presents. The Khan also promised to send back
others. It seems he was afraid he would be asked for the kun or blood
money for the life of Prince Bekovitch and of the Russians who had
died in captivity, and for compensation for the plunder of the various
caravans. A reply was sent back that Russia could not abate her cfadms
nor release the Khivans untilall the prisoners were set free. Afterwaitkig
two years scarcely 100 men were restored, while in 1859 about aoo fishes^
men were seised on the Caspian.* It was therafore determmed to adopt
more active measures, and on the 26th of November, i839^a prodamatioii
was issued setting out the grievances of Russia-t In the beginning of
1840, General Perofrki left Orcnborgh with about 6^000 infimtry,
lo^ooo camels, and an aimy of drivers. The wfauer was choesa as aflford-
ing a more certain siqiply of water. But the weather proved unusually
severe and the thennometer fell to #0^ below sero ; snow was piled up in
drifts, and a terrible wind swept over the naked sisppes. Several thousand
soldieis were frostbitten and lost their legs and ams, and a .gnat
number of men and animals perished before they reached >yd)uiak on tiie
Russian and Khivan frontier.) Meanwhile, the Kushbegi left Khiva witii
several thousand men to oppose the enemy. They found the snow $ foot
deep and had to drive a herd of Kaiak ponies before them to open a way
and then rode with a wall of snow on eidier side. An advanced body of
Turkomans made a raid on tlie Russian cat^, but were belly pursued
and lost forty of their men. The Usbeg general in a letter to his master
described the Russians as hall^^tarved, pig-eating, idol-worrii^iping sons
* MkbtU, S4^«. t/ifH54S. IF«rrkr,Ali|lM«,4fli.
ALLAH KUU KHAN. 933
ofbftmtfiidwn. He spoke of them as soldiers in contemptaoas terauy
and as the Khan coold easily dissipate them at any time he requested
permission to retire to winter quarters to Kunkurat. His men had
sofiered terribly from the frost— feet, ears, noses, and even men's tongues,
iHiich were protruded while sleeping, had been frostbitten and lost.*
Pero61d finding the elements too much for hhn deterinined to retire,
which he accordingly did afrer losing the greater part of his army.
This untoward event was not ungrateful ta the English diplomacy of
that time, and Major Todd, who was then at Herat as agent, sent the
Kasi Muhammed Hassan on an embassy to Khiva to draW closer the
bonds between the two countries. At this time the Vizier Yaknb
Mdchter was very hostile to the English, and the Kazi met inth a rude
reception from him. He had an audience with the Khan, who reproached
him for having introduced the English who were Kaffirs into a Mussul-
man land. To this he replied that Allah Kuli had himself refused to
assist his senior brother, Shah Kamran, and had forbidden his subjects to
furnish him with provisions, and that the Bukharians and Muhammedzis
had followed his example and joined the Khajars, whereupon the English
came to the rescue with their com, gold, blood, and intellect to defend
the ramparts which were crumbling under the balls ci Muhammed Shah,
and protected the true Mussulmans against the heretics, and he ended up
by asking who were Infidels, the Persians whom he had supported or the
English who had protected the true believers, and might ere long be needed
to stem the invasion of Russia.t At this point, seeing the impression he
had produced, the "Kazi drew from his pocket a letter from Major Todd,
and assured him that its words were so many precious pearls which he
had woven into a wreath of firiendship, etc* It was contained in
a sUken bag embroidered with gold. The Khan greedily broke the seal
and read the letter containing the proposals for an active alliance against
Russia. The Khan was much pleased with the letter and with the
optical instruments and splendid arms which accompanied it, while Yakub
Mdchter, whose insolent behaviour had reached the Khan's ears, was
temporarily disgraced.} The draft of a treaty was arranged, and the Kazi
set out on his return. He was waylaid near Merv by Niaz Muhammed
Khan, ftkt uncle of Yakub Mekhter, from whose minions he escaped with
difficulty. When the Kazi had reported the suctess of his mission
to Major Todd that officer despatched Captain Abbott to Khiva.
He was instructed to obtain the liberation of the Russian prisoners,
and then to go to Astrakhan, and, if possible, secure the release
of the Khivan merchants. Abbott set out in the spring of 1840^
^firectly afker the- disaster to General Perofiski's cohmin.( Eh route he
sent on a messenger to acquaint the Khan with his approach, who found
the latter seated in his black tent, whereupon he took off his shoes, raised the
934 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
cmtJun, entered, oossed his haudi^ and said. Salaam Alikuniy and stated
his mission. The Khan treated him kindly and sent out a lordly escort
to meet Abbott, who was assigned quarters in one of the Visier's palaces
ovtside the town.* Abbottenteredthedtyinhisembfoideredvnilbimaad
gold epaolette% attended by the master of the ceremonies and a
escort with beJesseOed bridles and handsome matchlock guns, who
chaiged their pieces, and wheeled their horses at foU q)eed M^# ^xxtfltet
He entered the town through a crowd of pei>(^ and then repaired to his
lodgings. He was assigned two tillas a day, or tweoQr-etght shillings for
his maintenance, which he, however, refused to accept, much to the profit
of the Vizier4 He had pheasants, mebns, grapes, etc, for his meals, and
fiured sumptuously. It was not long before he was summoned to an audience
with the Khan, and he tells us the housetops on his way were crowded widi
women* The palace, a poor brick building at a comor of the city waU,
had some brass guns near one of its gates. Having entered an outer
room he mistook the vizier for the Khan and duly saluted him ; he says
he was a dark, high featured, long bearded man, who reminded him of
the knave of dubs, and was dressed in a large Uib^ cap and a quilted
chbti robe. He was first offered some refreshments, then after
remaining for about an hour kneeling in the recognised constrsined
attitude, he was summoned to the Khan's presence, presented his
credentials and gifts, and stated the object of his mission as bdng to
cultivate a mutual friendship between E n gland and Khiva, and doobdess
also to thwart the ambition of Russia .|
Abbott describes AUah Kuli, whom he calls the Khan Huzrut or Svpxtmc
Khan of Khuarezm, as about 45 years old, of an ordinary stature and
very agreeable countenance, and as having more beard than most of the
Udbegs, due to the mixture of Persian blood in his veins. He says he
was amiable and just, with a sound judgment, but with a hard dispo-
sition. Major Gens says he knew Russian, which he had learnt from an
Astrakhan captive named Phoma, f>., Thomas.| Like his coontiymen he
was fond oi sport, and spent several months in the winter in hawking and
coursing. He bad strictly but four wives, but, says our author, as he
was an admirer of beauty these were occasionally changed, so that the
total number claiming the position was twelve^ several of whom had
frunilies. Their title was Babi, and they were chiefly ci Uxb^ race
chosen from among the branches of the royal funily. The Khan's
brother, Rahman Kuli, hdd the office of Inak of Hasarasp. He was a
tan and powerftd person with a vigorous mind and nwch consulted by
his brother. The Khan*s eldest son, or the Tureh, acted generally ^M
regent when his father was away hunting, otherwise he took no part in
affairs. Of the officials the Mdditer was the most important The
« Abbott. {.,61.4. 1/4^.64. l/d.,67. ifd^n-
I Bmt gad Htlatnta, Btitraft» i.»03.
ALLAH KULI KRAM. 935
fomer holder of the office, Ytisaf bi, was remarkable to his humanitx
and tale&t and had held the post under five successive monarchs. From
respect to his memory the office was given to his son Yakob hi, whose
incapacity and irresolution are inveighed against by Abbott The
Kttshbegi had also succeeded his father in his office. He commanded
the force sent i^ainst the Russians, in which campaign we are told he
exhibited neither courage nor military skilL The government of the
country was purely autocratic, the monarch himself transacting all im-
portant business and giving special orders on aU important alEiirs, the
prime minister, or mekhter, having little mem authority than an En^ish
undersecretary. The Ku^begi, or Grand Falconer, who was commander-
in-chief, discharged ahemately high military functions and the meanest
of a civil character. Even the priesthood had small influence.*
When Abbott was presented he found the Khan seated on a
carpet and supported by several curiiions. He was dressed in a
green doak fringed and lined with dark sables and showing at the
waist a gokl chain; a large Usbeg cap of bUck lambskin was
on his head, a dagger with a golden sheath in his bdt. The
dark tent in which he sat was about 34 feet in f^'^^^^pf^n and
contained no furniture but the carpet and cushions just mentioned; a
fire burnt in its midst, and the smoke went out at a hole in the ceifang.
The Khan, it seems, was devoted to smoking, which was said to be Ins
only vice^ as he neither snuffiMl nor drank and had but four wives.t The
audience over, Abbott sent a letter and rifie he had brought with him to
the Khan^s brother, the Inak of Hazarasp. He also received permission
to ride out about the place and send his people out as he pleased.! He
was soon summoned to another audience iHiere he was questioned as to
the relative power of Russia, England, and other £urq)ean countries; as
to his ampacity for discriininating whether gdkl was ibuiid in certain Aeigh-
bourhoods^ and as to his knowledge of medicine. The Khan had a sore
ear for which he asked the English Ekhi to prescribe, and the latter
prudently recommended him to warii it with soap and water and to sit
£King the wind.! Abbott tiien urged the Khan to use his good offices lor
the release of Coloiid Stoddart, but he regiitd that he was on tenns xi
defiance with the Amir, who he said was a madman, and ended by
ia^iking what ransom the Ea^^ish would give for him.| Soon after
he had an audience with die Vizier and dis cus sed with him the recent
Russiait expedition. He urged on that official the necessity of the
rdease of the Russitti prisoners before the Khivans coukl expect any
assistance from England, and was assured the Khan meant soon to
rdease them alL The Khan now sent a messenger to the Amir of
Bukhara to solicit the rdease of Cokmd Stoddartf
936 HISTORY OF THB MONGOIS.
In another audience Abbott presented the Khan with a map of Enrope,
the names being written in Persian, and pointed out to him the interest
England naturally felt in Central Asia from her rdations with India,
and the necessity there was both for her and the Khivan Khan to
restrain the ambition of Russia. He also explained her policy towards
the Afghans, etc.* In another interview the discussion turned on the
recent Russian expedition and the release of the prisoners. The Khan
was evidently afraid of Russia, and produced a six-pound shot polish e d
like silver which had been carried off by his people in the recent
skirmish, and Abbot concluded from the effect of this shot on the Khan^
nerves that ** so long as it remained in the royal pavilion it would keep
ajar the docnr oi reconciliation.'i' He now prepared for his journey to
Russia, to secure the assent of that power to the terms for the exchange
of prisoners he had arranged. The Khan suggested he should go by
way of Mangushlak, as the district about Mount BaUdian wjis in the
hands of the Yomuds, who were in revolt against him.) It is curious
to find the Khan in discussing the power of various nations describing
China as the most powerful of empires,$ showing how long the tradition
of its strength survived in Central Asia. Abbott's departure vras
constantly delayed on the plea that the Caspian was frozen and the
steppes were deep in snow, and he was shari^y interrogated about
various embarrassing matters— for instance, as to the Russians being
idolaters, and as to Christians believing in more than one God. In
regard to the latter point Abbott neatly escaped the difficulty. *^ Do you
bdieve Christ to be the son (tf God ? ** he was asked. ''What do yoa
cafl him ?'' he said. " He was the son of Huzrut Mariam.'* ^ And his
fiuher P'' They could not answer this. '' But what do your books call
him? Do they not call him Ru Allah, the Spirit of God ? " On their
not having a reply he said, '^Will you exfdain this^the spirit of a
spirit ? I will then inform you why we call him, as he called himself,
the Son of God.*|| He was asked if he had ever seen the mountains
of Kaf through the chink in which the first dawn shows itself on Bab ol
Mandeb, where an angel stands whirling a fiery sword, etc. The most
embarrassing questions were generally about the pig, and Abbott had
to show considerate ingenuity to avmd confessions on this crucial
matter. He did this by affecting not to know what was meant by
Idiuk, <>., pig, and neatly turned the table on the Uzbegs by asking
if they meant that animal with long ears and a sweet voice, the asSf
and saying, ** No, we never eat anything so undean." The wild asi
was an Uz1>eg delicacy.^
Sudi traps and pit£dk-were laid for him at every comer, and it was
necessary for him to be cautious, for only shortly before, two Europeans
*Id^^. 1/d^ toy I Id., 11^ Md.,117,
I /4.» tax* i Id; 110.
ALLAH KULI KUAN. 937
wko appeared m the Khanate without credentials were executed at
Rn^rian Mfios, and the Khan dwddod over their &te.* The Viiier,
who was a verf avaridovs person, extorted our traveller's watdi as th^
laasem of an A%han dependent of his who had been imprisonedy and
other usefbl articles on other pleas, and he tried to thwart him in various
wajs. One of his needs was what he called wanning medicine, a
oophemism for brandy, which Abbott, who was a total abstateer, coukl
not of coarse snpi^X him with.
On one occasion Abbott was invited to a test at the patocot He
was told to change his white tmban for an Usbeg cap^ probaUy to
avoid scandal to the priesAood, who alone wore white tmbans there.
When he entered the saloon he foand sixty or seventy people chiefty
priests; the Sheikh nl Islam was at one end, &en followed the rest,
kneding in a row, with dieir backs to the wall Abbott's seat was
s^arated from that of the last of the priests by a meniber of the
royal fiunily. He saluted the assembly on entering with the Salaam
Alikam, and had a conversation with the chief MoUah. He arnnsfaigly
describes the torture to his legs and ankles caused by the constrained
position in which he knelt for a while, and how astonished the a sse mb ly
was when he ventured to prodalm his pain and to change his positioB
to the squatting attitude adopted by tailors. After ntting an hour fai
solemn silence^ the Persian envoy entered and sat on the opposke side
of ibt room, three places bdow Abbott's. He had gone to Khiva to
obtain the release of 90,000 Persian slaves, equal In value to £^fiot>, as
a return for guaranteeing the Khan from the Russians. Soon alter he
entered, the Sheikh ul Islam pointedly asked him what those were who
denied the titk of the three $rst Khalifs, f>., die Shias; and the
enlbarrassed envoy, amidst the titters of the audience, had to say
Kaffirs, a confession wkkh Shia casuistry readily excuses iHien made
under compulsion. An hour after the Persian envoy, came the Inak
and his cousin, the eldest son of the late Khan. Several long pieces
of chintx were now brought in and spread on the floor; on these
were ranged flat cakes of bread, then earthenware basins df mutton
broth, with dumsy wooden spoons, swimmhig in fat ; and lastly, some
poor pUa£i and cups of mixed butter and grape juice* Aftenrarda the
doth was removed and cold water poured over their hands, when they
dispersed.'t Among his greatest triumphs Abbott countM an order he
(4>tained from the Khan for the release of twenty-two daughters of
A%faans who were p r is oner s at Khiva, which was done as a peace offer->
ing to the Queen of England, while a double-edged dagger, with its Ivory
hilt studded with jewels, a small head-stall for a horse decorated with gold
inlaid widi rough rubies and emeralds, and an Ispahan sabre were sdeeted
as presents for the Russian Emperor, The letters sent with these written in
* M, 131. t AbMf • JmrMl. tj/S-t^^
4W
938 HISTOltY or TUB iCOMOOU.
were encwced in saroeait bags flowoed with gold. He obtained
pemlssioii for a Russian of&dal I^Tisit Khiva to take back to Rxissia
aU the o^itives he ooold find who wish^ lo return, on condition that the
Khlvan traders wem released.* Abbotfs efttikts seem to have prodnoed
some i mpress km npon tiie Khan. At Khiva military rank was^onfierred
by tbe Khair himself, a commander of a thoisand horse receiving a
dagger with a golden, and one of a hundred with a sihrer scabbanLt
Abbott was thwarted at every step by the Mekhter, Who^ it woold seem,
afietted to believe him a Russian wpy. In one of their angry conlecenoes,
when he spidce about his destiny, Abbott suggested that this might be to
lose Khiva to the Russians. ''Oh!'' he said fiercely,'* if we laUfightbg
the Kaffirs We pass strfiught to paradise." " And your women,'' rallied
the sarcasticofficer, ''what kind of paradise will your wives and dai^^iters
find ia the arms of Rlissi4n soldiers ?" A repa r tee to which no answer
was madct The Persian envoy left Khiva some days before AUwtt.
In answer lo the Shah's request fbr the rdease of prisoners and promise
of aid AUahKuli sent theboorish answer, "Tell Muhammed Shah that he
is still a child, his beard is not yet grown ; why does he not first drive
the Russians out of Persia? "I At his final audience with the Khan the
•
latter sunwioned the chief of the Chaudor Tiu^komans who wandered
between Khhra and BlangusUak, and who, having heard of the libendity
of Abbott, wished to be his guides and ordered him to conduct Inm saColy
to Mangushlak and then to obtain hhn means for the transit to Astrakhan.
BeftNce he retired he reminded the Khan that as his dominions formed a
barrier between two rival em^res, it.would be well for him to behave
with prudence. '^ It is very hard," said the Khan in reply, " that they
cannot find in all the world some other battb-fidd than just my dOi-
mhiions."! His profiise liberality had left the English envoy very bare of
money, and he ftuled to persuade the officials at Khiva to find him any^
so that he could not ransom the female sUves and others whom he had
intended sending to Herat He set out irith a quaking step under the
escort of the powerful and unprincipled Turkoman chie£ The rest of his
adventures I must rapidly condense. The whole story of his su0erings
is tdd in graphic terms in his very picturesque narrative, assuredly one
of the most brilliant books of travel ever written.
He duly reached the port of Guedik, where, however, he could find
no ship^ this having been previously arranged by the treadierous Visier.
He, therefor^ determined to go to Dash Kaleh, a post occupied by the
RossianSf lour days fiuther south. His escort refused to accompany him,
and he had to go on with his servants. Eh r9uU and within ten hoars
of his goal he was attacked by a party of UriMgs, was seised and stripped^
and in the meke he lost two fillers and received a gash on the head. In
*/il.«i#3. t/i/.,ll4. t//Mi7«. 1/^175.
I z*'.. 179.
ALLAtf KUU KHAN. 939
this State he was carried off to a nomade camp some distance away,
wittrt he was treated with great cmeltjr and his servants were reduced to
slavery.*
Meanwhile Major Todd had despatched a most faithfiil A^han named
Akhud Zadeh to Khiva with some money for Abbott, and Ferrier has
described the loyalty and perseverance with which when he heard dthat
officer's hit, although he did not know the Tartar language, and had to
suftr great privations, he eventually found him in destitution. He was
anned widi a special firman from Allah Kuli and speedily obtained his
release. Abbott now made his way to the Russian outpost and thence
to Astrakhsm, whUe Aldmd Zadeh returned to Khtva.t
A report having reached Herat that Abbott was dead, Major Todd
despatched Lieutenant Shakespear to make inquhies and to complete
the negodations. He arrived there the same day as Akhud Zadeh and
from him learnt the particulars of what had happened. He then pro-
ceeded with his business and won a favourable opinion from the Khan*
In one ofhis conversations with him the latter said, ''How is it your
nation, which is so distant from mine, should wish so much for an alliance
with me ?'' To which Shakespear neatly replied, ** We possess India, a
vast garden, and for fear of a surprise we wish to surround it with walls ;
those walls are Khiva, Bukhara, Herat, and Kabul^t The Vizier
Yakub Mekhter, who tried continually to thwart him, having sneered at
hhn for being an infidel, he replied tartly to that intriguer, ^ Which of us
is the infidel— you, who, driven by insatiable avarice, daily put daves
to the torture, tear the daughter from her fiather, the wife from her fans-
band, and sell them to the highest bidder in you^basaaJrs ; or those whOi
like myself, seek the deliverance of so many unhappy beings, and wish to
send them back to their country and their families ? " The Khan, who
Mi keenly this jibe, turned to the Vizier and asked him when he would
cease to expose their vices to strangers, and to one who would make
them known to all the world, and Yakub remained in disgrace for
some days. To conciliate the Khan, Shakespear gave him a bill of
exchange endorsed by the Kazi of Herat which was to be paid him if the
long-delayed caravan was not released. He then collected all the Russian
prisonen he could find^ to the number of 434, and hiring camels for their
transport 'duly arrived at Old Urgenj, and thence^went on to Astrakhan
and 8t Petersburg, where he was very courteously received by the Tzar
Nidiolas and was afterwards knighted.
Ferrier justly animadverts on the contrast between these rewards and
the n^lect which was the portion of Abbott and Akhud Zadeh, who had
prepared the way, and instances it as a case of the grim comedy of the
world! Abbott himself, who must have been a singulariy amiable
person, in referring to the same contrast, says that no one could ifiore
•/^4S9. t«.43I. lU ♦//..433.
940 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
intieaUy bear hardship than himself and no one was more deserving ci
a laurel wreath than Shakespear. Among the released prisoners some
had occupied high positions at Khiva. One, William Laurentie^ had been
chief of the artillery ; and another, Ann Kostin, a soldier^ wife, had been
housekeeper to the Khan. In July, 1840, Allah Kuli issued a prodamap
tion abolishing the trade in Russian slaves and prohibiting inroads into
the Russian dominions.* The English influence at Khiva was only short*
lived. Meanwhile the Shah seems to have again pressed for the release of
his countrymen. The Khan very naturally rqilied they had been boa^^t
for hard cash torn the Turkomans, who could not be made to diigoige
ndiat they had paid for them ; that many of the slaves had redeemed
themselveSi married, and settled at Khiva, and if he attempted to
send them back there wouki be an outbreak in the Khanate.t Thereupon
the English once more offered their services, and Captain ConoUywas
sent to Khiva to try and settle the differences, and was accompanied by
Allah Dad Khan Papobye, an envoy from the A%han ruler Shah Sh^ja.
At Meimeneh he met Akhod Zaddi, who also went with him. Conolly
was wdl received by the Khan, but he refused to rdease the prisoners.
After he had been at Khiva four months Y^ Muhammed, the Afghan
governor of Herat, turned Major Todd out of that town and sent to
advise the Khivan Khan to do the same with Conolly. Instead of diis,
he presented him widi a robe of honour, begged him to consider Khiva
as his country and the Royal Palace as his own house. As he could
not secure the release of the slaves in a direct way he now proposed
to tansom them, and sent Akhnd Zadeh to Kabul to suggest this to Sir
'William McNa^^iten. The departure of that official, who, as the son
of the Kazi of Herat, had great authority and who was much attached to
the English, opened the way for $resh intrigues, and Yakub Mekhter's
influence was soon in the ascendant The Khan speedily became more
exacting asked for a subsidy, and also for English officers to <«ganise
his army and to cast some guns for him. ConoUy made eacuaes and
especially urged that such a policy would endanger the life of Colonel
Stoddart The Khan became more and more disagreeable, and ended
by letting Conolly know that he was in his way, and that he diould not
be very sorry if he were to leave.t He thereupon made up his
mind to go to Khokand to explore the route thither as he *had been
instructed. His subsequent adventures I have detailed elsewhere.!
MeaniAile the intercourse between Khiva and Russia continued
imermittently. In 1840 Lieutenant Aitof returned to St. Petersburg
before the arrival of the other prisoners, and was accompanied by a
Khivan envoy luuned Athanias KhojaReis Muft^ who took a letter fior die
Emperor and returned in 1 841. Thre^ other envoys followed him, but
none went to the Russian capital^ One of dieae^ named Sfainar Mabmet
I
• MidMU, «f . dt* 9S0> 1 Ferri«r,4S4> IX^4SS^ iAtUftT^Sn.
MUHAMMED AMtN KHAN. 94X
Niaiy rtt«med borne with Ctptaiii Nikifon^, who triad in vain to
negodtte a treaty. Colonel DanMefidd went to the Khanate in 1843
and tocoeeded in maldnf the fint treaty between the two coontries.
While he was at Khiva the Khan Allah Kofi died. This was m iS4a.
Several oC his cehis, on which he stjrles himseif Allah Kali Bdiador
Khan* are extant It is curioaa to find on these coins the revival of the
old name of the Khanate, Khuaresm, which occurs on them as a mint
pUct/
RAHIM KULI KHAN.
Rahim Kuli succeeded his £uher in i&p. His reign began with a
strugi^ with the J emt h id i i » an Iranian tribe living on the left bank of
the Murghab, of whom lo^ooo had been transported to Khuaresm and
planted as a colony on the bank of the Oxus near Kilijbay. The Sarik
Turkomans who encamped abont Merv also began hostilities. His
yoonger brother^ Muhammed Amin, was sent against them with i5/x)o
men, but they suffered very severely in the terrible country that inter-
venes between those two towns. As the Amur of Bukhara was at this
time besieging Hasaraspi the Inak turned his arms against and defeated
him, and concluded a peaoe.t Rahim Kuli died in 18454 M. VeL
Zemof has published one of his coins.}
MUHAMMED AMIN KHAN.
Rahim Kuli Khan was succeeded by his brother Muhammed Amin.
Vambery says he is looked upon as the greatest of the Khuarezmian
Khans of modem times. Directly alter mounting the throne he marched
^[ainst the Sarik Turkomans and after six campaigns captured the
citadel of Merv, as well as a fort named Yoldten in its ndghbouihood.
Scaicdy had he returned, however, to Khiva when the Sariks icbdled
and killed the officer he had left in command at Merv, as well as the
garrison there. He again fought against them and had as his allies the
JemshidSi old rivals of the Sariks, under their chief Mir Muhaouned.
The allies were successful and afterwards efftered Khiva together in
triumf^ The Tddn tribe next proved rebelliods and he had to march
against it, and alter tiuee campaigns, in which many men and cattle
perished, they were in part subdued, and a body of Usbegs and Yomnds
was left among them to ov e r a we them. A quarrel having ensued between
the leaders of diese two co mfa gen u , the Khan had the Turkoman chief
hnriedfrom the topofak fty tower at KMva. This exasperated the Yomuds
agahist hhn and they alUed dienssdves secretly with the Tddces. I
* Vtl Zmmi, ColM 9i Btkbtn, etc, 444* «tc t Vambeiy. Tr»vdi» jss-tf .
^ mnoitT or thb momoou.
I bare shown how die Khivan Khans bq[an to dwnhiate note or less
over the neii^boaring Kazaks. TheKasaksof theLowerSiror Jaxartes
afterwards became the d^ectsof rhrahry between the KhhroM and the
Khokandiansi and when the hitter boilt aonie forts on that river diey
received notice from the fotmer to demoHsh them. As dwjr did not do
80^ the Khtvans during the reign of Allah Knli Khan boOt several strong*
holds on the left bank of the river Kuvan for the collection of riaket or
dues from the Kazaks and from the caravans that passed that way. Thb
was about 185a* In 1846 the Khivans built their frontier fortress of
KhojaNiazbi, so called from die name of its first govemor.t TheKhtvan
rule there was a harsh one^ and the Kazaks were especially punished for
the raids of Jan Khqja, who destroyed Bish Kaleh.t
Meanwhile the RusslanSy who also claimed suserain rights over the
Kazaksi were naturally anxkms about these encroachments, and Ihey
speedily advanced then: foot also. In 1847 they boilt several forts in the
Kasak stq^,$ and in that very year the Khivans lepfied with a demonstra-
tion in its neigfabourliood.ll The same year the fort of Rahnsk orAraU
was founded on the Sea of Aral This was accepted as a menace by Ae
Khivans, who crossed the Sir to the number of 3,000, and harried more
tium a thousand families of Kasaks owing allegiance to Russia. The
Russians attacked and punished the marauders and rdeased the prisoners.
Three months later the Khivans made a raid into the Karakom steppe,
where they murdered many old men* carried off women and diildren,
and robbed two caravans, but on hearing that Uie Russians were in
motion they hastily withdrew. In 1848 they made several inroads across
the Sir ; on one occasion 1,500 of them proceeded to pillage the Kaaks
for neariy twenty-four hours^ while 300 Turkomans approached within
gunshot of the Russian fort and visited their landing whaiC They soon
found they were no match, however, for the troops of the white Tiar,and
contented themsdves with askii^ for the demolition of the forts of Araisk
and Novopetrovsk.1[
In 1853 General Peroftki attacked the Khokandian forts on the Lower
Sir as I have mentioned.** In order toprevent the Khivans from ^viqg
assistance, he made a demonstration towards their fort of Kbcja Nias.tt
It was to oppose tiiis that, as I have said, thd Khan Muhammed Amfai
sent a divinon of his army. At this time, however, the Rnasians didnot
go beyond indttng thdr Kasak allies to scour the country i^jbit and kit
In the b^innhig of 1855 Muhammed Amin undertook a campaign
against Skakhs. The terrified inh a bitant s sent to ask asdntanrr from
Feridnn Muna, the ruler of Meshket He quaddy maidiod to Ak
Derbend, about 70 vasts distant, with 7,000 Kherasan troops, jyooo
others and 10 guns. He sent on an advanced division of 500 men nndv
«likMl.op.ch.,3iS.i9. t/^,3«5- lA^JSo. fM,Ssio.
t RoMiMiM ItnM. Ir, ns. f^^»3ft^ ** if i»tfr, |S3 Md •94. ttMMta,S»
ABDULUl RHAK. ^3
Mohammed Hassan* Near Sliakhs these were joined hf several
handled others, and together they fell on the first Khivan division,
deisatedtity c aptur ed six r^ i M?i if| and compsllcKl Mohammed Amin to
retire^ The Khan had i^arstes^r pitched his camp some distance fiom
his people^ and a volonteer firom Merv tifl b i e d to guide Mohammed
Hassan to it. He did so, and succeeded in capturing Mohammed Amin*
Out oC 900 Kh oar es mi ans idu> were near some were killed and the
rest fled. The Khan was at once decapitated. The Perdans ^ee^
relieved Sirakhs, and the Khivans, who had lost their Khan, withdrew,
losing many prisoners in the retreat; 370 heads, indodii^^ those of
Midunnmed Amin and of fourteen of hb relations, were sent as a ghastly
trophy to die Shah it Teheran, who ordered the Khan's head to he
horied and a small mausoleum to be boih over it.* This mawsoleum
was afterwards demolished because the Shah feared the Shias m%ht
mistake it for the tomb of an ImaumZadeh^ and it might thus give rise
to a sinfol actf Mohammed Amin was killed in iSss* M. Vd. Zemof
has published one of his cobis, on which he styles himsdf Muhammed
Amin Bdiadur Khan.$
ABDULLA KHAN.
The retreating army raised AbdoUa, the son of IbaduOa, the son
of Kttthii^ Muiad, who was brother to the hst Khan s grandfother, to
the throne. Scarcely had he reached the capiul when Seyid Mahmnd
Tor^ a brother of ADah Koli Khan, who had superior claims to the
throng in the presence of all the moUahs and grandees, threatened to kOl
the new Khan. He was, however, imprisoned.
Then the Yomuds, who had latteriy been so persecuted, intrigued in
fovour of two other princes, one of idiom was apparently called Ata
Murad.$ The insurrection was, however, nipped in the bud, both
the young princes were strangled, and the Khan marched at the head
of several thousand troops to punish their supporters, the Turkomans.
They were prudently repentant, and their aksakah went to him
submissively, with bare feet, and swords suspended round their necks.
He pardoned thenit but two months later they again htg^ to
rebd, and according to Vdiaminof Zemof, invaded the Khanate with
i5/xx> men. The Khan marched against them, and a battle ensued
near Kiiil Tdcer, in which the Uzb^ were beaten. Abdulla was
among the killed, and his body was thrown into a common grave with
a number of others.| A coin of Abdulla^s, on which he calls himsdf
Seyid Abdulla Khan, and struck in 1855, has been published by M. VeL
Zemof.ir
ly —
« Vel. Zemof, CoiM of Bukhara, ttc, is^f. t Vtmhctf, Tnvtii, ssS, aolt.
1 0^ cit.,4S4' I Vuiib«y« op. ciL, 39S ; MicktU, S3-
I VMiboqr, op. dt., S5Hl Vel. 2oraoi;49>< H Coin of BnldMft, ot«., 454.
944 msTCAT or THB wamsmx.
KUTLUGH MURAD KHAN.
The Khivans new laiied AbdoIU't brother Kntfaii^ Mwad, wImi
oofy eii^iteeA yetn old, to the thfooe. Uebadfoofl^iBthelatebettte^
end been bedljr wounded uieve* He, liowevefy pv^peied to roeke bend
egnitttt the YomodSy who set op Ins fittbet^ second cooein, IHas Mobnuned
bi^etAinru. Tbey ovennn theinieneteyend ftbttgomnibfrof Ititownt
Ml into tbdr hands. Meanwhile the Karakalpeks abo nbtSkd^ and
nominated Yailik Tufdi as their Khan. Kndns^Moiadismedafenenl
•ii"*«*^**« to bis people to maich against the Tinhemant, but these
noomdes foiestalkd hint Their pfvi^ Niax bi, gained admissioa to
the pakoe tinder pretence of paying bemage, and thereapen nmr der ed
him and seven of his ministers. During the tnmnlt that Mkmtdf tiie
Ifdehter ascended the wall of the ^tadely and amomicing the
muder from the battlements called upon the Khivans to pot to the
sword erery Yomnd inside the city. These Turioomans were thersopon
san^^ attadced, and very few of them escaped. Vambery says it
todc «z days to dear the streets of corpses.* Coins of this Khan, on
whidi he styles himsdf Kutfaigh Mtirad and Mniad Mohammed
Bdiadnr Khan, have been published by M. Yd. Zemotf
SEYID MUHAMMED KHAN.
On the death of Kutlugh Murad, we are tokl, the crown was tendered
to Seyid Mahmud, the son of Mohammed Rahim KhaUi a devotee to
opium, which rendered him unfit to rule, and in consequence he
abdicated in favour of his younger, brother, Seyid Muhammed, ii^ was
then thirty years okLt He began his reign by attacking the rebdlious
Turcomans and Karakalpaks. He routed a body of the latter who were
on their way fipom Kunia Urgenj to dispute his succession, in which
stroggje Yariil^ who had been chosen as their chief by the Karakalpaks,
was killed. A section of that tribe thereupon submitted to Bukhara.S
These dvil broils caused great devastation and distress in the Khanatei
whose towns were terribly desolated ; and while the Yomuds and Usbegs
destroyed oae another, the Jemshidis from the Murghab plundered the
country from Kitsj to Fitniek and returned home again with much spoil
and s/xx) Persian slaves whom they had rdeased.||
The frontier fortress of Khoja Niaz, where blackmail was levied on
the caravans going between Bukhara and Russia, was generally
garrisoned by about loo men and several guns. Khoja Niaz, from
whom it took its name, was succeeded as its governor by his son Iijan,
* Vambery, op. dt., 359^: U Ichell, op. dt^ )3 ; Vd.Ztno&op.dt»499.
tColM of Bokhara. •tc.454-s. X Vaabar7.op.dU36oi Mkbcll, 592-
^ If icheU. op. dt., 34. | Vaoibtcy, 360-1.
S8YID ntncAitinsn khan. 945
wbo in i8$6 wtnt to Khiva with forty of the ganison. Thevm^oo the
Kaiaks in the neighbourhood proceeded to expel the oflicen left in
chaigei spiked and dnmounted the gans^ dtstroftd their caniagety
and {dnnderod the Khiran property there. They loUowed op their
toccess by canting dieturbances on the Russian tontier. Meanwhile
the Khnkandians laid daime to the fort. They had twice taken it
during the pitvioiis ten yean^ and the last time the Khivans had had to
pay the Khokand Governor of Ak Mejid a large quantity of cattle for
permitting them to return. The Russiane having now conq^red
Western Khokandi natnially claimed a reversion in tiie forty and tent a
detachment to occupy it^ but finding it virtually dismantled and situaled
among raarshee and sterile wastes, with no water aad little Mi near,
tiiey delermitted to abandon it again.*
The disturbances which had so Jong taken l[>lace at Khiva c a us ed a
Ihmine there. In 1857 this was aggravated by an epidemic idnch was
apparently diolera. The same year the Khan sent Fasil Khcja, tte
Shelkfa ul Islam of the Khanate, to St Petersburg to annooace his
aeoesdon, his condolence on the death of the Tsar NichohM, and bearing
hb ooi^ratubtions to his successor, Alezander.f In May, 18581 amission
was sent to Khiva by General Ignatie^ whose journey has been described
by M. KIQilewein. It crossed the Ilek and. Yemba and went aloi^ the
western shoieof Lake Aral to the Gulf of Aibogir. Near Cape Uiga the
Russians were met by four deputies from the Khan, viz., the Karakalpak
prince Istlu, the Kazak bi Azbeigen, Murad bdc, and a son of the
Governor of Kungrad. Al>out half way to the latter town a customs
officer took an inventory of their heavy baggage afraid apparently that they
might have some cannon with them.) They entered Kungrad in state
amidst the shouts of ^ Uius, Urns,* and were there welcomed by the
Divan baba. The governor of the town was not very dvil, and speeded
their dq)arture, as he had to pay tlieir expenses out of his own pocket
This town was the former capital of the Aralians, and only submitted
to Khiva about 1814. Thence tiie mission proceeded in boats towards
Khivar— a tedious journey, averaging but ten miles a day* They found
almost all the villages and towns mined ; the auls or caoq^ of the
Karakalpaks containing only oki men and children, the rest of the
inhabitants having been sold as slaves at Khiva and on the Persian
frontier. The towns of Kipchak and Khoj/aH had met tiie same IUe.S
At New Urgenj, then the second town in the Khanate, they were
welcomed by Daiga, one of the Khan^s mlniiteWf a pertly, iwim^y^iiif.
old man, in a cashmere rob^ whoee portrait is .given in llkheB^ worki
On reaching Khiva the mission encamped in a garden outside the town.
At their audience they found the Khivan iftfemtry at the gates and the
bodyguard marshalled in front of the palace. They were first received
4X
946 HISTOSY or THB tfOVOOIA
by the Malditar^ who like the other great officials had an apartment in
the palace, and then by the Khan. The latter waa seated on a raised
divan with a dagger and pistd lying before him, while behind him floated
the state banner. The Kush begi, the Mekhter, and Di?an bcgi weie
in fronti and the chamberlain at the dttor. The imperial letter was earned
in on a red cushion by the secretary of the mission, and handed to the
Mekhter, who passed it on to the Khan.*
Kiihlewein tells us there were two kinds of gold coins^or tillas issued
in the Khanate^ one worth about twelve and the other about six shillii^s.
The silver coins were the tenga^ worth about ^evenpence^ and the shahi,
about threepence. Puis or karapub w^re the copper coins; forty-
eight of these made a tenga. The army consisted of 1,000 sarbaris or
infantry and Tofioo cavalry. In time of war the tnx^ received four times
their ordinary pay. The revenue had greatly fallen ofi^ chiefly because
of the migration of the Kazaks and the secession of the Turkomana.t
There was peace in the Khanate during the stay of the Russian missi<m,
but afterit left the Kungrads and Karakalpaks making a league with the
Turkoman chief| Ata' Murad, killed their ruler Kutlugh Murad, with
many of his party. He was succeeded by Muhammad Fanah, nq)hew
of Tura Sufi, who I have mentioned as the raler of these Aralians in
the eaxiy part of the century, and who submitted to Khiva in 1814.
Muhammed Fanah was apparently countenanced by the Russians. He
actually styled himself Khan of Khuaresm, and struck coins bearing hit
own name. In the course of another year, howeveri he was killed, and
the Araltan Kungrads again acknowledged the Khan of Khiva as their
master.}
In 1863 Khiva was visited by Vambery. He found the Chaudor
Turkcmians in open rebdlion against the Khan. The Kushbegi and
the Khan's brother had, in fact, taken the field against these marauders,
and he had to make a detour to avoid them. He speaks in glowing
terms of the beauty of the capital, and how he and his Haji companions
were presented with bread and dried fruits as they entered its gates,
amidst shouts of welcome and kisses bestowed upon their rags. At the
caravanserai they had to pass a rude inspection under the eyes of
the Mddirem, during which suspicious tongues whispered freely
Jansiz (spy), Feringhi, and Urub, his European countenance peering
throu^ every di^^uise. At this time there was living at Khiva a certain
Shukrullah bi, who had been to Constantinople as an envoy from the Khan,
and on whom Vambery called. His knowledge of Turkey made him
easily pass himself off as an efiendi from Stambul, who was a dervish by
profession, and had visited Khiva on his way to Bukhara by order of his
Pir or spiritual chiet He was heartily wdomied by the quondam envoy
who inquired about his various friends in the West Vamb«y, with
*/A,3a. tA£,4S-4. 114^39*
SEYtD MUHAlilfED RHAN. 947
die Other hajis, his companioos, pot up at a tddoe or convent^ where
traveling dervishes generaUy stayed. It was called TSshibaz, or Tdrt
Shahbaz, meaning the fbor falcons or heroes, from the four kings who
were buried there.* The day after his arrival he was sununoned to the
Khan's presence hy a yasaul, who also took him a small present His
newly>found patron Shukrullah bi accompanied him. He found a crowd
of people of every age, dass, and sex waiting to present petitions, who
readily made way for the dervish who had come to bless their Khan.
He first had an interview with the Mdditer, before tdiom he wpokt the
usual pmyer, those present duly saying amen and strokingtiieir beards. He
then presented his printed pass sealed with the Sultan's tamgha, whereupon
the Mdditer kissed h reverently^ rubbed it <m his forehead, rose to place
it in the Khan's hand, And, returning, conducted the dervish into the hall
of audience. The Khan was seated on a dais widi his left arm supported
by a round tSXk velvet cushion, and holding a short golden sceptre in
his right handt Vambery describes him as very dissolute in appear-
ance, and as presenting in every feature the picture of an enervated
imbedle and savage tyrant The pseudo dervish raised his handa
in the recognised fa^ion and was fdlowed by the Khan and his
companions. He then recited a short Sura from the Kolan, then two
AUahumu Rabbenna, and concluded with a loud amen, when there was a
general stroldng of the beard While the Khan was still stroking his, eadi
one exclaimed Kabul bdgny, /.^.) ^ May thy prayer be heard" Having
iqpproadied the Khan and duly executed the Musafoha or greeting
prescribed by the Koran, accompanied by the reciprocal extension
of both hands, he redred a fow paces and the ceremonial was at
an endt The Khan inquired about his journey, and he diplo*
matically replied that all its sufferings had been richly rewarded by
the sight of the Huzrats Jemal, i>., the beauty of his majesty,
and he expressed a wish that he might live 170 years. He asked
leave to visit the shrines of the Sunni saints within the Khanate^ and
then to be allowed to speed on his way. He declined the Khan's
proffered money with all the unctuous humility of a ^haj," but accepted
his present of an ass to ride upon, which he adwd might be a white one^
that being the prescribed colour for pilgrimages. The travdler returned
to his lodgings amidstthe greetings of the crowd He complains of the
exacting nature of the hospitality he received, a good appetite being a proof
of good breeding, and *'to be able to eat no more" being deemed incre-
diblct On one occasion he calculates that his companions each consumed
two pounds of rice, apound of fat from a sheep's tail,beside8 bread, carrots,
turnips, and radishes, washed down by from fifteen to twenty huge soup
plates full of green tea. He also had to run the gaundet of a large
number of anxious students who wished to be iafoimed of all the details
* VamSiJrr* Travek, xi4-5« ^Id^tA I Id., uS^
94^ HISTORY Of 1»S llOMOOtA
of a holy man's lifemthatctiHreof cuhitreySuiBbQl;* it oUier tinws
he had to ditpense some (tf the Khald Shifa or ^heahhdnsl* collecttd
in a house at Medina, said to ha?e been the fsophet's, or to bieethe a
Nefex or holy breath to one diseases. AnKonf the acqoamtances he
made was one Haji Ismad, who had lived twenty-five yean in TiiiiBKy«
where he had followed the professions of tntor, proprietor of baths,
leather cutter, caligraphist, diemist, and conjurot but was dien chiefly
fiunotts as a mixer of aphrodisiacs and love potioBs.t Some time after
he had a second interview with the Khani and at his request esduhiled to
hhn a specimen of his calignq^y, in which he professed his own faicar
pacity, but happily said that ^every failing that pleases the Khan is a
virtue.^ On withdmwtng be was eonducted to the apartments of the
State Treasurer, and in a courtyard dose by found some 300 Oiandor
Turkoman prisoners la ng$ and sufiering from hunger^ etc These wen
divided into two sections. Those u«fer forty, chained together in parties
of ten to fifteen, were to be sold as sfatves* Those over that age^ being Ae
Aksalu^s or grey beards^ awaited a severer punishment and he saw eight
aged men [dace themsdves on their badn on the ground, vdiere they
were bound hand and foot ; the executioner then gouged out thdr
eyes, kneeling to do so on die breast oi each of the victims, and after
each operation he wiped his knife dripi»ng with bk>od upon tbe irtiite
beard of the hoary unfortttnate.$ This was partially in revenge for
similar cruelties practised by the Turkomans^ and partially from a
Draconic code which was patronised by the Khan, who» as a great patron
of religkm, was a most exacting judge,' and apparently affixed the punish*
ment of death to many new offences. /n/^n/Jifftocastalookatathiddy
veiled hidy was to incur that doom: the man being hung and the woman
buried in the ground to her breast, and then killed with a volley of
kedaks or balls of baked day. Vambery found the treasurer sorting out
the robes of honour, which rondstfd of gaily-coloured ulk gowns
flowered with gold, for the sucoessfiil officers in the late campaign. The
value of these depended on the number of heads which Uie redpieat
could daimto have cut ofl^ and our travtileriiext daysawa nnmberof
the heroes return dragghig prisoners at then: horses' tails, and also
carrying sacks containing human heads. These they allowed to roll out
on the ground like so many potatoes until there was a heap composed of
severd hundreds. Each one got his recdpt, and a few days later was
duly paid. It is necessary to remember this ghastly brutality, and to
hMlst upon h, for it poinu a grim mord when we discuss the necessity of
die ffa—f^'g out of such dens of iniquity, even by such hard heels aa
those of Russia. Before leavbg, Vambery imparted another blessing to
tlie Khan, who adwd him to visit hfan again on his return from Bukhara,
that he might send an envoy back with him to the new Sultan to obtabi
•idnlifL t/l£,IS«>3* X/A,SjS»
SEYH^ MmUBCMBD RAHIM KHAN. 949
£tQQi him tht usual ittvtttkiife of his Shanalc* Seyld Mtihimwndd
diedia 1865, and was succeeded fay hit Sin Seyid Ifahannncd Rahim
Bdiadof ^ Hm i"-
SEYID MUHAMMED RAHIM KHAN.
His reign has proved a singulaiiy disastreus one for te Khanato of
KhuaiesoDu It was doubtless inevitable that some time or otlMr the
Russians would plant their heavy foot upon it ThecBsa8tersefBd»vtoch
and Peroftki were grim shadows that invited retributioa tomerime, and
the lawless subjects of the Khan afibided ample excuses of other kiiida
fisrintcrfoenceinhisafiairs. Yet the disaster came somewkat betoe its
time. Russia, like all vast ensures whose means of commnnicatioo am
badewavd, and whkh profess to have a strong centralised anthodtyi
is nmch too often at the mercsr of its border commanders. Thejr
necessarily have to be invested wHh the discretionary powers of satraps
Wheiethey are ambitious they can easily force the hand of the centnl
authorityi and when so forced even against its will and contrary to its
policyi it has to condone what has cost treasure and blood to secure. It
cannot in the &ce of a victorious army and the prestige it has secured
sacrifice the fruits of victory even when thus obtainedf and even when
to do so lays it open very naturally to the chaige of Machiavellianism.
Such an ambitious person was General Kauimann, who, in 1867, im-
mediately after his arrival at Tashkend, wrote to inform the Khan of his
iqppointment and claiming the id^ to send detadmients across the
Sir Daria or Jaxartes to punish manmders. The Khan, we are told, was
then but twenty years old, and was more occu^ed with falconry than
with business. His answer, which arrived a fow months later, repudiated
the Russian claim to rule both banks of the Sir. In it he undertook to
keqp the peace south of the river.f It nuist be remembered that the
Kasaks who owed allegiance to Russia were in the habit of wintering
largely south of the Sir and on the Kuvan and Yany Daria, and notwith?
ffa miip g- the Khan's letter. Russian detachments conti m itd to cross the
former river to punish those who assailed thenu Meanwhile on the other
side of the Khanate the Rusuans were enlaigiAg their influence in the
Caspian. In November, 1869^ to overcome the Turkomans^ and probably
also as a future base against Khiva, a detachment landed at the bay of
Krasnovodsk and proceeded to build a fortress there^ and shortly after
another was planted at Chikishlar. At this time there occurred a wide-
spread rebellion in the steppes. The Don Cossacks who resented the new
regulations which were being imposed upon them, the Kalmuks and 4he
Kasaks, were all in a state of ferment; the Kazaks in the neighbourhood
of Tui|^ alone being quiet TheValieyof the Vdlga and the Ural were
*i^»i4S. tTerMtM;8ckqrlWptt.,4A
9SO BISTORT or THB MCMIOIA
tbitt ia a State of conlusiof^ the tenified inhi^^
ceased to pass. This iebdik»cotitiiwifdattthioqgh the sarnie
and the Kaxaltt succeeded in homing the fort of NofoAle iaa dw fek on the
Mertwyi-Kultok inlet of the Ca^jdan, The small station of Nikofau, inth
the neighhoming li^itshqiSy wtxt also destroyed, and a d etachment oader
CdonelRnkinwasovenrhehned.* When the Rnssiaa troops went to pot
down the rebels the Utter affinned that they had been instigatfd byte
Khivan Khan, and the latter also was accosed of sca ttering inJammatory
proclamations and of attisling the rd)eb wiA men and money.t He was
also chaiged rith harboonng oodaws and robbers, with keqiing a
nmnber of Russians in dnranoe^ and with detaining the Russian envgyi
Soltan Daulet Bushaef, a Kasak whom he accused of having been
treacherous both to Khokand and Bukhara.)
As a set-off to the building of the fort at Krasnovodsk, the Khan,
sent a detachment to poison all the wells on the way dildier, by
throwing dead dogs into them. He had a new citadel built in his caphal,
and aimed it with twenty guns, and ordered the Taldik diannd of the
Oxus to be diverted and several canals to be cut to make it impassable
for Russian ships.
A small fort was built at Cape Urga, and the Russian Kaxaks
migratitig to Khiva were fteed from all taxes on condition of supplying
troops in case of n^ar.f General Kanfinann in January, 1870^ wrote the
Khan a peremptory letter, repeating his former complaints, and threatening
vengeance unless things wero altered* This letter was speedily answered
in two others, one from the Kush b^ and the otherfrom the Divan bq;L
They insisted on the right of the Khivan tax collectors to levy does from
the peq>le in the Bokan mountains, of which complaint had been made,
and as to the capt